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Trebonianus Gallus and Volusianus (Ad 251–253): Ruling the Empire in Between the West and the East*

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doi: 10.2143/AWE.13.0.3038734 AWE 13 (2014) 117-137 TREBONIANUS GALLUS AND VOLUSIANUS (AD 251–253): RULING THE EMPIRE IN BETWEEN THE WEST AND THE EAST* LILY GROZDANOVA Abstract The running of the empire became an exceptionally challenging task in the mid-3rd century AD. The attention of the central government was often divided between multiple threats of both internal and external character. It was a time that required a specific type of ruler; however their qualities are often underestimated due to the scarcity of information and the short duration of their time in power. An interesting and representative example of the challenges of the period is provided by the rule of Trebonianus Gallus and his son Volusian(us) (251–253). In their ca. two-year-long rule they faced strong external enemies on two fronts, internal instability and plague. Emperor Trebonianus Gallus and his Young Co-Ruler Volusianus – in Rome The simultaneous threats from the Goths on the Lower Danube and the Sasanians in the East ought always to be taken into consideration when evaluating the rule of the emperor Trebonianus Gallus and his son Volusian/Volusianus. The general division of imperial attention between West and East turned out to be decisive for both the external and internal politics of the two co-Augusti. The emperor Decius and his son Augustus Herennius Etruscus perished in early June AD 2511 near Abrittus (province of Lower Moesia), in a battle with Cniva,2 who led the last wave of the Gothic incursions to the south of the Danube in the period AD 248–251.3 After their death the Lower Danubian legions proclaimed a new emperor. On account of his victories against the Goths, the governor of Lower * This article is based on part of my PhD thesis, The Roman Emperors against Kniva’s Goths: Political Mythology, Historical Evidence and Retrievable Reality, defended in January 2012. It became possible through the financial support of the Centre of Excellence ‘Dialogue Europe’ at the ‘St Kliment Ohridski’ University of Sofia, which funded my PhD, and the American Research Center in Sofia, whose grant, ‘The America for Bulgaria Foundation Fellowship for Advanced Doctoral Students (FADS) 2010’, enabled me to stay at the American School of Classical Studies at Athens. 1 An inscription from Rome with the date 24 June 251 (CIL VI 3743 = 31130 = 36760) celebrates Decius and Herennius Etruscus as divi. 2 Todd 2004, 140. 3 Boteva 2001. 997030.indb7030.indb 111717 22/09/14/09/14 008:288:28 118 L. GROZDANOVA Moesia,4 Trebonianus Gallus (C. Vibius Trebonianus Gallus)5 and his son Volu- sianus (C. Vibius Afinius Gallus Veldumnianus6 Volusianus)7 became the new choice of the troops.8 In accordance with the spirit of the times, the narratives present scarce information about this change (P. Herennius Dexippus [FGH 100 fr. 22]).9 Most of them just reflect the will of the legions, which empowered the new emperors (P. Herennius Dexippus [FGH 100 fr. 22]; Iordanes Get. 101–103; Eutropius 9. 4; Zosimus 1. 24; Ioannes Zonaras 12. 20), leaving unresolved the dispute about Trebonianus’ role in the death of Decius. One of the theories is that he conspired against Decius.10 According to Zosimus, he declared openly his own contribution to the demise of Decius and his army (Zosimus 1. 24). However, it should be stressed that at this instant the soldiery was under the influence of the loss and humiliation of defeat on their own ground. Because of this it is hard to accept that the choice as emperor would have been the man who had betrayed them and caused the deaths not just of many legionaries, but of the emperor himself and his son co-ruler.11 This theory is even less probable when we consider that a sovereign ruler from Decius’ dynasty – his second son Hostilianus – remained active in Rome at the time of the disaster near Abrittus. I would join those modern scholars who believe that the deaths of Decius and Herennius were due most probably to a com- bination of circumstances, not to a plot organised by Trebonianus.12 Trebonianus came to a peace agreement with Cniva by means of which the border region was stabilised for a time. It allowed the new rulers, father and son, to return to the capital and to consolidate the central government. The treaty that 4 Drinkwater (2005, 38) and Thomasson (1984, col. 145) present Trebonianus as governor just of Lower Moesia. Hanslik (1958a, 1985) presumes that during AD 250–251 the future emperor was legatus Augusti pro praetore of both Upper and Lower Moesia. 