Putting the Genie Back in the Bottle: Ruling Regimes and the New Media in the Arab World
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In May 2011, Freedom House Issued a Press Release Announcing the Findings of a Survey Recording the State of Media Freedom Worldwide
Media in North Africa: the Case of Egypt 10 Lourdes Pullicino In May 2011, Freedom House issued a press release announcing the findings of a survey recording the state of media freedom worldwide. It reported that the number of people worldwide with access to free and independent media had declined to its lowest level in over a decade.1 The survey recorded a substantial deterioration in the Middle East and North Africa region. In this region, Egypt suffered the greatest set-back, slipping into the Not Free category in 2010 as a result of a severe crackdown preceding the November 2010 parliamentary elections. In Tunisia, traditional media were also censored and tightly controlled by government while internet restriction increased extensively in 2009 and 2010 as Tunisians sought to use it as an alternative field for public debate.2 Furthermore Libya was included in the report as one of the world’s worst ten countries where independent media are considered either non-existent or barely able to operate and where dissent is crushed through imprisonment, torture and other forms of repression.3 The United Nations Development Programme’s (UNDP) Arab Knowledge Report published in 2009 corroborates these findings and view the prospects of a dynamic, free space for freedom of thought and expression in Arab states as particularly dismal. 1 Freedom House, (2011): World Freedom Report, Press Release dated May 2, 2011. The report assessed 196 countries and territories during 2010 and found that only one in six people live in countries with a press that is designated Free. The Freedom of the Press index assesses the degree of print, broadcast and internet freedom in every country, analyzing the events and developments of each calendar year. -
1 During the Opening Months of 2011, the World Witnessed a Series Of
FREEDOM HOUSE Freedom on the Net 2012 1 EGYPT 2011 2012 Partly Partly POPULATION: 82 million INTERNET FREEDOM STATUS Free Free INTERNET PENETRATION 2011: 36 percent Obstacles to Access (0-25) 12 14 WEB 2.0 APPLICATIONS BLOCKED: Yes NOTABLE POLITICAL CENSORSHIP: No Limits on Content (0-35) 14 12 BLOGGERS/ ICT USERS ARRESTED: Yes Violations of User Rights (0-40) 28 33 PRESS FREEDOM STATUS: Partly Free Total (0-100) 54 59 * 0=most free, 100=least free NTRODUCTION I During the opening months of 2011, the world witnessed a series of demonstrations that soon toppled Hosni Mubarak’s 30-year presidency. The Egyptian revolution received widespread media coverage during the Arab Spring not only because of Egypt’s position as a main political hub in the Middle East and North Africa, but also because activists were using different forms of media to communicate the events of the movement to the world. While the Egyptian government employed numerous tactics to suppress the uprising’s roots online—including by shutting down internet connectivity, cutting off mobile communications, imprisoning dissenters, blocking media websites, confiscating newspapers, and disrupting satellite signals in a desperate measure to limit media coverage—online dissidents were able to evade government pressure and spread their cause through social- networking websites. This led many to label the Egyptian revolution the Facebook or Twitter Revolution. Since the introduction of the internet in 1993, the Egyptian government has invested in internet infrastructure as part of its strategy to boost the economy and create job opportunities. The Telecommunication Act was passed in 2003 to liberalize the private sector while keeping government supervision and control over information and communication technologies (ICTs) in place. -
Palgrave Studies in Young People and Politics
Palgrave Studies in Young People and Politics Series Editors James Sloam Department of Politics and International Relations Royal Holloway, University of London Egham, UK Constance Flanagan School of Human Ecology University of Wisconsin–Madison Madison, WI, USA Bronwyn Hayward School of Social and Political Sciences University of Canterbury Christchurch, New Zealand Over the past few decades, many democracies have experienced low or falling voter turnout and a sharp decline in the members of mainstream political parties. These trends are most striking amongst young people, who have become alienated from mainstream electoral politics in many countries across the world. Young people are today faced by a particu- larly tough environment. From worsening levels of child poverty, to large increases in youth unemployment, to cuts in youth services and educa- tion budgets, public policy responses to the fnancial crisis have placed a disproportionate burden on the young. This book series will provide an in-depth investigation of the changing nature of youth civic and political engagement. We particularly welcome contributions looking at: • Youth political participation: for example, voting, demonstrations, and consumer politics • The engagement of young people in civic and political institutions, such as political parties, NGOs and new social movements • The infuence of technology, the news media and social media on young people’s politics • How democratic innovations, such as social institutions, electoral reform, civic education, can rejuvenate democracy • The civic and political development of young people during their transition from childhood to adulthood (political socialisation) • Young people’s diverse civic and political identities, as defned by issues of gender, class and ethnicity • Key themes in public policy affecting younger citizens—e.g. -
