7. Egypt's Evolving Media Landscape
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In May 2011, Freedom House Issued a Press Release Announcing the Findings of a Survey Recording the State of Media Freedom Worldwide
Media in North Africa: the Case of Egypt 10 Lourdes Pullicino In May 2011, Freedom House issued a press release announcing the findings of a survey recording the state of media freedom worldwide. It reported that the number of people worldwide with access to free and independent media had declined to its lowest level in over a decade.1 The survey recorded a substantial deterioration in the Middle East and North Africa region. In this region, Egypt suffered the greatest set-back, slipping into the Not Free category in 2010 as a result of a severe crackdown preceding the November 2010 parliamentary elections. In Tunisia, traditional media were also censored and tightly controlled by government while internet restriction increased extensively in 2009 and 2010 as Tunisians sought to use it as an alternative field for public debate.2 Furthermore Libya was included in the report as one of the world’s worst ten countries where independent media are considered either non-existent or barely able to operate and where dissent is crushed through imprisonment, torture and other forms of repression.3 The United Nations Development Programme’s (UNDP) Arab Knowledge Report published in 2009 corroborates these findings and view the prospects of a dynamic, free space for freedom of thought and expression in Arab states as particularly dismal. 1 Freedom House, (2011): World Freedom Report, Press Release dated May 2, 2011. The report assessed 196 countries and territories during 2010 and found that only one in six people live in countries with a press that is designated Free. The Freedom of the Press index assesses the degree of print, broadcast and internet freedom in every country, analyzing the events and developments of each calendar year. -
1 During the Opening Months of 2011, the World Witnessed a Series Of
FREEDOM HOUSE Freedom on the Net 2012 1 EGYPT 2011 2012 Partly Partly POPULATION: 82 million INTERNET FREEDOM STATUS Free Free INTERNET PENETRATION 2011: 36 percent Obstacles to Access (0-25) 12 14 WEB 2.0 APPLICATIONS BLOCKED: Yes NOTABLE POLITICAL CENSORSHIP: No Limits on Content (0-35) 14 12 BLOGGERS/ ICT USERS ARRESTED: Yes Violations of User Rights (0-40) 28 33 PRESS FREEDOM STATUS: Partly Free Total (0-100) 54 59 * 0=most free, 100=least free NTRODUCTION I During the opening months of 2011, the world witnessed a series of demonstrations that soon toppled Hosni Mubarak’s 30-year presidency. The Egyptian revolution received widespread media coverage during the Arab Spring not only because of Egypt’s position as a main political hub in the Middle East and North Africa, but also because activists were using different forms of media to communicate the events of the movement to the world. While the Egyptian government employed numerous tactics to suppress the uprising’s roots online—including by shutting down internet connectivity, cutting off mobile communications, imprisoning dissenters, blocking media websites, confiscating newspapers, and disrupting satellite signals in a desperate measure to limit media coverage—online dissidents were able to evade government pressure and spread their cause through social- networking websites. This led many to label the Egyptian revolution the Facebook or Twitter Revolution. Since the introduction of the internet in 1993, the Egyptian government has invested in internet infrastructure as part of its strategy to boost the economy and create job opportunities. The Telecommunication Act was passed in 2003 to liberalize the private sector while keeping government supervision and control over information and communication technologies (ICTs) in place. -
Palgrave Studies in Young People and Politics
Palgrave Studies in Young People and Politics Series Editors James Sloam Department of Politics and International Relations Royal Holloway, University of London Egham, UK Constance Flanagan School of Human Ecology University of Wisconsin–Madison Madison, WI, USA Bronwyn Hayward School of Social and Political Sciences University of Canterbury Christchurch, New Zealand Over the past few decades, many democracies have experienced low or falling voter turnout and a sharp decline in the members of mainstream political parties. These trends are most striking amongst young people, who have become alienated from mainstream electoral politics in many countries across the world. Young people are today faced by a particu- larly tough environment. From worsening levels of child poverty, to large increases in youth unemployment, to cuts in youth services and educa- tion budgets, public policy responses to the fnancial crisis have placed a disproportionate burden on the young. This book series will provide an in-depth investigation of the changing nature of youth civic and political engagement. We particularly welcome contributions looking at: • Youth political participation: for example, voting, demonstrations, and consumer politics • The engagement of young people in civic and political institutions, such as political parties, NGOs and new social movements • The infuence of technology, the news media and social media on young people’s politics • How democratic innovations, such as social institutions, electoral reform, civic education, can rejuvenate democracy • The civic and political development of young people during their transition from childhood to adulthood (political socialisation) • Young people’s diverse civic and political identities, as defned by issues of gender, class and ethnicity • Key themes in public policy affecting younger citizens—e.g. -
