<<

Appendix 143 142 Appendix

DEFINITION 4 A qualllifier Q is a function that assigns to each universe A I. II is a runtioll from (()a into (CI~I. a on A. QA' and such that if A. A' are universes of the same 2. Ii is onto ((i'j'11. and cardinality, then Q and QA' have the samc cardinality countcrparl. A 3. h is one-to-one. (I.a) First I prove that" is a function. Let Oa be an a-operator of type Chapter 2, Section 5 (II' ...• 1,,). Let (s" ... , s,,) be a sequence such that for I ::; i ~ k, Sj E A if Ii = 0, and Sj ~ An if 'i = n =f. O. I have to show that [(i(J:l)' ... , ;(s,,»] DEFINITION 5 Let A be a . A 2-place quantifier 011 A is a function exists and is unique. Existence is obvious. To prove uniqueness, let J, I' be q: P(A) x P(A) -+ {T, F} two indexings of A bya. Let i(51), ... , ;(s,J and ;'(s.), ... , i'(s,,) be the such that ifm : A -+ A is an automorphism of A. then for every IJ. C s; A, index images 0[.\", ... , SIc under 1and I' respectively. 1'-1 0 J is a permuta­ q(m(B), m(C» = q(B, C), tion of a and (;'(.\',)•... , i'(s,,» is the image of (i(Sl)' ... , ;(s,,» under /,-1 /. I-Iellce. (i(sd• ... , ;(s,,» and (i'(sd, , ..• i'(s,,» are similar and where m(B) and m(C) are the images of Band C under m. 0 l(;(s,).... , i(s,J)] = l(i'(sd, ... , i'(s,,»]. That is, [(;(S1)"'" ;(.'1,,»] is DEFINITION 6 Let a be a cardinal number. A 4-parlithm (~r a is a quadruple unique. ({1, y, 0, e) of cardinals such that fl + }' + b + I: = a. ( I.b) Next I prove that h is into (61'11. Let 0(1. be an a-operator of type (1\, ... , I,). Let Bl x ... X B" be a Cartesian product such that for I ~ DEFINITION 7 Let (fl, y, (5, e)a be the class of4-parlitiolls of ex. A cardinality i ~ /(. B = A if Ii = O. and lJj = p(An) if 'i = n #- O. Let C\ll be a func­ jimction on 4-partitions of ex is a function j tion from /J, x ... X B" into {T, F} such that for every (SI' ... , SIc) E 1: (/1, y. b, e)a -+ {T, F}. 1)0111(('.11), C,,,(s\ •...• sd = O(1.[(;(s.), ... , i(s,J)]. where for some indexing lor A by a. i(.\j). I sj 5 k, is the index image of Sj under I. By definition THEOREM 2 (Lindstr61ll 1966.) Let A he a set. Lct:1 bc thc sct ofc:ndinal­ It, ('11 /i(o(J;)' (By (I.a) above. C'.II is well del1ned.) 'We have to show ity functions on 4-partitiolls of a = IA I. Let :j, bc the set of 2-placc tillallti­ or that C'11 is indeed a logical term restricted to '11. In particular, we have to fiers on A. Then there exists a one-to-one function II from ,'1 onto ;?) defined as follows: show that C'.II satisfies the restriction of condition (E) of chapter 3. section 6 to'll. That is, if (SI' ... , s,,) and (s~, ...• s~) are in Dom(C9,) and For any ( E Y, h(t) = the 2-place quantifier q on A such that for any (A, s" .... .'I,,) ~ (A. s~ • ... , s~), then C'1I(Sl"'" SIc) = C'lI(S~, ... , s~). B. C ~ A, q(B, C) = (IBn CI, IB - CI, IC BI, fA (Bu C)I). Take any indexing 1 of A by ex. For I 5}::; k, let i(sj) be the index image Given a 2-place quantifier on A. Q2. I will call the cardinality function t of Sj under I. By delinitioll, satisfying the above equation the cardinality counterpart (~l Q2 and SYIll­ l:>olize it as IQ. C ~I (.~ ,. . .. , Sk) = () 0: [ ( i (.'11 ), ... , i (Sk ) ) ]. C\l\(s;, ... , s~) = oo:[ (;(s;), ... , ;(s~ »1· DEFINITION 8 A 2-place quantifier Q2 is a function that assigns to each It sullkes to show that l(;(s,)•... , ;(sd)l = l(;(s'.), ...• i(s~»l· Let f universe A a 2-place quantifier on A, Q!, and such that if A. A' are he an isomorphism of (A. ,\'\ •...• ,\'k) onto (A,,\'~, ...• s~). Thus.r is a universes of the same cardinality. then Q~ and Q~, have the same cardinal­ permutation or A. Define a permutation m of a as follows: for all ity counterpart. /1 E a,