Failure of Muslim Brotherhood Movement on the Scene of Government in Egypt and Its Political Future
International Journal of Asian Social Science, 2015, 5(7): 394-406 International Journal of Asian Social Science ISSN(e): 2224-4441/ISSN(p): 2226-5139 journal homepage: http://www.aessweb.com/journals/5007 FAILURE OF MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD MOVEMENT ON THE SCENE OF GOVERNMENT IN EGYPT AND ITS POLITICAL FUTURE Rasoul Goudarzi1† --- Azhdar Piri Sarmanlou2 1,2Department of International Relations, Political Science Faculty, Islamic Azad University Central Tehran Branch, Tehran, Iran ABSTRACT After occurrence of public movements in Egypt that led the Egyptian Islamist movement of Muslim Brotherhood to come to power in ruling scene of this country, Mohamed Morsi as a candidate of this party won in the first democratic presidency elections in this country and after coming to power, he took a series of radical measures both in domestic and international scenes, which have caused him to be ousted in less than one year. The present essay is intended to reveal this fact based on theoretical framework of overthrowing government of Ibn Khaldun by proposing various reasons and documentations about several aspects of ousting of Morsi. Similarly, it indicates that with respect to removing this movement from Egypt political scene and confiscation of their properties, especially after the time when Field Marshal Abdel Fattah El-Sisi came to power as a president, so Muslim Brotherhood should pass through a very tumultuous path to return to political scene in Egypt compared to past time, especially this movement has lost noticeably its public support and backing. © 2015 AESS Publications. All Rights Reserved. Keywords: Muslim brotherhood, Army, Egypt, Political situation. Contribution/ Originality The paper's primary contribution is study of Mohamed Morsi‟s radical measures both in domestic and international scenes in Egypt, which have caused him to be ousted in less than one year. -
Al-Sanhuri and Islamic
Al-Sanhuri and Islamic Law: The Place and Significance of Islamic Law in the Life and Work of 'Abd al-Razzaq Ahmad al-Sanhuri, Egyptian Jurist and Scholar, 1895-1971 [Part II] Author(s): Enid Hill Source: Arab Law Quarterly, Vol. 3, No. 2 (May, 1988), pp. 182-218 Published by: BRILL Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3381872 . Accessed: 19/09/2013 09:50 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. BRILL is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Arab Law Quarterly. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 128.111.121.42 on Thu, 19 Sep 2013 09:50:31 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions AL-SANHURI AND ISLAMIC LAW The Place and Significanceof IslamicLaw in the Life and Workof Abd al- RazzagAhmad al-Sanhuri Egyptian Jurist and Scholar18991971*t EnidHill: VII. THE NEW EGYPTIAN CIVIL CODE I)rafting,Opposition and Consensus A committee to revisethe EgyptianCivil Code was formedin March1936, and al- Sanhuriwas appointedto it. The ostensiblereason for establishingthe committeewas recognitionof the necessityof unifying and accordinglyrevising- the two existing civil codesin anticipationof the end of the MixedCourts in 1949and theirabsorption into one nationalcourt syseem. -
Egypt: a Repression Made in France Executive Summary
Egypt: A Repression Made in France Exports of Weapons and Surveillance Technologies June 2018 / N° 716a Cover photo: Sherpa MIDS, photographed in Cairo on April 15, 2016. Table of contents Executive Summary 5 Introduction: The Establishment of a “partenariat privilégié” (Special Partnership) with the Egyptian Security Forces 8 Chapter 1: the consolidation in Egypt of a dictatorship of the security forces since 2013 imposed through unprecedented repression and grave human rights violations 11 1. The establishment of a highly repressive security apparatus that proliferates human rights violations 11 1.1. Strengthened military power 11 1.2. Increasingly powerful intelligence services 12 1.3 Repression of the opposition, civil society and all dissident voices 13 1.4. Repression giving rise to ongoing grave human rights violations 15 Use of lethal force against demonstrators 15 Mass arbitrary arrests 17 Enforced disappearances 17 Torture, abuse and death in prisons 17 Extrajudicial executions 18 Resurgence of the death penalty 18 The countless abuses of the antiterrorist campaign in the Sinai 18 2. At the heart of the repressive measures: widespread surveillance of the population 19 2.1. Digital arms race 19 2.2. From targeted surveillance to mass interception of communications 20 2.3. A totalitarian plan to monitor digital activities 21 2.4. Collecting personal data 23 2.5. Monitoring social networks 23 2.6. Intruding into personal data and monitoring private communications 24 2.7. Surveillance at the origin of grave and repeated human rights violations 25 Fabrication of evidence for use against suspected dissidents 25 Targets of surveillance: opponents, human rights defenders, and LGBTI people 25 Chapter 2: The enormous increase in French exports of surveillance technologies to Egypt: an unconditional partnership in the name of the «fight against terrorism» 27 1. -
