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Industrial Policy in Egypt 2004–2011
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Loewe, Markus Working Paper Industrial policy in Egypt 2004–2011 Discussion Paper, No. 13/2013 Provided in Cooperation with: German Development Institute / Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE), Bonn Suggested Citation: Loewe, Markus (2013) : Industrial policy in Egypt 2004–2011, Discussion Paper, No. 13/2013, ISBN 978-3-88985-616-6, Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE), Bonn This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/199399 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. www.econstor.eu Discussion Paper 13/2013 Industrial Policy in Egypt 2004–2011 Markus Loewe Industrial Policy in Egypt 2004–2011 Markus Loewe Bonn 2013 Discussion Paper / Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik ISSN 1860-0441 The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data is available in the Internet at http://dnb.d-nb.de. -
The Political Economy of the New Egyptian Republic
ﺑﺤﻮث اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﻠﻮم اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ Hopkins The Political Economy of اﻹﻗﺘﺼﺎد اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻰ the New Egyptian Republic ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ اﳉﺪﻳﺪة ﻓﻰ ﻣﺼﺮ The Political Economy of the New Egyptian of the New Republic Economy The Political Edited by ﲢﺮﻳﺮ Nicholas S. Hopkins ﻧﻴﻜﻮﻻس ﻫﻮﺑﻜﻨﺰ Contributors اﳌﺸﺎرﻛﻮن Deena Abdelmonem Zeinab Abul-Magd زﻳﻨﺐ أﺑﻮ اﻟﺪ دﻳﻨﺎ ﻋﺒﺪ اﳌﻨﻌﻢ Yasmine Ahmed Sandrine Gamblin ﺳﺎﻧﺪرﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﺒﻼن ﻳﺎﺳﻤﲔ أﺣﻤﺪ Ellis Goldberg Clement M. Henry ﻛﻠﻴﻤﻨﺖ ﻫﻨﺮى إﻟﻴﺲ ﺟﻮﻟﺪﺑﻴﺮج SOCIAL SCIENCE IN CAIRO PAPERS Dina Makram-Ebeid Hans Christian Korsholm Nielsen ﻫﺎﻧﺰ ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﻴﺎن ﻛﻮرﺷﻠﻢ ﻧﻴﻠﺴﻦ دﻳﻨﺎ ﻣﻜﺮم ﻋﺒﻴﺪ David Sims دﻳﭭﻴﺪ ﺳﻴﻤﺰ Volume ﻣﺠﻠﺪ 33 ٣٣ Number ﻋﺪد 4 ٤ ﻟﻘﺪ اﺛﺒﺘﺖ ﺑﺤﻮث اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة ﻓﻰ اﻟﻌﻠﻮم اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ أﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﻬﻞ ﻻ ﻏﻨﻰ ﻋﻨﻪ ﻟﻜﻞ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻘﺎرئ اﻟﻌﺎدى واﳌﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﻓﻰ ﺷﺌﻮن CAIRO PAPERS IN SOCIAL SCIENCE is a valuable resource for Middle East specialists اﻟﺸﺮق اﻷوﺳﻂ. وﺗﻌﺮض ﻫﺬه اﻟﻜﺘﻴﺒﺎت اﻟﺮﺑﻊ ﺳﻨﻮﻳﺔ - اﻟﺘﻰ ﺗﺼﺪر ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﺎم ١٩٧٧ - ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ اﻟﺒﺤﻮث اﻟﺘﻰ ﻗﺎم ﺑﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺣﺜﻮن and non-specialists. Published quarterly since 1977, these monographs present the results of ﻣﺤﻠﻴﻮن وزاﺋﺮون ﻓﻰ ﻣﺠﺎﻻت ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎت اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ واﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ واﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ واﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺨﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺸﺮق اﻷوﺳﻂ. ,current research on a wide range of social, economic, and political issues in the Middle East وﺗﺮﺣﺐ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﲢﺮﻳﺮ ﺑﺤﻮث اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة ﺑﺎﳌﻘﺎﻻت اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﻬﺬه اﻟﺎﻻت ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺮ ﻓﻰ ﻣﺪى ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﻨﺸﺮ. وﻳﺮاﻋﻰ ان ﻳﻜﻮن اﻟﺒﺤﺚ .and include historical perspectives ﻓﻰ ﺣﺪود ١٥٠ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺗﺮك ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺘﲔ ﺑﲔ اﻟﺴﻄﻮر، وﺗﺴﻠﻢ ﻣﻨﻪ ﻧﺴﺨﺔ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺔ وأﺧﺮى ﻋﻠﻰ اﺳﻄﻮاﻧﺔ ﻛﻤﺒﻴﻮﺗﺮ (ﻣﺎﻛﻨﺘﻮش Submissions of studies relevant to these areas are invited. Manuscripts submitted should be أو ﻣﻴﻜﺮوﺳﻮﻓﺖ وورد). أﻣﺎ ﺑﺨﺼﻮص ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺔ اﳌﺮاﺟﻊ، ﻓﻴﺠﺐ ان ﺗﺘﻮاﻓﻖ ﻣﻊ اﻟﺸﻜﻞ اﳌﺘﻔﻖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﻰ ﻛﺘﺎب ”اﻻﺳﻠﻮب ﳉﺎﻣﻌﺔ around 150 doublespaced typewritten pages in hard copy and on disk (Macintosh or Microsoft ﺷﻴﻜﺎﻏﻮ“ (The Chicago Manual of Style) ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﻜﻮن اﻟﻬﻮاﻣﺶ ﻓﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺔ ﻛﻞ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ، أو اﻟﺸﻜﻞ اﳌﺘﻔﻖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﻰ Word). -
In May 2011, Freedom House Issued a Press Release Announcing the Findings of a Survey Recording the State of Media Freedom Worldwide
