The European Union Delegation to Egypt
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Egypt | Freedom House
Egypt | Freedom House http://www.freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2013/egypt About Us DONATE Blog Contact Us Subscribe REGIONS ISSUES Reports Programs Initiatives News Experts Events Donate FREEDOM IN THE WORLD Egypt Freedom in the World 2013 OVERVIEW: 2013 Political instability and protests continued throughout 2012, as a SCORES contentious transition from military to civilian rule was followed by heated debate over the unilateral actions of the new Islamist-dominated STATUS government. Elections for the People’s Assembly, Egypt’s lower house of parliament, were completed in January 2012, with nearly 70 percent of the new chamber held by Islamist parties that were illegal before the ouster of authoritarian president Hosni Mubarak in early 2011. However, the People’s Assembly was dismissed in mid-June, after various electoral FREEDOM RATING laws were ruled unconstitutional in what many described as a power struggle between the judiciary and the political establishment. Mohamed Morsi of the Muslim Brotherhood won a presidential runoff later in June, and in November he claimed extensive executive powers in a decree that CIVIL LIBERTIES he defended as necessary to ensure the adoption of a new constitution in a chaotic political environment. The resulting constitution, which opponents criticized as a highly problematic document written by an unrepresentative and overwhelmingly Islamist constituent assembly, was POLITICAL RIGHTS approved in a mid-December referendum, but its passage failed to quell deep mistrust and tensions between liberal and Islamist political factions at year’s end. Egypt formally gained independence from Britain in 1922 and acquired full sovereignty in 1952. After leading a coup that overthrew the monarchy, Colonel Gamal Abdel Nasser ruled until his death in 1970. -
Military Electoral Authoritarianism in Egypt
Please do not remove this page Military electoral authoritarianism in Egypt Aziz, Sahar F. https://scholarship.libraries.rutgers.edu/discovery/delivery/01RUT_INST:ResearchRepository/12643396150004646?l#13643549520004646 Aziz, S. F. (2017). Military electoral authoritarianism in Egypt. In Election Law Journal (Vol. 16, Issue 2, pp. 280–295). Rutgers University. https://doi.org/10.7282/T35142T3 This work is protected by copyright. You are free to use this resource, with proper attribution, for research and educational purposes. Other uses, such as reproduction or publication, may require the permission of the copyright holder. Downloaded On 2021/09/30 09:23:52 -0400 ELECTION LAW JOURNAL Volume 16, Number 2, 2017 Military Electoral Authoritarianism in Egypt Sahar F. Aziz1 Table of Contents I. Introduction .......................................................................................................................................... 2 II. Electoral Authoritarianism .................................................................................................................... 4 III. Elections Under Sadat and Mubarak ................................................................................................ 6 A. Sadat Introduces Multiparty Elections .............................................................................................. 7 B. Mubarak Promotes Civilian Electoral Authoritarianism ................................................................... 8 IV. From Revolution to Military Coup: General Sisi Becomes -
Social Media- a New Virtual Civil Society in Egypt? Abdulaziz Sharbatly
Social Media- a new Virtual Civil Society in Egypt? Abdulaziz Sharbatly This is a digitised version of a dissertation submitted to the University of Bedfordshire. It is available to view only. This item is subject to copyright. • Social Media - a new virtual civil society in Egypt? UNIVERSITY OF BEDFORDSHIRE 1 Social Media: a new virtual civil society in Egypt? by Abdulaziz Sharbatly A thesis submitted to the University of Bedfordshire in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Research Institute for Media, Arts & Performance Journalism & Communications Department 2 AbstractAbstractAbstract This project seeks to trace the power of social media in serving as a virtual civil society in the Arab world, focusing on Egypt as a case study. This study aims to explore the role of social media in mobilising Egyptian