A Youtube Call to Action in the Egyptian Revolution
International Journal of Communication 5 (2011), Feature 1333–1343 1932–8036/2011FEA1333 “I’ll Be Waiting for You Guys”: A YouTube Call to Action in the Egyptian Revolution MELISSSA WALL California State University, Northridge SAHAR EL ZAHED Claremont University In this essay, we consider the ways the YouTube videos of Egyptian youth activist, Asmaa Mafouz, may be contributing to the development of a new political language for Egypt, providing a space to create an individual public political self, and modeling a new form of citizenship and activism for Egyptians. “If you stay home, you deserve all that’s being done to you, and you will be guilty before your nation and your people. Go down to the street, send SMSes, post it on the ‘Net, make people aware.” ~YouTube video of Asmaa Mahfouz, a leader in Egypt’s April 6, 2011 Youth Movement On January 18, 2011, a week before the massive street protests in Cairo’s Tahrir Square, Asmaa Mahfouz, a 26-year-old business graduate of Cairo University, recorded a 4-minute, 36-second video of herself and placed it on her Facebook page, from where it was quickly reposted to YouTube. In classic vlog style, the only image is a close-up of her face, in this case veiled, as she looks directly into the camera, passionately calling in Arabic for her fellow Egyptians to join her in protesting against the government. Despite the Egyptian government’s control of most of the country’s news media, Mahfouz’s video quickly spread among Egypt’s youth, many of whom had turned to social-networking sites as the only consistent arena for free political expression open to them. -
The Limited Impact of the USA on Political Liberalization in Egypt During the Mubarak Era
The Limited Impact of the USA on Political Liberalization in Egypt during the Mubarak Era Müge Aknur *, Erkan Okalan † Abstract: Among all authoritarian Arab regimes in the Middle Eastern and North African region, Egypt can be considered as a crucial example which has attempted to take a number of steps toward political liberalization since the 1970s. As an external actor through its aid programs, bilateral agreements, direct grant programs, and partnership initiatives, the United States seemed to be working towards economic and political liberalization and democratization in Egypt. However, in spite of this seemingly fervent endeavor, particularly during the rule of President Mubarak, the US governments have failed in their attempts to liberalize Egypt. This article attempts to explain why the USA was not able to succeed in its initiatives to liberalize Egypt, despite its serious economic assistances and political efforts by referring to two research traditions within comparative politics: structuralist analysis and rational choice theory. It argues that the USA, due to the problems concerning the structure of USAID, MEPI and BMENA, and the rational choices made by the same organizations had a limited impact on political liberalization process in Egypt. Keywords: Egyptian politics, political liberalization, external actors, the United States of America (USA), structural analysis, rational choice * Assist. Prof., Dokuz Eylül University, Department of International Relations † Master student, Dokuz Eylül University, Department of International Relations ALTERNATIVES TURKISH JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS www.alternetivesjournal.net The Limited Impact of the USA on Political Liberalization in Egypt during the Mubarak Era Introduction Since the rule of President Anwar Sadat in the 1970s, Egypt has passed through a series of political liberalization attempts. -
United Nations Asian Meeting In
DIVISION FOR PALESTINIAN RIGHTS UNITED NATIONS SEMINAR ON ASSISTANCE TO THE PALESTINIAN PEOPLE Cairo 10-11 March 2009 2 Contents Paragraphs Page I. Introduction …………………………………………………………. 1-4 3 II. Opening session ….…………….……………………………………. 5-30 3 III. Plenary sessions ......…………………………………………………. 31-69 8 Plenary I …………………………………………………………...... 31-44 8 Plenary II ……………………………………………………………. 45-57 11 Plenary III …………………………………………………………… 58-69 14 IV. Closing session ……………………………………………………… 70-76 16 Annex List of participants ………………………………………………………………....... 19 3 I. Introduction 1. The United Nations Seminar on Assistance to the Palestinian People was held in Cairo on 10 and 11 March 2009, under the auspices of the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People and in keeping with the provisions of General Assembly resolutions 63/26 and 63/27 of 26 November 2008. 2. The Committee was represented by a delegation comprising Paul Badji (Senegal), Chairman of the Committee; Zahir Tanin (Afghanistan), Vice-Chairman of the Committee; Saviour Borg (Malta), Rapporteur of the Committee; Angel Dalmau Férnandez, Ambassador of Cuba to Egypt, representing Cuba as the Vice-Chairman of the Committee; and Riyad Mansour (Palestine). 3. The Meeting consisted of an opening session, three plenary sessions and a closing session. The themes of the plenary sessions were “Current situation in the Gaza Strip”, “Looking ahead: identifying the most urgent humanitarian, reconstruction and development needs” and “Coordination of international efforts to provide relief and promote reconstruction”. 4. During these sessions presentations were made by 17 experts. Representatives of 68 Governments, Palestine, the Holy See, 5 intergovernmental organizations, the International Committee of the Red Cross, the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies, 13 United Nations bodies, 15 civil society organizations and 33 representatives of the media participated. -