Media in North Africa: the Case of Egypt 10 Lourdes Pullicino In May 2011, Freedom House issued a press release announcing the findings of a survey recording the state of media freedom worldwide. It reported that the number of people worldwide with access to free and independent media had declined to its lowest level in over a decade.1 The survey recorded a substantial deterioration in the Middle East and North Africa region. In this region, Egypt suffered the greatest set-back, slipping into the Not Free category in 2010 as a result of a severe crackdown preceding the November 2010 parliamentary elections. In Tunisia, traditional media were also censored and tightly controlled by government while internet restriction increased extensively in 2009 and 2010 as Tunisians sought to use it as an alternative field for public debate.2 Furthermore Libya was included in the report as one of the world’s worst ten countries where independent media are considered either non-existent or barely able to operate and where dissent is crushed through imprisonment, torture and other forms of repression.3 The United Nations Development Programme’s (UNDP) Arab Knowledge Report published in 2009 corroborates these findings and view the prospects of a dynamic, free space for freedom of thought and expression in Arab states as particularly dismal. 1 Freedom House, (2011): World Freedom Report, Press Release dated May 2, 2011. The report assessed 196 countries and territories during 2010 and found that only one in six people live in countries with a press that is designated Free. The Freedom of the Press index assesses the degree of print, broadcast and internet freedom in every country, analyzing the events and developments of each calendar year. -
Palgrave Studies in Young People and Politics
Palgrave Studies in Young People and Politics Series Editors James Sloam Department of Politics and International Relations Royal Holloway, University of London Egham, UK Constance Flanagan School of Human Ecology University of Wisconsin–Madison Madison, WI, USA Bronwyn Hayward School of Social and Political Sciences University of Canterbury Christchurch, New Zealand Over the past few decades, many democracies have experienced low or falling voter turnout and a sharp decline in the members of mainstream political parties. These trends are most striking amongst young people, who have become alienated from mainstream electoral politics in many countries across the world. Young people are today faced by a particu- larly tough environment. From worsening levels of child poverty, to large increases in youth unemployment, to cuts in youth services and educa- tion budgets, public policy responses to the fnancial crisis have placed a disproportionate burden on the young. This book series will provide an in-depth investigation of the changing nature of youth civic and political engagement. We particularly welcome contributions looking at: • Youth political participation: for example, voting, demonstrations, and consumer politics • The engagement of young people in civic and political institutions, such as political parties, NGOs and new social movements • The infuence of technology, the news media and social media on young people’s politics • How democratic innovations, such as social institutions, electoral reform, civic education, can rejuvenate democracy • The civic and political development of young people during their transition from childhood to adulthood (political socialisation) • Young people’s diverse civic and political identities, as defned by issues of gender, class and ethnicity • Key themes in public policy affecting younger citizens—e.g. -
Egyptian Foreign Policy (Special Reference After the 25Th of January Revolution)
UNIVERSIDAD COMPLUTENSE DE MADRID FACULTAD DE CIENCIAS POLÍTICAS Y SOCIOLOGÍA DEPARTAMENTO DE DERECHO INTERNACIONAL PÚBLICO Y RELACIONES INTERNACIONALES TESIS DOCTORAL Egyptian foreign policy (special reference after The 25th of January Revolution) MEMORIA PARA OPTAR AL GRADO DE DOCTORA PRESENTADA POR Rania Ahmed Hemaid DIRECTOR Najib Abu-Warda Madrid, 2018 © Rania Ahmed Hemaid, 2017 UNIVERSIDAD COMPLUTENSE DE MADRID Facultad de Ciencias Políticas Y Socioligía Departamento de Derecho Internacional Público y Relaciones Internacionales Doctoral Program Political Sciences PHD dissertation Egyptian Foreign Policy (Special Reference after The 25th of January Revolution) POLÍTICA EXTERIOR EGIPCIA (ESPECIAL REFERENCIA DESPUÉS DE LA REVOLUCIÓN DEL 25 DE ENERO) Elaborated by Rania Ahmed Hemaid Under the Supervision of Prof. Dr. Najib Abu- Warda Professor of International Relations in the Faculty of Information Sciences, Complutense University