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Gothic Introduction – Part 1: Linguistic Affiliations and External History Roadmap
RYAN P. SANDELL Gothic Introduction – Part 1: Linguistic Affiliations and External History Roadmap . What is Gothic? . Linguistic History of Gothic . Linguistic Relationships: Genetic and External . External History of the Goths Gothic – Introduction, Part 1 2 What is Gothic? . Gothic is the oldest attested language (mostly 4th c. CE) of the Germanic branch of the Indo-European family. It is the only substantially attested East Germanic language. Corpus consists largely of a translation (Greek-to-Gothic) of the biblical New Testament, attributed to the bishop Wulfila. Primary manuscript, the Codex Argenteus, accessible in published form since 1655. Grammatical Typology: broadly similar to other old Germanic languages (Old High German, Old English, Old Norse). External History: extensive contact with the Roman Empire from the 3rd c. CE (Romania, Ukraine); leading role in 4th / 5th c. wars; Gothic kingdoms in Italy, Iberia in 6th-8th c. Gothic – Introduction, Part 1 3 What Gothic is not... Gothic – Introduction, Part 1 4 Linguistic History of Gothic . Earliest substantively attested Germanic language. • Only well-attested East Germanic language. The language is a “snapshot” from the middle of the 4th c. CE. • Biblical translation was produced in the 4th c. CE. • Some shorter and fragmentary texts date to the 5th and 6th c. CE. Gothic was extinct in Western and Central Europe by the 8th c. CE, at latest. In the Ukraine, communities of Gothic speakers may have existed into the 17th or 18th century. • Vita of St. Cyril (9th c.) mentions Gothic as a liturgical language in the Crimea. • Wordlist of “Crimean Gothic” collected in the 16th c. -
(1989) 129–138 © Dr. Rudolf Habelt Gmbh, Bonn
FRANÇOIS BÉRARD LA COHORTE IA CILICUM, LA CLASSIS FLAVIA MOESICA ET LES VEXILLATIONS DE L’ARMÉE DE MÉSIE INFÉRIEURE: À PROPOS D’UNE INSCRIPTION DE MONTANA aus: Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 79 (1989) 129–138 © Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 129 LA COHORTE I A CILICUM , LA CLASSIS FLAVIA MOESICA ET LES VEXILLATIONS DE L'ARMÉE DE MÉSIE INFÉRIEURE: À PROPOS D'UNE INSCRIPTION DE MONTANA Au congès international d'épigraphie de Sofia, en 1987, fut présentée par V. Velkov et G. Aleksandrov une très intéressante inscription provenant du sanctuaire de Diane et d'Apollon à Montana, en Mésie inférieure.1 Il s'agit d'un autel offert à Diane par le tribun Ti. Claudius Ulpianus pour la remercier d'une capture particulièrement fructueuse d'ours et de bisons. La chasse, organisée pour le compte de l'empereur (uenatio Caesariana), avait été ordonnée par Claudius Saturninus, gouverneur de Mésie inférieure, et exécutée, apparemment, par des contingents militaires, dont l'inscription, élevée en 147 ap. J.-C., donne le nom. Les lectures proposées par les éditeurs sont les suivantes: Dianae | Ti(berius) Claudius Ulpianu(s), | trib(unus) c(o)h(ortis) I Cili(cum) cum uexila|tionib(us) leg(ionis) I Ital(icae) (et) leg(ionis) XI Cl(audiae) CLASS|I l(oco ?) Mo(ntanis ?) ob uenationem | Caesarianam iniunc|tam a Cl(audio) Saturnino, leg(ato) | Aug(usti) pr(o) pr(aetore), ursis et uison|tibus prospere captis | aram consecra|uit Largo et Mes|salino co(n)s(ulibus). L'examen de la photographie publiée oblige à rejeter la lecture leg(ionis) devant XI Cl(audiae) , qui ne figure pas sur la pierre (l. -
Harttimo 1.Pdf