Five Years of Egypt's War on Terror
FIVE YEARS OF EGYPT’S WAR ON TERROR The Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy (TIMEP) is dedicated to influencing policy toward the Middle East and North Africa through rigorous research and targeted advocacy efforts that promote local voices. TIMEP is fully registered and acknowledged under Section501(c)(3) in the District of Columbia. For more information about TIMEP’s mission, programming, or upcoming events, please visit timep.org. This report is the product of the collaborative efforts of TIMEP's staff and fellows. Cover image: A security checkpoint in the Egyptian Western Desert and the Bahariya Oasis in Siwa, Egypt, May 15, 2015 (photo by Amr Abdallah Dalsh for Reuters) CONTENTS INTRODUCTION 4 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 5 TERRORISM 5 COUNTER-TERRORISM 10 LEGAL AND POLITICAL CONTEXT 14 FINDINGS 15 TERRORISM 17 ACROSS EGYPT: Intensification and evolution in terror attacks after 2013 17 NORTH SINAI: Violence has become an entrenched insurgency 19 MAINLAND: Low-scale violence gives way to sporadic, deadly attacks 26 COUNTER-TERRORISM 35 ACROSS EGYPT: Tens of thousands of citizens ensnared in the war on terror 35 NORTH SINAI: Continuous military occupation 36 MAINLAND: Sweeping and broad crackdown 39 LEGAL AND POLITICAL CONTEXT 43 LEGAL AND JUDICIAL CONTEXT: The war on terror trumps rule of law 43 DOMESTIC POLITICAL CONTEXT: The war on terror as pretext for political consolidation 46 GEOPOLITICAL CONTEXT: Continued global support 49 FINDINGS 52 METHODOLOGY 54 Egypt Security Watch 3 Five Years of Egypt’s War on Terror INTRODUCTION On July 24, 2013, then-Defense Minister Abdel-Fattah El Sisi asked for a popular mandate to fight terrorism, marking the declaration of the “war on terror” that has lasted five years. -
Egypt Looks to Monitor Popular Social Media Users 28 June 2018, by Bassem Aboualabass and Aziz El Massassi
Egypt looks to monitor popular social media users 28 June 2018, by Bassem Aboualabass And Aziz El Massassi and television programmes accused of violating public morals, would oversee "every personal website, blog or electronic account of any person with 5,000 followers or more". It would also have the right to suspend or block such accounts if they "publish or broadcast false news" or information inciting "breaking the law, violence or hatred". "Every citizen will think 1,000 times before they can write a post in which they criticise the action of the government or the regime," said Mohamed Abdelsalam, director of research at AFTE. Under the bill, internet users with at least 5,000 followers He urged social media companies to "reject the would be placed under the supervision of Egypt's Supreme Council for Media Regulation practices of the Egyptian government and stand on the side of the rights (of citizens) and civil society organisations". Freedom of expression may shrink further in Egypt Waves of arrests where lawmakers have approved the first reading of a bill that would monitor popular social media In another move in early June, lawmakers passed a users in the name of combating "false news". law on cyber-crime that allows authorities to block any website or account that threatens Egypt's Platforms such as Twitter and Facebook have national security or economy. become one of the last forums for public debate in Egypt since a November 2013 ban on all but police- Those who administer such websites face jail time approved gatherings. or fines. -
The Army and the People Wasn't Ever One Hand
The army and the people wasn’t ever one hand Activists tortured and Killed by the Army, Even after Mubarak’s resigning (A study supported with documents) 08 MARCH 2011 http://www.maikelnabil.com/2011/03/army-and-people-wasnt-ever-one-hand.html Is The Egyptian Army Standing Beside the Revolution? On the 11th of February 2011, after the President’s stepping down speech that was delivered by Omar Suliman (Vice-President of the Republic, and the former head of the Egyptian intelligence), many Egyptian powers rushed into declaring the victory and the end of the revolution…. I regret having to say the following, mostly because that many of them are my friends, but the people have the right to know the truth… Some of them wanted to take advantage of the presence of the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces to get some political positions by making deals with the Supreme council. They knew that they cannot achieve such positions through regular democratic process…. And some of them had connections with the secret service before the revolution was declared and supported the secret service institution per default (I don’t want to describe them as Secret Service’s agents) and some others thought that the army was not a part of the July Military Regime!!! And therefore was misled by the Army declarations (Press Releases) and have accepted the Army’s role in the transitional Phase. In fact the revolution has so far managed to get rid of the dictator but not of the dictatorship. A broad sector of Egyptian political Elite and rebels share this same vision with me.