activists across generations, and particularly in reaching out to people under the age of 35 who constitute around 50 per cent of the population. Studies preceding the 2011 uprising reported that young Egyptians were politically apathetic and were perceived as incapable of bringing about genuine political changes. Drawing on a range of methods and data collected from focus groups of young people under the age of 35, interviews with activists (across generations and gender), and via a descriptive web feature analysis, it is argued that online action has not been translated into offline activism. The role of trust in forming online networks is demonstrated, and how strong ties can play a pivotal role in spreading messages via social media sites. Activists relied on social media as a medium of visibility; for those who were not active in the political sphere, social media have been instrumental in raising their awareness about diverse political movements and educating them about the political process, after decades of political apathy under Mubarak’s regime. -
The Graffiti of Mohamed Mahmoud and the Politics of Transition in Egypt: the Transformation of Space, Sociality and Identities
El Hawary, 1 The American University in Cairo School of Humanities and Social Sciences The Graffiti of Mohamed Mahmoud and the Politics of Transition in Egypt: The Transformation of Space, Sociality and Identities A Thesis Submitted to The Department of Sociology, Anthropology, Psychology and Egyptology In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of Master of Arts In Sociology-Anthropology By Nouran Al-Anwar El-Hawary Under the supervision of Dr. Mark Westmoreland September/2014 El Hawary, 2 “The autonomy of the reader depend on a transformation of the social relationships that overdetermine his relation to texts. This transformation is a necessary task. This revolution would be no more than another totalitarianism on the part of an elite claiming for itself the right to conceal different modes of conduct, and substituting a new normative education for the previous one, were it not that we can count on the fact that already exist, though it surreptitious or even repressed, an experience other than of passivity. A politics of reading must be articulated on an analysis that, describing practices that have long been in effect, makes them politicizable” (de Certeau 1984; 174) El Hawary, 3 Acknowledgement The writing and the completion of this thesis would not be possible without the help and support of a number of people. First of all, I am deeply indebted to my supervisor, Professor Mark Westmoreland, for his unwavering support and guidance. Mark provided crucial direction during early stages and has continued to offer generous support and insightful comments throughout. I could not have wished for a better supervisor and consider myself very fortunate for having had the opportunity to benefit from his expertise. -
Can Offensive Advertising Strategies Survive the Perceptions of the Millennial Muslims in Egypt?
CAN OFFENSIVE ADVERTISING STRATEGIES SURVIVE THE PERCEPTIONS OF THE MILLENNIAL MUSLIMS IN EGYPT? By Nihal Ismail Ahmed Ayad A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctoral Research Degree Programme (PhD) in London School of Commerce Under the auspices of Cardiff Metropolitan University, Cardiff, UK Under the Supervision of Dr Jonathan Wilson Dr Chantal Hales ©2017 Nihal Ismail Ahmed Ayad ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Nihal Ismail Ahmed Ayad: Can Offensive Advertising Strategies Survive The Perceptions Of The Millennial Muslims In Egypt? (Under the direction of Dr Jonathan Wilson and Dr Chantal Hales) This study explores what Millennial (Generation Y) Muslims in Egypt perceive as offensive in offensive advertising and the reasons behind their offence. It aims to define religiosity from their point of view and to investigate if it has an effect on their attitudes and purchase intentions/behaviours. Therefore, the study raised enquiries about key concepts such as the definition of offensive advertising, attitudes towards offensive advertising, religiosity and behaviours of Millennial Muslims in Egypt. The researcher explores the Millennial Muslims perceptions and attitudes towards offence, offensive advertising and religiosity through focus group discussions, one- to-one interviews and solicited diaries. The research design used in the study is an interpretivistic philosophy with an exploratory purpose, inductive approach and grounded theory strategy. The study revealed in-depth data concerning the Shababs’ profiles, characteristics, personalities, views on religion and religiosity and their attitudes towards offensive advertising. The research established that religiosity has no effect on the perceptions or behaviours of the Millennial Muslims in Egypt since parental influence has the greater effect even on their religiosity, which yielded two new behavioural models pertinent to the Millennial Muslims in Egypt. -