Social Media and Power Relations During the Arab Spring Revolutions with Comparative Focus on Egypt and Tunisia
Social Media and Power Relations during the Arab Spring Revolutions with Comparative Focus on Egypt and Tunisia Taylor R. Genovese Please cite as: Genovese, Taylor R. 2015. Social Media and Power Relations during the Arab Spring Revolutions with Comparative Focus on Egypt and Tunisia. Unpublished MS, School of Anthropology, The University of Arizona. doi: 10.13140/RG. 2.1.1860.8806 INTRODUCTION & A BRIEF DISCUSSION ON ORGANIZATION This paper has grown out of an earlier work that I completed as an undergraduate anthropology student. In 2011, I wrote a more journalistic and speculative paper on the Arab Spring Revolutions as they were unfolding and hypothesized that unrest in the Middle East contributed to the Occupy Wall Street Movement in the United States. I argued that the reason this quick transfer of revolutionary theory was possible was due to the utilization of social media sites—the first time that social media was used to such a large scale for revolutionary activity. The first section of this paper utilizes my original paper from 2011. This section provides a brief historical account of what happened in Egypt and Tunisia as well as some basic principles for how social scientists look at—and analyze—the transfer of information through social media. The second section of this paper is mostly an analysis of what happened. It applies several theories of change and offers a comparison between the revolutions of Egypt and Tunisia; the former falling back into a regime similar to when Mubarak ruled and the latter having a relative success story. SECTION 1 — The Egyptian Uprising in 2011 Genovese 4 THE MATCH THAT STRUCK THE FLAME OF REVOLUTION On December 17, 2010, a man in Tunisia set himself on fire. -
THE ROAD AHEAD a Human Rights Agenda for Egypt’S New Parliament WATCH
HUMAN RIGHTS THE ROAD AHEAD A Human Rights Agenda for Egypt’s New Parliament WATCH The Road Ahead A Human Rights Agenda for Egypt’s New Parliament Copyright © 2012 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 1-56432-855-4 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch is dedicated to protecting the human rights of people around the world. We stand with victims and activists to prevent discrimination, to uphold political freedom, to protect people from inhumane conduct in wartime, and to bring offenders to justice. We investigate and expose human rights violations and hold abusers accountable. We challenge governments and those who hold power to end abusive practices and respect international human rights law. We enlist the public and the international community to support the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org JANUARY 2012 ISBN1-56432-855-4 The Road Ahead A Human Rights Agenda for Egypt’s New Parliament Introduction ....................................................................................................................... 1 Legislative Authority in Egypt Today ................................................................................... 3 The Need to Prioritize Legislative Reform to Ensure Basic Rights ........................................ 5 1. Repeal the Emergency Law and End the State of Emergency .................................................. 6 2. Amend the Code of Military Justice to End Military Trials of Civilians .................................... 11 3. Reform the Police Law ........................................................................................................ -
Egypt: a Repression Made in France Executive Summary
Egypt: A Repression Made in France Exports of Weapons and Surveillance Technologies June 2018 / N° 716a Cover photo: Sherpa MIDS, photographed in Cairo on April 15, 2016. Table of contents Executive Summary 5 Introduction: The Establishment of a “partenariat privilégié” (Special Partnership) with the Egyptian Security Forces 8 Chapter 1: the consolidation in Egypt of a dictatorship of the security forces since 2013 imposed through unprecedented repression and grave human rights violations 11 1. The establishment of a highly repressive security apparatus that proliferates human rights violations 11 1.1. Strengthened military power 11 1.2. Increasingly powerful intelligence services 12 1.3 Repression of the opposition, civil society and all dissident voices 13 1.4. Repression giving rise to ongoing grave human rights violations 15 Use of lethal force against demonstrators 15 Mass arbitrary arrests 17 Enforced disappearances 17 Torture, abuse and death in prisons 17 Extrajudicial executions 18 Resurgence of the death penalty 18 The countless abuses of the antiterrorist campaign in the Sinai 18 2. At the heart of the repressive measures: widespread surveillance of the population 19 2.1. Digital arms race 19 2.2. From targeted surveillance to mass interception of communications 20 2.3. A totalitarian plan to monitor digital activities 21 2.4. Collecting personal data 23 2.5. Monitoring social networks 23 2.6. Intruding into personal data and monitoring private communications 24 2.7. Surveillance at the origin of grave and repeated human rights violations 25 Fabrication of evidence for use against suspected dissidents 25 Targets of surveillance: opponents, human rights defenders, and LGBTI people 25 Chapter 2: The enormous increase in French exports of surveillance technologies to Egypt: an unconditional partnership in the name of the «fight against terrorism» 27 1. -