of Madrid Madrid, 2017 Ph.D. Dissertation Presented to the Complutense University of Madrid for obtaining the doctoral degree in Political Science by Ms. Rania Ahmed Hemaid, under the supervision of Prof. Dr. Najib Abu- Warda Professor of International Relations, Faculty of Information Sciences, Complutense University of Madrid. University: Complutense University of Madrid. Department: International Public Law and International Relations (International Studies). Program: Doctorate in Political Science. Director: Prof. Dr. Najib Abu- Warda. Academic Year: 2017 Madrid, 2017 DEDICATION Dedication To my dearest parents may god rest their souls in peace and to my only family my sister whom without her support and love I would not have conducted this piece of work ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Acknowledgments I would like to express my sincere gratitude to my advisor Prof. Dr. Najib Abu- Warda for the continuous support of my Ph.D. -
WFP Egypt Country Brief December 2019
In Numbers 22.2 mt of food assistance distributed US$2.3 m cash based transfers made US$46 m six months (February - July 2020) net funding requirements 115,515 people assisted WFP Egypt in December 2019 51% 49% Country Brief December 2019 Operational Context Operational Updates WFP Egypt’s Country Strategic Plan (CSP) , from July 2018 to 30 June • In partnership with Shell Egypt and PepsiCo, WFP assisted 2023, focuses on strengthening national capacity to tackle the 4,943 families of community school students in Matrouh, Menia, Giza and Assiut by providing in-school snacks and underlying causes of vulnerability to food insecurity and malnutrition while responding to humanitarian needs. Further, the conditional cash transfers redeemable for nutritious food CSP promotes the exchange of knowledge and best practices on items, contributing to children’s micronutrient intake and helping families increase their dietary diversity and food food security and nutrition through South-South Cooperation. security. Egypt is ranked 115 of 189 countries in the 2018 United Nations • As part of a joint capacity building programme with the Development Programme Human Development Index, up five ranks Ministry of Migration and Egyptian Expatriates, 45 from 2014. National poverty rates increased to 32.5 percent in 2018 community school teachers were trained as champions to from 27.8 percent in 2015. raise awareness of youth, children and parents on safe In regard to gender equality, Egypt ranked 134 out of 153 on the alternatives to migration to help reduce irregular migration incidents amongst younger generations. 2020 Global Gender Gap Index. According to the World Bank, the rate of youth not in education, employment or training (NEET) was • In collaboration with the National Council for Women approximately 26.9 percent in 2017. -
Master Thesis the Revolutionary Subject in the Egyptian Revolution
Master thesis The revolutionary subject in the Egyptian revolution Global studies Student: Rawan Hamid (51929) Supervisor: Sune Haugbølle Key strokes: 191.660 Date: 03/01/2019 Roskilde University 1 . Abstract Formålet med dette speciale er at undersøge det revolutionære subjekt, der har eksisteret under de Egyptiske opstande. Igennem undersøgelsen identificeres de diskurser der har hersket blandt de væsentligste revolutionære grupperinger, der deltog under opstandene. Disse undersøgelser eksekveres for at etablere typologier, der kan skabe en dybere forståelse af den pludselige masse mobilisering og dens drivkræfter. Dette studie har taget udgangspunkt i teoretiske koncepter omkring politiske forestillinger og ideologier, der er med til at analysere det revolutionære subjekts selvopfattelse. Udefra analysen kan der konkluderes, at udviklingen fra en ’’revolution’’ til en ’’modrevolution’’ kan forklares på baggrund af en indviklet politisk scene, ideologier og differentierede værdier blandt den Egyptiske befolkning. Analysen indikerer, at denne udvikling først og fremmest skyldes at de revolutionæres indre konflikt af modsigende værdier er præget af religion på den ene side og liberalisme på den anden side, samt den fase af usikkerhed, der har præget den politiske scene i Egypten efter Hosni Mubaraks fald. Dette har fået det revolutionære subjekt til at søge imod en stabilitet og religiøse værdier for at kreere en mening i en meningsløs og usikker tilværelse. 2 . TABLE OF CONTENTS 1 Introduction................................................................................................................................ -
Playing with Fire. the Muslim Brotherhood and the Egyptian