Chapter 4, Section 2 m(/I) )' ilfI(op) = lly. ('Ieady. (;(J~) •...• i(s~» is the image of (;(SI)' ... , i(Sk» under the per­ Proofoftheorem 1 The proof is straightforward because we have already mutation induced hy m. llence. (;(SI)' ... , ;(Sk» and (i(s;), ... , i(5~» are introduced all the concepts connecting the ordinal structures over which similar. Therefore, l(i(sd..... ;(Sk»] = l(i(s;), ...• i(s~»l· a-operators are defined with structures within ~( over which logical terms (2) The next step is to prove that h is onto (efl~l. Take any C~ll E rei'll· restricted to'll are defined. I will prove The claim is that there is an 0a E (()a such that 11(0(1) C'1t· Let the type of 145 Appendix 144 Appendix

C'11 be

(}a : [9l(a)] -+ {T, F} () E a,

as follows: Let I be some indexing of A by IX. For any [<'1 (a), ... , rk(a»] E ) = I' (111«) Dom(oa), 0a[ (a), ... , rlc(a»] T iff for some structure

(2) C 91 (S" ••• , Sic) = T ex is a function

I have to show that 0a is a well-defined a-operator. Let quantifiers on binary relations over A satisfying the invariance condition But this follows from the fact that C'11 is a logical term (restricted to 'II) (h. I ) (p. XX). Then there exists a one-to-one function It from J{ onto !l and the fact that the structures (A, .'II' ... , s/<) and (A, s;, ...• ."k) are defined thus: isomorphic. (That the structures ifl' 1-: 1 {a: <1I~, a) E R}I and ( = I{a:

R(a) through I. Then by definition of fl, CI

Chapter 4, Section 4 Proof' Take any a E A. (I) Let {h E A:

I. It is a well-defined function from f into fl, IBI IIf! and I.R! = 18'1, 2. II is onto !£, where IJ = {h: (a, ") E R}, H' = {hi: (a', h') E R'}, and 8, 8' are the com­ 3. h is one-to-one. plements of /J, If (in A) respectively. Let m' be any one-to-one function (I.a) First I show that h is a well-dell ned fUllction. Let kll be any binary from B onto 1J' and mil any one-to-one function from jj onto 8'. Let b be cardinality function on a. any member of A. I define the value of m for (a, h) as follows:

(l.a.i) h(kaJ exists. Let R be any binary relation included in A 2. Then R (a', m'(h» if hE H -+ m(o, M = is represented by some function IR : a «(I, }')a' Since ka(LI~ J) exists for { (a', mf/(h» otherwise every R, so does h(ka.). (I assume the axiom of choice.) The reader can check that m is a well­ (I.a.ii) h(ka.) is unique. Let R be any binary relation as above. Theil R is defined I-automorphism of A x A. I have shown that k ta. is well defined. uniquely represented by j~ under the given indexing. So (ll(ka) )(R) is unique under the given indexing. Let IR' j~ be the representations of R (,Iarly, h(kl

Claim: k 112 is well dellned. I have to show that iffR ,.I~, are similar functions representing Rand R' respectivcly, thcn R E 91 ill' R' E 91. I will show that if J~, JR, are similar, there is a I-automorphism m of Ax A such that m(R) = R'. Let jJ be an automorphism of (1 such that for every bE (1, j~(b) = IR'(p«»), Let m l be thc automorphism of A induced hy fl (through the given indexing of A). I will define m as follows: Take allY a E A. Let 1111 (a) = a', Then sincejR,j~· are similar and.l~,j~, represent I?, R'respeetively, I I; "I: :r III ,~ Notes

