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The Blood of the Martyrs: the Attitudes of Pagan Emperors and Crowds Towards Christians, from Nero to Julian

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The Blood of the Martyrs: the Attitudes of Pagan Emperors and Crowds Towards Christians, from Nero to Julian The Blood of the Martyrs: The Attitudes of Pagan Emperors and Crowds Towards Christians, From Nero to Julian Domenico Miletti Thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies in fulfillment of the requirements for the Master’s degree in Classical Studies Department of Classics and Religious Studies Faculty of Arts and Sciences University of Ottawa © Domenico Miletti, Ottawa, Canada, 2016 Abstract This MA thesis will discuss the reception of common, non-scholarly polytheists (pagans) to the persecution of Christians from the early empire until the Great Persecution (303-313, 322-324). Though modern scholars have addressed this issue and asserted that there was a change in attitude, many have not developed this into anything more than a passing statement. When chronologically analyzing the Christian acts, passions, letters, and speeches recounting the deaths of martyrs deemed historically authentic, and accounting for the literary and biblical topoi, we can demonstrate that the position of non-Christians changed. The methodology of this thesis will chronologically assess the martyr acts, passions, speeches, and letters which are historically accurate after literary and biblical topoi are addressed. These sources are available in the appendix. Throughout this analysis, we will see two currents. The primary current will seek to discern the change in pagan reception of anti-Christian persecution, while the second current will draw attention to the Roman concept of religio and superstitio, both important in understanding civic religion which upheld the pax deorum and defined loyalty to the Roman order through material sacrifices and closely connected to one's citizenship. Religio commonly denoted proper ritual practices, while superstitio defined irregular forms of worship which may endanger the state. As we will see, Christians were feared and persecuted because it was believed that their cult would anger the gods and disrupt the cosmological order. The analysis will begin with a discussion centered on the "accusatory" approach to the Christian church during the first two centuries when the Roman state relied on provincial delatores (denounces) to legislate against the cult. During the first two centuries persecution was mostly provincial, sporadic and was not centrally-directed. We will see that provincial mobs were the most violent during the first two centuries. During the third century the actions of the imperial authority changed and began following an "inquisitorial" approach with the accession of Emperors Decius and Valerian, the former enacting an edict of universal sacrifices while the latter undertook the first Empire-wide initiative to crush the Christian community. It is during the third century that the attitude of non- elite pagans may have begun to change. This will be suggested when discussing the martyrdom of Pionius. When discussing the fourth century Great Persecution under the Diocletianic tetrarchy, it will be suggested that the pagan populace may have begun to look upon the small Christian community sympathetically. The thesis will conclude with the victory of Constantine over Licinius and the slow but steady rise of Christianity to prominence, becoming the official religio of the empire with traditional paganism relegated to the status of a superstitio. ii Table of Contents Introduction…………………………………………………………………………………...v-xvi Chapter One: From the First Century to the Antonines………………………………………..1-28 Chapter Two: The Severan Dynasty to the Edict of Toleration Under Gallienus……………29-50 Chapter Three: Diocletian, the Tetrarchy, and the Great Persecution………………………..51-83 Epilogue……………………………………………………………………………………..84-108 Conclusion…………………………………………………………………………………109-112 Appendix…………………………………………………………………………………..113-120 Bibliography……………………………………………………………………………….121-147 iii Special Thanks This Master's Thesis has been a product of two year's worth of work. I would not have been able to bring it to completion had it not been for the guidance of my advisor, Dr. Geoffrey Greatrex, who was always ready to critique my research and give me helpful feedback. Other University of Ottawa scholars who I wish to thank are Dr. Arianne Magny and Dr. Dominique Coté. Dr. Magny introduced me to her book which focused on Porphyry and the reception of anti-Christian texts in Late Antiquity, while Dr. Cote's seminar class on Julian "the apostate" prepared me in writing my epilogue and whose advise was greatly appreciated. Also, the support of my immediate family in Montreal permitted me to get through the writing. And last but not least, I would like to thank JaShong King and