5 Hanslik 1958b. 6 Mattingly et al. (1949, 158) specifically stress than unlike the Roman practice, in the Antiochian mint the name of Volusianus appears in its long form even in the late period. The authors restore it as Vibius Af(inius?) Vend(umanianus?). This form of the name is rarely used in modern studies. 7 Huttner 2008, 213. 8 According to Hanslik (1958a, 1985), who follows the information in P. Herennius Dexippus (FGH 100 F 22), Gallus was most probably consul suffectus ca. 245. However, Gerhardt and Hartmann (2008, 1063) do not mention such a consulate. 9 The text is preserved in Sync. p. 459, 5–19. See also Lane and Banchich 2009, 100. 10 Soutbern 2001, 75–76; Dimitrov 2005, 83. 11 Potter (1990, 45) believes that the idea for the betrayal is more of a improbable rumor than the truth, and that it is reflected by Oracula Sibyllina 13. 103–144. He finds that the concept for the plot of Trebonianus is important as an evidence for the opinion of his subjects for his rule, which according to the author was considered to be a failure. 12 Hanslik 1958a, 1986; Potter 2004, 247; Gibbon 1881, 387. Authors who do not oppose this accusation do not find it undoubtedly true either: Grant 1985, 160; Huttner 2008, 211; Drinkwater 2005, 40. 997030.indb7030.indb 111818 22/09/14/09/14 008:288:28 TREBONIANUS GALLUS AND VOLUSIANUS (AD 251–253) 119 Trebonianus was forced to arrange remains a matter of dispute (Iordanes Get. 106; Zosimus 1. 24; Ioannes Zonaras 12. 21). Modern scholars often regard it as hasty and unfavourable,13 since it allowed the Goths to keep their booty and captives and guaranteed them a yearly tribute from the empire (Zosimus 1. 24). With the situation on the Lower Danubian border brought under control, the new emperor and his son went to Rome to receive the approval of the senate. Decius’ son Hostilianus (most probably still a Caesar) and his mother the Augusta Herennia Etruscilla (Annia Cupressenia Herennia Etruscilla) were also in the capital. Trebonianus adopted Hostilianus and proclaimed him joint Augustus.14 Regardless of whether he gave the rank of Augustus to the boy or just recognised it, Gallus made him a part of the central government. His own son Volusianus, was also proclaimed co-ruler with the rank of a Caesar.15 The chronology thus proposed could be indicative of the attitude of Gallus towards the whole Decius’ family: the new ruler adopted the son of his predecessor and deified the dead emperor immediately after reaching Rome.16 An interesting issue is the absence of information about the wife of Gallus and mother of Volusianus,17 Afinia (Afinia M. F. Gemina Baebiana),18 after the acces- sion to power of her husband. It is clear that she did not assume the title of Augusta, which is very unusual within Roman tradition from the time of the Principate, where the figure of the empress had an active and important role for the creation and establishment of a new dynasty. Her absence might be explained either by her premature death or by her separation from Trebonianus.19 The sources make pos- sible the assumption that Decius’ wife, Herennia Etruscilla, was alive and still had influence in Rome.20 Her coinage clearly testifies21 that she continued to bear the title of Augusta even after Decius’ death. Thus, most probably, Gallus’ wife Afinia did not accept the title as a gesture towards Herennia Etruscilla22 – a unique act, which requires a deeper examination of the life of Afinia. If true, it would have been 13 Drinkwater 2005, 40–41; Christ 1988, 661. Soutbern (2001, 75–76) considers that the peace is obviously in favour of the Goths and sees it as proof of the weakness of Trebonianus, who wanted to leave the battlefield because he was incapable of winning. 14 Rathbone (1986, 114) notes that the first and only Egyptian dating for Gallus and Hostilianus is in SB VI 9235.1–4 from Thebes, dated to 13 August 251. According to him, this indicates that they were recognised in Arsinoite by ca. 3 August 251. 15 Drinkwater 2005, 39–40. 16 Préaux 1952. 17 She is mentioned on an inscription from Perusia: CIL XI 1927. 18 Rohden 1894. 19 Huttner 2008, 212; Potter 1990, 284. 20 Huttner 2008, 212. 21 Mattingly et al. 1949, 151–154. 22 Grant 1985, 160; Brauer 1975, 60. 997030.indb7030.indb 111919 22/09/14/09/14 008:288:28 120 L. GROZDANOVA in accordance with the politics of Trebonianus concerning the predecessor imperial family. Through this attitude and the adoption of Hostilianus, Gallus practically merged the two dynasties into one.23 The joint rule of Trebonianus, Hostilianus and Volusianus had but short dura- tion. Soon after the change in the central government, probably in the early autumn of AD 251, Hostilianus died of the plague raging at the time in Rome (Sextus Aurelius Victor Caes.
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