Tests for Egyptian Journalists
Tests for Egyptian Journalists Reporting Truth, Fighting Censors, Earning a Wage, and Staying Alive in Times of Turmoil By Naomi Sakr n a classic essay in the Journal of Democracy in 2002, “The End of the Transition Paradigm,” democratization analyst Thomas Carothers questioned the assump- Ition that elections are the be-all and end-all of democracy. His argument seems especially apt in Egypt’s case. One mistake, according to Carothers, is to believe that the political and economic effects of decades of dictatorship can be brushed aside. Another is to imagine that state institutions under dictatorship functioned sufficiently well that they can be merely modified and need not be entirely rebuilt. Political scien- tist Sheri Berman, writing in Foreign Affairs in 2013, made similar points about what she called the “pathologies of dictatorship.” These leave a poisonous aftermath of pent-up distrust and animosity, she said, bereft of political bodies capable of respond- ing to or even channeling popular grievances. In Egypt, media institutions, largely controlled by the state since soon after the country became a republic in 1952, are part of this problem, but they can also be part of a future solution. To the extent that news media contribute to framing public discussion, the closer they get to representing the full plurality of interests and viewpoints in society, and the more they report verified information rather than prejudice, rumors, and lies, the more likely it is that different social groups will understand each other and make policy choices that are collectively beneficial. How media pluralism is achieved depends on history. -
Freedom on the Net 2015
FREEDOM ON THE NET 2015 Egypt 2014 2015 Population: 87.9 million Partly Not Internet Freedom Status Internet Penetration 2014: 32 percent Free Free Social Media/ICT Apps Blocked: No Obstacles to Access (0-25) 15 14 Political/Social Content Blocked: No Limits on Content (0-35) 12 13 Bloggers/ICT Users Arrested: Yes Violations of User Rights (0-40) 33 34 TOTAL* (0-100) 60 61 Press Freedom 2015 Status: Not Free * 0=most free, 100=least free Key Developments: June 2014 – May 2015 • Self-censorship has risen among online journalists and social media users alike (see Me- dia, Diversity, and Content Manipulation). • Cybercrime and antiterrorism laws were proposed over the coverage period, criminalizing several broad online offenses and sparking fears that the laws could be used to crack down on human rights activists and government critics. The antiterrorism law was enact- ed in August 2015 (see Legal Environment). • Two online journalists were sentenced to life imprisonment in in April 2015. Abdullah al- Fakharany and Samhi Mustafa, respectively the executive director and cofounder of the news website Rassd, had been in detention since the dispersal of a pro-Mohamed Morsi sit-in in August 2013 (see Prosecutions and Detentions for Online Activities). • At least two users were handed prison sentences for insulting religion online, and LGBT users faced arrests for YouTube videos under the crime of “inciting debauchery” (see Prosecutions and Detentions for Online Activities). • Extralegal attacks by angry mobs for religious speech—sometimes with the complicity of local security forces—remains a security concern for ordinary users. In May 2015, 18 members of 5 Christian families were expelled from their homes after one man alleged-ly published a Facebook post insulting the prophet Mohamed (see Intimidation and Violence). -
A Youtube Call to Action in the Egyptian Revolution
International Journal of Communication 5 (2011), Feature 1333–1343 1932–8036/2011FEA1333 “I’ll Be Waiting for You Guys”: A YouTube Call to Action in the Egyptian Revolution MELISSSA WALL California State University, Northridge SAHAR EL ZAHED Claremont University In this essay, we consider the ways the YouTube videos of Egyptian youth activist, Asmaa Mafouz, may be contributing to the development of a new political language for Egypt, providing a space to create an individual public political self, and modeling a new form of citizenship and activism for Egyptians. “If you stay home, you deserve all that’s being done to you, and you will be guilty before your nation and your people. Go down to the street, send SMSes, post it on the ‘Net, make people aware.” ~YouTube video of Asmaa Mahfouz, a leader in Egypt’s April 6, 2011 Youth Movement On January 18, 2011, a week before the massive street protests in Cairo’s Tahrir Square, Asmaa Mahfouz, a 26-year-old business graduate of Cairo University, recorded a 4-minute, 36-second video of herself and placed it on her Facebook page, from where it was quickly reposted to YouTube. In classic vlog style, the only image is a close-up of her face, in this case veiled, as she looks directly into the camera, passionately calling in Arabic for her fellow Egyptians to join her in protesting against the government. Despite the Egyptian government’s control of most of the country’s news media, Mahfouz’s video quickly spread among Egypt’s youth, many of whom had turned to social-networking sites as the only consistent arena for free political expression open to them. -