Securitizing the Muslim Brotherhood: State Violence and Authoritarianism in Egypt After the Arab Spring
Securitizing the Muslim Brotherhood: state violence and authoritarianism in Egypt after the Arab Spring Article Accepted Version Pratt, N. and Rezk, D. (2019) Securitizing the Muslim Brotherhood: state violence and authoritarianism in Egypt after the Arab Spring. Security Dialogue, 50 (3). pp. 239-256. ISSN 1460-3640 doi: https://doi.org/10.1177/0967010619830043 Available at http://centaur.reading.ac.uk/82778/ It is advisable to refer to the publisher’s version if you intend to cite from the work. See Guidance on citing . To link to this article DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010619830043 Publisher: Sage All outputs in CentAUR are protected by Intellectual Property Rights law, including copyright law. Copyright and IPR is retained by the creators or other copyright holders. Terms and conditions for use of this material are defined in the End User Agreement . www.reading.ac.uk/centaur CentAUR Central Archive at the University of Reading Reading’s research outputs online Securitizing the Muslim Brotherhood, Legitimizing State Violence and Renewing Authoritarianism in post-Arab Spring Egypt1 By Nicola Pratt (University of Warwick) and Dina Rezk (University of Reading) Accepted for publication in Security Dialogue on 17 December 2018 Abstract Unprecedented levels of state violence against the Muslim Brotherhood and its widespread acceptance by Egyptians following the July 2013 military coup have been under-examined by scholars of both critical security studies and Middle East politics, reflecting implicit assumptions that state violence is unexceptional beyond Europe. This article explores how the deployment of such levels of violence was enabled by a securitization process in which the Egyptian military successfully appropriated popular opposition to Muslim Brotherhood rule, constructing the group as an existential threat to Egypt and justifying special measures against it. -
The Relationship Between Source Credibility and Political Participation: Examining the Egyptian Talk Show “Masr Al Yom” Broadcast on Al Faraeen Satellite Channel
American University in Cairo AUC Knowledge Fountain Theses and Dissertations 6-1-2014 The Relationship between Source Credibility and Political Participation: Examining the Egyptian Talk Show “Masr Al Yom” broadcast on Al Faraeen Satellite Channel Riham Ibrahim Abdel Raouf Follow this and additional works at: https://fount.aucegypt.edu/etds Recommended Citation APA Citation Abdel Raouf, R. (2014).The Relationship between Source Credibility and Political Participation: Examining the Egyptian Talk Show “Masr Al Yom” broadcast on Al Faraeen Satellite Channel [Master’s thesis, the American University in Cairo]. AUC Knowledge Fountain. https://fount.aucegypt.edu/etds/1011 MLA Citation Abdel Raouf, Riham Ibrahim. The Relationship between Source Credibility and Political Participation: Examining the Egyptian Talk Show “Masr Al Yom” broadcast on Al Faraeen Satellite Channel. 2014. American University in Cairo, Master's thesis. AUC Knowledge Fountain. https://fount.aucegypt.edu/etds/1011 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by AUC Knowledge Fountain. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of AUC Knowledge Fountain. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The American University in Cairo School of Global Affairs and Public Policy The Relationship between Source Credibility and Political Participation: Examining the Egyptian Talk Show “Masr Al Yom” broadcast on Al Faraeen Satellite Channel A Thesis Submitted to The Department of Journalism and Mass Communication In partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of Master of Arts By Riham Ibrahim Abdel Raouf Under the supervision of Dr. Naila Hamdy Spring 2014 1 DEDICATION To the loving memory of my mentor Professor Gihan Rachty. -