my sister who aided me with the charts in the appendices. iv Introduction Much scholarly work has been devoted to the persecution of Christians in the Roman Empire. Attention has been devoted primarily to the legislative history against the Christian communities and the actions that followed. Most academics draw attention to the attitudes of the rulers of the Roman world toward Christians, be they the principes of the early imperial period, or the domini of the later era. In antiquity the vast majority of the empire's inhabitants did not have the ability to reach high levels of education and therefore anti-Christian writings of philosophers should not be considered an indicator of the feelings of the general populace. Can a reorientation of pagan attitudes be perceived in relation to the persecution of Christians from the early empire until the Great Persecution (303-313, 322-324)? One may be able to answer this question when chronologically assessing historically authentic martyr sources. Some scholars are sceptical as to the reliability of many of these accounts, while others have defended the accuracy of some of them. T.D. Barnes has studied and discussed ancient Roman hagiography and his work will be of use for this analysis. Barnes has critiqued the martyr lists of Van Gebhardt (1902), Knopf-Krüger ([1929] 1965), Lazzati (1956), and Musurillo (1972), compiling his own canon of Christian martyr acts which he deems "historically authentic." Within this thesis, the works of other scholars will be utilized in order to discuss the various literary topoi which found their way into the martyr acts deemed historical.1 Throughout this analysis, one must bear in mind that literary exaggerations and topoi do appear within the ecclesiastical literature because succeeding compilers edited the accounts. Though the thesis will not be centered on the editorial decisions of Christian writers, literary tropes will be accounted for when they arise. C. Moss has written about the biblical imagery and allusions within martyr acts deemed historically authentic.2 Furthermore, despite the extensive works of both Barnes and Moss, D. Mendels and S. Mitchell, among others, have also explored the compositions of Christian histories and martyrs acts.3 Modern scholarly literature suggests that a decline in enthusiasm for persecution on the part of non-Christians occurred. Unfortunately many have not developed this into anything more than a passing statement when recounting the martyrdoms of Christians. Furthermore, the change 1 Barnes (2010: 355-9). T.D. Barnes had previously discussed authentic Christian acts in an article (a. 1968). 2 Moss (2010: 539-574); Moss (2012); Moss (2013). 3 Mitchell (1982: 93-113); Mendels (1999). v in the sentiment of non-Christians is hardly discussed when all the martyr acts, passions, letters, and speeches are studied individually and chronologically. The works by W. Frend chart the history of persecution against Christians in the Roman Empire, suggesting that a loss of enthusiasm occurred by the time the tetrarchs initiated the Great Persecution, while denunciations of Christians become restricted to eastern cities such as Gaza.4 Though Frend does explore the proliferation of Christianity amongst some members of the ruling elite while mentioning a change of attitude on the part of the populace in generalizing terms, the historicity of the martyr sources is not evaluated. R. Lane Fox discusses pagan and Christian religiosity in the context of civic life in the late Roman Empire. While drawing attention to martyred Christians he nonetheless asserts a change in attitude of non-Christians following the mid-third century. This assertion is brought up only after the reader is presented with the names of targeted Christians and left to take his suggestion at face value. Lane Fox gives a specific examples, like Theodotus of Ancyra, the Edessan martyrs Shmona, Guria, and Habbib, more widely known Christians such as Polycarp, Pionius, Justin Martyr, the martyrs at Lyons and Vienne, Perpetua and Crispina, but does not attempt a chronological analysis of their interactions with the non-Christian community.5 G. de Ste. Croix refers to a change in the attitude of non-Christians during times of persecution in his article.6 Besides drawing attention to reasons for Christian persecution, de Ste. Croix suggests that after the mid-third century, with the growth of the Church, polytheists outside of the educated, governing elite generally no longer believed the outlandish rumors previously circulated about Christians.7 H. Gračanin explores the religious policy and the policing of religion during the tetrarchic era and briefly explores the degree of participation of the non-Christian population. Gračanin covers the whole period of the Great Persecution and notes that the pagans of the empire became "passive participants" of the bloodshed of the period.
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