Beyond the River, under the Eye of Rome Ethnographic Landscapes, Imperial Frontiers, and the Shaping of a Danubian Borderland by Timothy Campbell Hart A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Greek and Roman History) in the University of Michigan 2017 Doctoral Committee: Professor David S. Potter, Co-Chair Professor Emeritus Raymond H. Van Dam, Co-Chair Assistant Professor Ian David Fielding Professor Christopher John Ratté © Timothy Campbell Hart [email protected] ORCID iD: 0000-0002-8640-131X For my family ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Developing and writing a dissertation can, at times, seem like a solo battle, but in my case, at least, this was far from the truth. I could not have completed this project without the advice and support of many individuals, most crucially, my dissertation co-chairs David S. Potter, and Raymond Van Dam. Ray saw some glimmer of potential in me and worked to foster it from the moment I arrived at Michigan. I am truly thankful for his support throughout the years and constant advice on both academic and institutional matters. In particular, our conversations about demographics and the movement of people in the ancient world were crucial to the genesis of this project. Throughout the writing process, Ray’s firm encouragement towards clarity of argument and style, while not always what I wanted to hear, have done much to make this a stronger dissertation. David Potter has provided me with a lofty academic model towards which to strive. I admire the breadth and depth of his scholarship; working and teaching with him have shown me much worth emulating. -
The Gothic Invasions of the Mid-3Rd C. A.D. and the Battle of Abritus: Coins
The Gothic invasions of the mid-3rd c. A.D. and the Battle of Abritus: coins and archaeology in east-central Barbaricum* Aleksander Bursche and Kirill Myzgin (Kирилл Мызгин) In the Numismatic Chronicle for 2013, A. Bursche put forward the proposition that the imperial treasury was seized by the Goths when in A.D. 251 they crushed the Roman army at Abritus.1 Most of the plundered Roman gold was presumably in the form of coin (ingots are neither excluded nor confirmed). This gold has now been traced with some confidence to archaeological sites of the Wielbark and the Chernyakhiv cultures, in particular to grave assemblages dated to the second half of the 3rd c. (phase C1b-C2 of the Late Roman period).2 This had even broader consequences, since the capture of an enormous amount of gold by the barbarians could have been the immediate cause of the deterioration of the aureus under Decius’ successors.3 The conclusion that the Roman imperial treasury was captured by the Goths at Abritus is based chiefly upon analysis of the evidence of coin finds, above all the aurei of Decius and his immediate predecessors recovered from barbarian contexts and then those iden- tified in museum collections. These finds evidently cluster in Pomerania, E Poland and W Ukraine, territories settled in the second quarter of the 3rd c. by people of the Wielbark culture, and in the territory of the Chernyakhiv culture. Outside this area, and includ- ing the territory of the empire itself, the same finds category is hardly recorded. Nearly all of the coins are pierced, the hole having been made from the obverse, usually above the emperor’s head, but some of them were cut up. -
Roman Legions: a Page of the Roman Numismatic Gallery (
Roman Legions: A Page of the Roman Numismatic Gallery (www.romancoins.info) Legion Caesar Augustus Tiberius Claudius Nero Vespasian Domitian Trajan Hadrian M. Aurel SepSev 300 AD I Adiutrix . Misenium 68 Mogontiacum Mogontiacu Brigetio 97 Brigetio Brigetio Brigetio Brigetio Galba 69/70 m 85 Dacia Camp (Otho) Sirmium 89 Parthia Bodriacum ? bis 97 Camp 114-6 I Augusta Hispania Col Agrippi Bonna Bonna 69/70 Germanica Gallia 19 BC - 16 Col Agrippina (Germanicus 9 AD - Bonna 16 - I Italica 66 Gallia Novae 69 Novae Novae Novae Novae Novae Novae Cisalp Dcia Camp 68 Lugdunum (Vitellius) I Minerva Bonna 82 Moesien Bonna Bonna -161 Bonna Bonna Dacia Camp Orient 161- Bonna 105 166 Bonna 167- I Parthica Singara (Mesopotam) II Adiutrix 69 Ravenna Deva Dacia Aquincum Aquincum Aquincum Aquincum Noviomagus -86/88 101-106 70 Singidunum Aquincum Orient 161- Lindum (Brit) 87-89 106 166 70/71-78 Aquincum 89 II Augusta 43 BC 17 Britannia 43 Glevum Glevum Isca Isca Isca Isca Isca Isca CVibius Pansa Argentorate (Vespasianus) (Gloucester) -75 (Caerleon) (Caerleon) (Caerleon) (Caerleon) (Caerleon) (Caerleon) 30 BC (Germanicus 67- 75 - Hispania T 9AD Rhein II Italica Aquilea 165 Lauriacum Lauriacum Locica 170-2 Albing 172-2 Lauriacum 205 II Parthica 197 Alba 202 Alba (Rom) Parther (Caracalla) II Traiana 105 125 Nicopolis Nicopolis Nicopolis Laodicea Nicopolis Legion Caesar Augustus Tiberius Claudius Nero Vespasian Domitian Trajan Hadrian M. Aurel SepSev 300 AD 114-116 (Aegypten) Parther 117 Judea (Ägypten) III Augusta 43 BC Ammaedra Ammaedra Ammaedra Ammaedra -