Censorship As a Populist Project: the Politics of Managing Culture in Egypt
CENSORSHIP AS A POPULIST PROJECT: THE POLITICS OF MANAGING CULTURE IN EGYPT A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Government By Meir R Walters, M.A. Washington, DC June 28, 2016 Copyright 2016 by Meir R Walters All Rights Reserved ii CENSORSHIP AS A POPULIST PROJECT: THE POLITICS OF MANAGING CULTURE IN EGYPT Meir R Walters, M.A. Thesis Advisor: Marc Morjé Howard, Ph.D., J.D. ABSTRACT While the Arab political rebellions around 2011 grabbed the world’s attention, much ensuing scholarship focused on the short-term dynamics of contentious politics rather than the deeper authoritarian legacies that shaped political trajectories throughout the Middle East. Addressing this lacuna, my dissertation examines how longstanding structures of semi-authoritarian governance facilitated “re-autocratization” in Egypt. In particular, this dissertation traces the lasting legacies of state censorship policies from the Mubarak era until 2014. It examines how independent media can support reactionary as well as revolutionary politics. I argue that the military’s success at legitimating a new and even more repressive form of governance following the ouster of Mohamed Morsi in 2013 hinged in part on the role of semi-independent media personalities and intellectuals. Many prominent public intellectuals and members of the cultural elite served as more credible defenders of reactionary politics than official state mouthpieces. I also compare the decentralized media environment of Mubarak’s Egypt with the draconian censorship policies of Bin ‘Ali’s Tunisia where the media was directly controlled by the ruling family. -
Egyptian Audience's Perception of Political Satire Show: an Analysis Of
The American University in Cairo School of Global Affairs and Public Policy Egyptian Audience’s Perception of Political Satire Show: An Analysis of the Perceived and Actual Influence of Political Comedy Programming A Thesis Submitted to The Department of Journalism and Mass Communication In partial fulfillment of the requirements for The degree of Master of Arts. By Dina Mohamed Younis Under the supervision of Dr. Amani Ismail July 2014 The American University in Cairo School of Global Affairs and Public Policy Egyptian Audience’s Perception of Political Satire Show: An Analysis of the Perceived and Actual Influence of Political Comedy Programming A Thesis Submitted by Dina Mohamed Younis to the Department of Journalism and Mass Communication July 2014 in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Arts has been approved by Dr. Amani Ismail Thesis Adviser Affiliation ____________________________________________ Date ____________________ Dr. Naila Hamdy Thesis Second Reader Affiliation ____________________________________________ Date ____________________ Dr. Dina Bassiouni Thesis Third Reader Affiliation ___________________________________________ Date ___________________ Prof. Mervat Abou Oaf _________________________________________ Department Chair Date ____________________ Dr. Laila El Baradei _________________________________________ Dean of GAPP Date ____________________ ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENT In the name of Allah, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful. First, I thank god for giving me the opportunity and blessing to conduct my MA, all of my success is granted to him. Al Hamduallah. Second, I would like to thank my father and mother for their support both morally and finically through out the years from the beginning of my bachelor degree until this very moment. My sister, Ayda, I will be forever grateful to her for her continuous and unconditional love, support and blessing. -