Playing with Fire.The Muslim Brotherhood and the Egyptian Leviathan Daniela Pioppi After the fall of Mubarak, the Muslim Brotherhood (MB) decided to act as a stabilising force, to abandon the street and to lend democratic legiti- macy to the political process designed by the army. The outcome of this strategy was that the MB was first ‘burned’ politically and then harshly repressed after having exhausted its stabilising role. The main mistakes the Brothers made were, first, to turn their back on several opportunities to spearhead the revolt by leading popular forces and, second, to keep their strategy for change gradualist and conservative, seeking compromises with parts of the former regime even though the turmoil and expectations in the country required a much bolder strategy. Keywords: Egypt, Muslim Brotherhood, Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, Arab Spring This article aims to analyse and evaluate the post-Mubarak politics of the Muslim Brotherhood (MB) in an attempt to explain its swift political parable from the heights of power to one of the worst waves of repression in the movement’s history. In order to do so, the analysis will start with the period before the ‘25th of January Revolution’. This is because current events cannot be correctly under- stood without moving beyond formal politics to the structural evolution of the Egyptian system of power before and after the 2011 uprising. In the second and third parts of this article, Egypt’s still unfinished ‘post-revolutionary’ political tran- sition is then examined. It is divided into two parts: 1) the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF)-led phase from February 2011 up to the presidential elections in summer 2012; and 2) the MB-led phase that ended with the military takeover in July 2013 and the ensuing violent crackdown on the Brotherhood. -
(W2-3-2/1) and Report of the Workshop Fostering Knowledge, Grant Agreement Nº 817663 Communication & Innovation Hubs in Egypt
D 2.4 - Workshop (W2-3-2/1) and report of the workshop Fostering Knowledge, Grant Agreement nº 817663 Communication & Innovation Hubs in Egypt LEAP4FNSSA Project Deliverable N.: D2.4 Title: Workshop (W2-3-2/1) and report of the workshop Fostering Knowledge, Communication & Innovation Hubs in Egypt (including also the reporting on back-to-back workshops aiming at building a Europe - North Africa Stakeholders’ Alliance; tasks T2.1 & T2.4) Funding scheme: Coordination and support action Project Acronym: LEAP4FNSSA Project Full Title: Support to the implementation of the Long-term EU-AU Research and Innovation Partnership for Food and Nutrition Security and Sustainable Agriculture: LEAP4FNSSA Grant Agreement n°: 817663 Project duration: 48 months Published by the LEAP4FNSSA Consortium Dissemination Level: Public This project has received funding from the European Union’s Horizon 2020 Research and Innovation program under Grant Agreement No. 817663 1 D 2.4 - Workshop (W2-3-2/1) and report of the workshop Fostering Knowledge, Grant Agreement nº 817663 Communication & Innovation Hubs in Egypt LEAP4FNSSA CONSORTIUM The project consortium is composed of: AUSTRIA Universitaet fuer Bodenkultur Wien (BOKU) BURKINA FASO Fonds National de la Recherche et de l'Innovation pour le Developpement (FONRID) CZECH Ceska Zemedelska Univerzita V Praze (CULS) REPUBLIC DENMARK Kobenhavns Universitet (UCPH) EGYPT Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research (MHESR) Knowledge Economy Foundation (KEF) ETHIOPIA African Union – Union Africaine - The African -
Secular Democratic Fear
University of Amsterdam MA Middle Eastern Studies Secular Democratic Fear A critical assessment of the actions and considerations of secularists in contemporary Tunisia and Egypt Thomas Bartels Student no. 10548866 Master’s Thesis Supervisor: dr. R.A.F.L (Robbert) Woltering Second Reader: dr. M. (Mariwan) Kanie July 2017 Abstract When analyzing Middle Eastern politics, most scholars and journalists focus on the region’s Islamists. The Arab Spring protests and the following Islamist ascendance to power in Egypt and Tunisia gave scholars and journalists the chance to test Islamists’ democratic intentions. “Secularists” are often seen as the simple opposite of these Islamists and gain less attention as a result. Western suspicion towards Islam and the strong theoretical ideas connected to “modernization theory” both contribute to the assumption that secular actors are pro-democratic. However, actors that are dubbed secular have dominated authoritarian politics in the region since the emergence of modern nation-states. This study shows how the self-identification of being “secular” can sometimes lead to undemocratic behavior, when