Economic Role of the Roman Army in the Province of Lower Moesia (Moesia Inferior) INSTITUTE of EUROPEAN CULTURE ADAM MICKIEWICZ UNIVERSITY in POZNAŃ
Economic role of the Roman army in the province of Lower Moesia (Moesia Inferior) INSTITUTE OF EUROPEAN CULTURE ADAM MICKIEWICZ UNIVERSITY IN POZNAŃ ACTA HUMANISTICA GNESNENSIA VOL. XVI ECONOMIC ROLE OF THE ROMAN ARMY IN THE PROVINCE OF LOWER MOESIA (MOESIA INFERIOR) Michał Duch This books takes a comprehensive look at the Roman army as a factor which prompted substantial changes and economic transformations in the province of Lower Moesia, discussing its impact on the development of particular branches of the economy. The volume comprises five chapters. Chapter One, entitled “Before Lower Moesia: A Political and Economic Outline” consti- tutes an introduction which presents the economic circumstances in the region prior to Roman conquest. In Chapter Two, entitled “Garrison of the Lower Moesia and the Scale of Militarization”, the author estimates the size of the garrison in the province and analyzes the influence that the military presence had on the demography of Lower Moesia. The following chapter – “Monetization” – is concerned with the financial standing of the Roman soldiery and their contri- bution to the monetization of the province. Chapter Four, “Construction”, addresses construction undertakings on which the army embarked and the outcomes it produced, such as urbanization of the province, sustained security and order (as envisaged by the Romans), expansion of the economic market and exploitation of the province’s natural resources. In the final chapter, entitled “Military Logistics and the Local Market”, the narrative focuses on selected aspects of agriculture, crafts and, to a slightly lesser extent, on trade and services. The book demonstrates how the Roman army, seeking to meet its provisioning needs, participated in and contributed to the functioning of these industries. -
By CHRISTER BRUUN King Decebalus of the Dacians Has His
THE LEGEND OF DECEBALus· By CHRISTER BRUUN 1. Introduction King Decebalus of the Dacians has his given place in the series of great en emies of Rome, a series including names such as Hannibal, Viriathus, lugur tha, Mithridates, and Boudicca. Classicists working in many different fields are today very much aware of the king: epigraphers, art historians who ad mire Trajan's Column in Rome, students of Roman military history, scholars who write about the emperor Trajan, and - why not - those with an interest in anthropology who study the ancient practice of beheading enemies or col lecting their heads. 1 Decebalus is also of obvious interest to those who focus on the province of Dacia, and - true to the topic of this volume - the relations between the imperial centre and one of the last provinces to be acquired by Rome will be explored in this paper by means of an investi gation of what I call "the legend of Decebalus". In other words, this study concerns how the memory of King Decebalus lived on in a somewhat different form in Dacia than it did elsewhere. The interest of modem anthropologists in the fate of the Dacian king was of course spurred by the sensational presentation by Professor Michael P. Speidel of the "autobiography" of the "Captor ofDecebalus" in 1970. The funerary inscription commemorating the career of the Roman cavalry officer Ti. Claudius Maximus contains a dramatic description of how Decebalus ended his life: quod cepisset Decebalu(m) et caput eius pertulisset ei Ra- • For helpful comments in Leiden I wish to thank in particular J. -
FL. MATEI-POPESCU Cu Corecturi.Indd