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MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 2194 Egypt's Multiple Power Centers by Adel El-Adawy Jan 17, 2014 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Adel El-Adawy Adel El-Adawy was a 2013-2014 Next Generation Fellow at The Washington Institute. Brief Analysis Given the limitations and internal divisions of Egypt's various power centers, neither the military nor any other single institution is solely in charge at the moment. he overwhelming "yes" vote in Egypt's army-backed constitutional referendum this week, based on a T respectable reported turnout of around 40 percent, has led some observers to conclude that the military alone now runs Egyptian politics. True, the military remains the central pillar of all state institutions amid the ongoing turmoil, but it is not the sole decisionmaker. For example, since the June 30 revolution that ousted President Muhammad Morsi, other actors besides the military have made major political decisions such as cabinet appointments, formation of the fifty-member constitutional committee, and the drafting of the constitution itself. In fact, the post-Mubarak era has been defined by the emergence of multiple power centers that continue to influence the country's political trajectory. BACKGROUND F ormer president Hosni Mubarak led a tightly knit, centralized decisionmaking process driven almost entirely by the executive branch. Until around 2005, he was Egypt's strongman -- he trusted few, and he always had the final word about what would transpire in the domestic political scene. To be sure, he lost some control to his family members during the last five years of his presidency, a time when institutional and personal tensions were building within the executive amid wide disapproval of the plan to have his son Gamal succeed him as president. -
The American University in Cairo School of Global Affairs and Public Policy
The American University in Cairo School of Global Affairs and Public Policy The Relationship between Source Credibility and Political Participation: Examining the Egyptian Talk Show “Masr Al Yom” broadcast on Al Faraeen Satellite Channel A Thesis Submitted to The Department of Journalism and Mass Communication In partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of Master of Arts By Riham Ibrahim Abdel Raouf Under the supervision of Dr. Naila Hamdy Spring 2014 1 DEDICATION To the loving memory of my mentor Professor Gihan Rachty. I feel endless gratitude for all the knowledge and wisdom you taught me. You were the primary reason I grew fond of the discipline of Mass Communication. I learned a lot from your dedication and high moral values. I will never forget you. May your beautiful soul Rest In Peace… ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would have never been able to complete this thesis if it has not been for the support and love of my family. I can never be thankful enough for my parents Ibrahim Abdel Raouf and Inas Lotfy who encouraged me to pursue graduate studies in the first place. It was a great and rich experience that I learned a lot from. I would also like to thank my sister and brother Nouran and Mohamed for being there for me whenever I needed them. I would like to thank my best friend Yasmine Ismail for her support and encouragement throughout the past 2 years. This thesis would not have become a reality if it had not been for my advisor Dr. Naila Hamdy. I am grateful to have worked with you for the past two years. -
Morsi's Egypt
arab uprisings Morsi’s Egypt August 20, 2012 KHALED DESOUKI/AFP/GETTYIMAGES KHALED POMEPS Briefings 13 Contents The Egyptian Republic of Retired Generals . 5 Egypt’s injudicious judges . 9 Cairo’s Judicial Coup . 11 Calvinball in Cairo . 14 The Pharaoh’s Legacy . .. 16 Can Egypt unite? . .. 17 America’s Egypt quandary . 21 Egypt’s Second Chance . 23 Egypt’s daunting economy . 25 Hard choices for Egypt’s military .. 27 It Ain’t Just a River in Egypt . .. 30 The battle for al-Azhar . 33 Brother Knows Best . 35 Sinai’s Invisible War . 37 Bad news for the Brotherhood . .. 39 Lamborghini Morsi . 42 What Morsi could learn from Anwar Sadat . 44 Egypt’s cobra and mongoose become lion and lamb? . 47 Monopolizing Power in Egypt . 49 The Morsi “coup:” Coup d’etat, coup de grace, or coup de theatre? . 51 Online Article Index The Egyptian Republic of Retired Generals http://mideast .foreignpolicy .com/posts/2012/05/08/the_egyptian_republic_of_retired_generals Egypt’s injudicious judges http://mideast .foreignpolicy .com/posts/2012/06/11/egypts_injudicious_judges Cairo’s Judicial Coup http://mideast .foreignpolicy .com/posts/2012/06/14/cairo_s_judicial_coup Calvinball in Cairo http://lynch .foreignpolicy .com/posts/2012/06/18/calvinball_in_cairo The Pharaoh’s Legacy http://www .foreignpolicy .com/articles/2012/06/19/the_pharaohs_legacy Can Egypt unite? http://mideast .foreignpolicy .com/posts/2012/06/25/can_egypt_unite America’s Egypt quandary http://mideast .foreignpolicy .com/posts/2012/06/25/americas_egypt_quandary Egypt’s Second Chance http://lynch