E-Commerce Challenges and Opportunities in Egypt
17-18 june 2013 E-commerce Challenges and opportunities in Egypt Dr. Nagwa El Shennawy Information Center Director Ministry of Communication & Information technology E-commerce has become a central element in the economic growth and the expansion of world trade. “ based on OECD” ◦ Enhancing the information infrastructure. This involves improving access to telecommunications and Internet services at the price, reliability, and speed levels needed for e-commerce. ◦ Building trust for users and consumers of electronic commerce. addressing principles for online business and information disclosure, handling consumer complaints, provision of effective dispute resolution, education and awareness, and global co-operation. ◦ Establishing ground rules for the digital market place. The major issue arising under this theme is e-commerce taxation. ◦ Managing the benefits of electronic commerce. Its full potential will only be realized through its widespread use by businesses, consumers, and institutions. Internet plays a fundamental role in Egypt. Over the past years the number of internet users grew to reach about 44% of the population. This enthusiastic embrace of the Internet by the Egyptian people has been sustained by ongoing government investment—focused on three equally important areas: ◦ subsidizing Internet-related technology and Internet access. ◦ Provide Internet training for the general population and for businesses in order to build skills and increase proficiency. ◦ Introduce Arabic-language Internet content in order to broaden the reach of the Internet. The demographics of Internet usage in Egypt show that more than 45% of the individuals which are between (16 – 25 years), 36% of them spend more than eight hours per day online. Young users are described as flexible and use a variety of channels to access the Internet, with mobile Internet becoming increasingly popular. -
Connecting the National and the Virtual: Can Facebook Activism Remain Relevant After Egypt’S January 25 Uprising?
International Journal of Communication 5 (2011), Feature 1225–1237 1932–8036/2011FEA1225 Connecting the National and the Virtual: Can Facebook Activism Remain Relevant After Egypt’s January 25 Uprising? ELIZABETH ISKANDER London School of Economic and Political Science The objective of this article is to ground the debate about the connection between social media and popular uprisings in the specific context of recent social and political trends in Egypt. This is crucial when attempting to draw conclusions about the factors and mechanisms that produced Egypt’s January 25, 2011, revolution and, more importantly, whether social media can contribute to building a new political culture to support the revolution. Although it took just 18 days of protests to force the resignation of President Mubarak, constructing a new political culture will be a slower and more challenging process. If social media are to provide a real channel for political debate and activism, they must connect with traditional forms of media and civil society. This will ensure that the dialogue about Egypt’s future remains national rather than retreating to the virtual. Introduction The various forms of uprisings and protests that erupted across the Middle East in early 2011 mean that conventional wisdom about the region and its inability to move away from autocracy to democracy needs to be reconsidered. One of the key debates that has emerged from these events concerns the extent to which social media can be said to have contributed to the form, timing, and outcomes of the uprisings. There has been a Facebook boom in the wake of the resignation on February 11, 2011. -
Internet on the Nile : Egypt Case Study
INTERNET ON THE NILE: EGYPT CASE STUDY March 2001 This report was drafted by Tim Kelly and Guy Girardet of the ITU and Magda Ismail, formerly of the Ministry of Communications and Information Technol- ogy, (MCIT) Egypt, and now working at the Centre for International Develop- ment, Harvard University, USA. The authors can be contacted, by email at [email protected], [email protected] and [email protected]. The report was edited by Michael Minges and Vanessa Gray. Valuable comments were provided by Amr Abdel Kader of the Ministry of Communications and Information Technology. This report was based on a research visit to Egypt carried out in May 2000. A list of interviewees is contained in Annex 1 to this report. The authors would like to thank all those who contributed and commented on the report. This report is one of a series of six Internet diffusion case studies undertaken by the ITU during 2000. Other studies cover Bolivia, Hungary, Nepal, Singapore and Uganda. For more information, see the web site at www.itu.int/ti/casestudies. The opinions expressed in this report are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the ITU or its membership or the government of Egypt. © ITU 2001 ii Contents 1. Country background ............................................................ 1 1.1 Overview............................................................................. 1 1.2 Demography ........................................................................ 1 1.3 Economy ............................................................................