https://biblioteca-digitala.ro Florian Matei-Popescu THE ROMAN ARMY IN MOESIA INFERIOR https://biblioteca-digitala.ro “VASILE PÂRVAN” INSTITUTE OF ARCHAEOLOGY NATIONAL MUSEUM OF ROMANIAN HISTORY THE CENTRE FOR ROMAN MILITARY STUDIES 7 Series editors: OVIDIU ŢENTEA FLORIAN MATEI-POPESCU https://biblioteca-digitala.ro FLORIAN MATEI-POPESCU THE ROMAN ARMY IN MOESIA INFERIOR CONPHYS PUBLISHING HOUSE Bucharest, 2010 https://biblioteca-digitala.ro Th is volume is printed in the framework of the STRATEG Project – PNCDI II, P4, 91 010/ 2007, fi nanced by the National Authority for Scientifi c Research (ANCS). General editors: Ovidiu Ţentea and Florian Matei-Popescu Cover design: Andrei Cîmpeanu © Florian Matei-Popescu & CRMS First published 2010 All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without the permission in writing from the publishers and editors. Descrierea CIP a Bibliotecii Naţionale a României MATEI-POPESCU, FLORIAN Th e Roman Army in Moesia Inferior Florian Matei-Popescu. – Bucureşti : Conphys, 2010 ISBN 978-973-750-177-6 Edited and printed by CONPHYS Romania, Râmnicu Vâlcea www.conphys.ro https://biblioteca-digitala.ro To Valentina and Ilinca https://biblioteca-digitala.ro https://biblioteca-digitala.ro Contents Foreword 9 Author’s preface 11 List of abbreviations 13 Introduction 19 I. Legio V Macedonica 35 1. Legion history prior the establishment of the province of Moesia Inferior 35 2. Legion history between 86 and 167 45 3. -
Space and Identity in Roman Moesia
Space and Identity in Roman Moesia Space and Identity in Roman Moesia: Rethinking Military and Civilian Spheres in a Frontier Province Lina Diers Defining military and civilian spheres in the Roman province of Moesia is no easy task. Although the province’s numerous military structures along the Danube Limes (fortified but permeable frontier) and in its inland are well-known, there is certainly some confusion when it comes to the embedment of these structures within Moesia’s settlement patterns and particularly their civilian factor. On one hand, epigraphic evidence attests to the common frontier province phenomenon of so-called settlement dualism of canabae (settlement structure featuring soldiers’ families and supply units alongside legionary camps and auxiliary forts) and vici (village/civilian settlement structure ranging between urban and rural character) in all the major legionary camp sites of Moesia. On the other, the state of archaeological research in Moesia does not (or not yet) allow a distinct location or spatial separation of canabae and vici at most sites. Instead, the site conditions rather display surprising degrees of mixing military and civilian administration and living spheres contradicting the concept of settlement dualism. By introducing several examples for this situation, this article discusses if it is useful or even necessary in current modes of post-processual, post/-anti-colonial and identity- oriented discourse in Roman Archaeology to spatially divide military and civilian spheres in clarifying everyday life reality and settlement patterns in Roman Moesia. Institute for European and Mediterranean Archaeology 1 Lina Diers Introduction area. While the legionary deployments and their consequences at the very beginning The Roman province of Moesia was founded of Roman presence in the Balkans are still in the period between 15 and 45 C.E. -
Military Installations at Zeugma: an Overview of the Swiss Archaeological Investigations, 2001‒2003
. chapter ten . Military Installations at Zeugma: An Overview of the Swiss Archaeological Investigations, 2001‒2003 M. Hartmann and M. A. Speidel THE HISTORICAL AND surveying the Euphrates.9 Even so, the names and gar- GEOGRAPHICAL CONTEXT rison places of only a few units are known for this early period.10 In A.D. 19, legio X Fretensis had its winter quar- The Euphrates marked most of Rome’s eastern frontier, and ters at Cyrrhus, roughly halfway between the provincial it divided the empire’s territory from the spheres of influ- capital Antioch and Zeugma.11 In the years prior to A.D. ence of Rome’s most resourceful foes, the Parthians and 66, the same legion is known to have been safeguarding Persians (fig. 