secularists fear the outcomes of democratic procedures more than the authoritarian alternative. In this study, this phenomenon is called “secular democratic fear”. Through interviews conducted in Cairo and Tunis in May and June 2017 and an analysis of statements and actions of secular political actors as documented in scholarly and journalistic literature, this study concludes that the power of secular democratic fear has influenced the events in both countries to a large extent. In Egypt, it eventually led to the end of a short democratic period. Indeed, this authoritarian comeback has been supported by secular political actors that claim to be pro-democracy and their choices seem to be largely influenced by the phenomenon of “secular democratic fear” as described in this study. -
'Bread, Dignity and Social Justice': the Political
briefing paper page 1 ‘Bread, Dignity and Social Justice’: The Political Economy of Egypt’s Transition Jane Kinninmont Middle East and North Africa Programme | April 2012 | MENAP BP 2012/01 Summary points zz In Egypt’s 2011 uprising, political and economic grievances were closely linked in attempts to address complex problems of corruption and injustice. But the cross- class, cross-ideology coalition that united behind the uprising has predictably fragmented, and different groups now have divergent views on the applicability of liberal economic policies to Egypt. zz The Islamist parties which between them won a majority in the 2011–12 parliamentary election appear to favour the continuation of a broadly pro-market policy, although, like all parties, they have emphasized the need for greater ‘social justice’ and less corruption. Leftist groups and trade unions remain largely unrepresented in parliament and tensions may be brewing between labour and Islamist forces over economic policy. zz Uncertainty over future economic policy is currently deterring investment. Although economic policy was not the main focus in the parliamentary election campaign, there is a pressing need for all parties to develop their economic blueprints further. zz Debates over the role of the state, the free market and the nature of globalization are part of democratic self-determination. Rather than repeating old mantras about the intrinsic desirability of a smaller public sector, external actors need to remember that economic policy advice on the role of the state is not purely technical but value-laden. www.chathamhouse.org ‘Bread, Dignity and Social Justice’: The Political Economy of Egypt’s Transition page 2 Introduction and revealed the transformative potential of street protest, When a popular uprising overthrew President Hosni bottom-up coalition-building and mass campaigning. -
Egypt: a Repression Made in France Executive Summary
Egypt: A Repression Made in France Exports of Weapons and Surveillance Technologies June 2018 / N° 716a Cover photo: Sherpa MIDS, photographed in Cairo on April 15, 2016. Table of contents Executive Summary 5 Introduction: The Establishment of a “partenariat privilégié” (Special Partnership) with the Egyptian Security Forces 8 Chapter 1: the consolidation in Egypt of a dictatorship of the security forces since 2013 imposed through unprecedented repression and grave human rights violations 11 1. The establishment of a highly repressive security apparatus that proliferates human rights violations 11 1.1. Strengthened military power 11 1.2. Increasingly powerful intelligence services 12 1.3 Repression of the opposition, civil society and all dissident voices 13 1.4. Repression giving rise to ongoing grave human rights violations 15 Use of lethal force against demonstrators 15 Mass arbitrary arrests 17 Enforced disappearances 17 Torture, abuse and death in prisons 17 Extrajudicial executions 18 Resurgence of the death penalty 18 The countless abuses of the antiterrorist campaign in the Sinai 18 2. At the heart of the repressive measures: widespread surveillance of the population 19 2.1. Digital arms race 19 2.2. From targeted surveillance to mass interception of communications 20 2.3. A totalitarian plan to monitor digital activities 21 2.4. Collecting personal data 23 2.5. Monitoring social networks 23 2.6. Intruding into personal data and monitoring private communications 24 2.7. Surveillance at the origin of grave and repeated human rights violations 25 Fabrication of evidence for use against suspected dissidents 25 Targets of surveillance: opponents, human rights defenders, and LGBTI people 25 Chapter 2: The enormous increase in French exports of surveillance technologies to Egypt: an unconditional partnership in the name of the «fight against terrorism» 27 1.