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Protestants, Evangelicals, and the Religious Order: Christianity and Political Conservatism in the United Kingdom and United States from 1530 to 1950

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Protestants, Evangelicals, and the Religious Order: Christianity and Political Conservatism in the United Kingdom and United States from 1530 to 1950 Protestants, Evangelicals, and the Religious Order: Christianity and Political Conservatism in the United Kingdom and United States from 1530 to 1950 An Honors Thesis Presented by Duncan Mayer Robb to Curriculum and Honors Committee Department of Political Science in partial fulfillment of the requirements for a degree with honors of Bachelor of Arts University of Oregon June 2009 Thesis Advisor: Dr. Craig Parsons Second Reader: Dr. Joseph Lowndes 2 The British monarch holds a number of titles and distinctions. “Defender of the Faith and Supreme Governor of the Church of England” is only one of them and carries little practical importance – no more than “Commandant-in-Chief of the Royal Air Force” or “Lord High Admiral of the Royal Navy.” But, the former distinction, bestowed upon all Sovereigns of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, is perhaps the most obvious example of the tie that exists between Church and State there. However, while this link is born of a historic symbiotic relationship between the Church of England and British government, politics and public life today have a distant association with religious matters. Prayer in schools, though mandated by British common law, is often not practiced daily, weekly, or even monthly (Lords 19 Apr. 2007). While Church of England bishops do sit in the House of Lords, which indeed possesses some real power, most notably derived from its judicial authority roughly equivalent to the American Supreme Court, the upper house’s power and influence pales in comparison to that of the House of Commons across the hall (Nash). Even in this role, some call bishop posts in the Lords “anomalous and not seriously defensible” as bishops rarely use the political forum to make their views on public policy known (Church and State 2002). Religious figures have little ability to mobilize members of their faith around a political cause, and religious considerations in voter behavior have been declining since the early 20th century (Miller and Raab). “So You Want to be a Christian?”, a reality television program that aired on BBC One as recently as summer of 2008, showed participants attempting to find God, a goal that is portrayed as novel and entertaining, similar to the attitude found in American reality shows depicting people who are trying to lose weight or become more attractive. Tony Blair, the most recent ex-British Prime Minister, had his devout Christian beliefs kept “under wraps” by political conventions as well as his staff (Aitken, 60). 3 In contrast, the First Amendment of the Constitution of the United States of America assures that “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof…” In this line, the most basic standard of separation between Church and State in the U.S. is established. Yet like Britain through all but the last 100 years or so, the United States, since its inception, has witnessed a strong correlation between religious and political interests and influence. Unlike Britain today, that correlation continues to act as a potent force in the political dialogue in the U.S. In 2005, the Christian element of the Republican Party came to the forefront with Terryi Schiavo’s right-to-life/right-to-die case. Politicians to the national level participated in heated debate over the issue, many espousing faith-based morals protecting the life of all people. The scope of the debate embodied the tie between religious interests and political ones, with speculation that many conservative politicians raised the alarm because they felt their electoral base would respond positively (Kuhn). The 2008 election year saw the ratification of California’s Proposition 8, amending the state’s Constitution and banning marriage among same-sex couples. The Mormon Church poured $20 million into the Yes on 8 campaign, even though Mormons make up only 2% of California’s population (Kirchick). This too exemplified the formidable power of religious interest in politics. Historically in the United States as well as in the United Kingdom, religious interests have had a strong place in political party alliances. After the English Reformation, Britain was set on a new path whereby progressive interests of varying intensities began aligning with the Whigs, while conservative Protestant supporters of the Church of England and the aristocracy coalesced under the Tories. The alliances remained strong for some time, but we can also see a huge decline in Christian influence in the British Conservative Party after the turn of the 20th century (Miller and Raab). Today, the American Republican party is still seen as an ally of 4 Christian values in the United States, excepting southern Dixiecrats who remain from a time when the Democrats were the party of moral conservatism. In Great Britain, however, the link that existed between conservatives and religious interests has dissolved significantly. There are still rumblings of former ties – William Hague, a Conservative Minister of Parliament, has recently been crusading to attract more Christian voters to the Conservative party for example, arguing that God is, indeed, a Tory (Vallely 22) – but the conflation of the two is nothing like in the U.S. This is curious, because the two countries share similar political and economic structures, and in fact as I have just briefly outlined Great Britain carries with it a much richer tradition of Christian influence. What were the circumstances which led to the disaffiliation of the political right with the conservative Christian values in the United Kingdom while the same association in the United States remained unaffected? This paper will not chronicle the striking rise of the religious right in the U.S. or any mirroring movements in Britain. Scholarly works reflecting upon religious influence in American politics since the second half of the 20th century are numerous and extensive, and while I will make note of some additional stories which pick up after mine leaves off at the conclusion of this essay, I need not tell the same story myself. What I will describe is the back story that has set the stage for what we see now as a stark contrast between religious involvement in Europe (and in my case specifically the United Kingdom) and the United States of America. Put another way, we see today the patterns of Christian power in conservative American politics (which is quite formidable) and in the U.K. (which is nothing of the sort), and this paper will let us see what events took place in the modernization of the two countries that led to these current realities. Looking back through history with a more powerful microscope reveals interesting patterns that can help explain patterns that we see today. 5 I will argue that Christian turmoil in mid 19th century Britain created a permanent rift between the top-down religious establishment and the increasingly large and tolerant middle class, causing religious divisions in politics to be replaced by class divisions soon after the turn of the millennium. Christian values the U.S. remained strong from bottom-up activism in attempts to gain legitimacy and control while reconciling with a neutral political atmosphere and a changing social climate, culminating in the evangelical realignment with conservative politics after the New Deal. To address the question, I researched and analyzed secondary texts covering different elements of British and American political and religious history to locate trends and congruencies that I hope are only apparent after my extensive examination. In support of this, I have access to the archives of British parliamentary records from as far back as 1803. I wanted to pull out and summarize the specific situations which led to the differing political and religious paths in these two countries. Be the end of my paper, I hope to have made clear not only what set the background for American Christian political activism and discouraged the same in the U.K., but I want to imply that these same realities – enfranchisement, establishment, and top-down versus bottom-up social activity, have implications in public matters beyond religion. Indeed, I feel that my findings could explain differing levels of demographic participation in other areas between these two countries as well, if not others. Some Qualifications As this writing covers a wide period of history, the political label of England and its relation to Scotland, Ireland, and Wales changes amidst the other occurrences that I will focus on. As such, I will refer to England in some parts, Great Britain in others, and the United 6 Kingdom as well. Two reasons contribute to this: one is that at as England, Ireland and Scotland become more unified it is awkward to refer to England or Great Britain as the sole actor in the group of nations; the other is that the research I cite will use one of the three labels, and in order to cite the information correctly I cannot assume that an author’s observations referring to Great Britain, for example, could also be applied to Ireland. That said, maximum effort has been made to prevent this complication from detracting from the conclusions reached in the paper. As religion will be referred to innumerous times, I feel it necessary to define the term so that we may use it confidently. I will borrow a definition that I have seen used exactly or approximately in many of the texts that I have read: “A religion is an integrated system of beliefs, lifestyle, ritual activities, and institutions by which people give meaning to (or find something in) their lives by orienting themselves to what they take to be holy, sacred, or of ultimate value” (Corbett, 7). With this definition applied to Christianity in this essay we will see how the Christian system of faith contributed to the decisions I focus on and emphasize as the main vehicles with which Christian influence was lost in the United Kingdom and retained in the United States.
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