1).1 The river marked the border between the the Euphrates.12 Hence, legio X Fretensis may have been two foremost empires of the ancient world,2 and, for the moved closer to the river, perhaps to a new fortress at or many different peoples of this frontier zone, it made a true near Zeugma.13 difference on which side of the border they lived.3 At any rate, a temporary Roman military camp was set The defense of Rome’s eastern frontier was the task of up in A.D. 49 apud Zeugma, when the emperor Claudius soldiers. Their duties were of such proportions that the supported a friendly Parthian prince to seize the Parthian defense of this border consumed about one quarter of throne.14 The camp was set up for a Roman military escort, Rome’s entire military force. -
Barbarians on the Coins of Trajan Decius (249–251)
Studia Ceranea 10, 2020, p. 337–359 ISSN: 2084-140X DOI: 10.18778/2084-140X.10.16 e-ISSN: 2449-8378 Agata A. Kluczek (Katowice) https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0852-0572 Barbarians on the Coins of Trajan Decius (249–251) he theme of the barbarian, especially its variants which presented the bar- T barian as an enemy or a captive, was an ideologically expressive symbol uti- lised in Roman art and mintage across centuries1. It symbolised victory and the capability of conquering a specific person or an entire empire; it expressed the idea of Roman victory and dominance in the ancient world. In the middle of the 3rd century one is struck by its absence in imperial coinage. It falls to the so- called first great crisis (249–253)2, which covered the reign of a number of rulers: Trajan Decius and his sons Herennius Etruscus and Hostilian (249–251), Trebo- nianus Gallus and Volusianus (251–253), as well as Aemilianus (253). The lack of this theme in imperial coinage is intriguing. In the third century, during a time of wars which justified and enforced the presence of the theme, and in the peri- od of a glorification of the emperor as the victor and the unconquerable leader of an empire, the figure of a stranger-enemy was transposed to the reverses of coins, whose content touched upon various spheres of state-social life, not only of military questions3. The absence of the images of the barbarians is surprising 1 Cf. (e.g.) J.A. Ostrowski, „Cum restrictis ad terga manibus”. -
Clay Slingshots from the Roman Fort Novae at Čezava (Serbia) 249 Miroslav Vujović
Clay slingshots from the Roman fort Novae at Čezava (Serbia) 249 miroslav vujoviĆ Clay slingshots from the Roman fort Novae at Čezava (Serbia) This paper deals with finds of clay slingshots dis- covered during the archaeological investigations of the Roman military camp Novae in the Iron Gates gorge. Castle Novae is situated in eastern Serbia, 18 km downstream from the entrance to the Iron Gates gorge, at the confluence of the Čezava river with the Danube (Fig. 1). It was investigated from 1965 – 1970 as part of the project accompanying the construction of the Djerdap I power plant and the raising of the level of the Djerdap reservoir, dur- ing which many archaeological sites were flooded1. The Novae fort was one of the first large Roman camps in the gorge, situated at a strategically im- portant site. It was positioned at the confluence of one of the Danube’s tributaries, in close proximity to the route of the Roman road stretching through the Iron Gates gorge2. The importance of the Novae castle is also indicated by the fact that it was inhab- ited from the first half of the st1 until the end of the 6th centuries, with short interruptions. The camp was erected 100 m away from the river bank, on a ridge 1 Iron Gate section of Roman limes, Serbia. – After protruding into the Danube’s main stream (Fig. 2). VujoviĆ 2007 (note 7), 298, Fig. 1. The port of the Danube fleet, partially excavated by archaeologists, was formerly sited here. This was the most convenient point to wade across the Danube in the gorge, especially in summer, when the water whole camp because the level of the Danube had level was low, and in winter when the Danube would risen.