Chapter 1 1. Our Knowledge o(the External World, p. 67. 2. Ollr KIlOll'ledge (~lthe External World, p. 68. 3. See p. 12. 4. See Barwise and Feferman 1985 and the extensive bibliography there. 5. That makes it more suitable for the task in question than the simple (or ramified) theory of types, in which the logical constants are determined prior to the establishment of types. 6. Two first-order structures are eiemefllarily equivalefll iff they are indistinguish­ able by any sentence of standard first-order logic (elementary logic). That is, there is no first-order sentence true in one of the structures and false in the other. 7. r.196. 8. A Skolem .limetion is a function that represents an existential quantifier in a quantifier prefix of the form "(Vxd ... (Vxn){3y)," where n ~ I. Thus a statement of the form "Every x stands to some y in the relation R" is logically equivalent to «There is a functionfsuch that every x stands tof(x) in the relation R." 9. Kant 1781/1787, p. 17. 10. See Hodes 1982, p. 162. II. These are Hodes's reformulations of statements discussed by Frege in The Fmmclatiolls o/'Arithmetic (1884), p. 69. See Hodes 1982, p. 170 and also Hodes 1984. p. 129. 12. II odes 1984, p. 129. 13. Frege 1884, p. 69. 14. ("arnap 1939, pp. 28--29. 15. Carnap 1950, p. 250. 16. Carnap 1950, p. 250. 17. For a partial selection, see bi bliography. I:" J 151 r Notes to Pages 19-39 i Notes to Pages 10-19 150 19. This is example (3.a) of Barwise and Cooper 1981, p. 160. Chapter 2 ! 20. See, for example. Rescher 1968, pp. 171-172. l. Mostowski 1957, p. 12. i 21. See Barwise and Cooper 1981. pp. 214-216. 2. Frege 1884, p. 65. 22. Rescher 1962, p. 374. I, 3. Frege 1884, p. 65. 23. Barwise and Cooper 1981, p. 162. 4. Frege 1884, p. 64. Although Frege does not refer to quantitlers explicitly in 24. Barwise and Cooper 1981, p. 161. these passages, it is clear from the relationship established in Bewifj.~J('hrUi be­ I tween the universal quantifier and statements of existence that "there exists" is to 25. am using a slightly different notation from that of Barwise and Cooper. be understood as a quantifier. 26. Barwise and Cooper 1981, p. 177, 5. Frege uses different styles of variables for quantification and for open sentences. 27. Barwise and Cooper 1981, pp. 165-166. Sentences relabeled. The role of variables of quantification is to "express generality," while variables in 28. Barwise and Cooper 1981, p. 164. open sentences "show the places where the completing sign has to be inserted" fli 29. Barwise and Cooper 1981, p. 170. In later literature the property of living on Iii (Frege 1904, p. 114). ill:, is often called "conservativity," after Keenan and Stavi (1986). I' 6. Frege 1884. p. 59. ,I 30. Barwise and Cooper 1981, pp. 178-179. 7. See, e.g., Slomson 1976, pp. 249-250. 11 3\. Barwise and Cooper 1981, p. 179. 8. Mostowski 1957, p. 13. I!' .n. Barwise and Cooper 1981, p. 170. ~ll1 9. Mostowski 1957, p. 13. The following constraints arc to be taken for granted 33. The limitations of living on are also discussed by such authors as Thijsse (1983, !:il in the context of Mostowski's work: the second-level predicates in question arc pp, 2226), van Benthem (1983a, p. 452), and Westerstahl (1989, pp. 28-37). These H defined over all first-level I-place predicates of the language, and they are exten­ !!\' authors do accept the living-on constraint, though on grounds extraneouS to the ";:1. sional. logico-philosophical principles that guide me here. In conversation Richard Larson -II rp 10. Dummett 1973, p. 22, n. sl1~~ested to me that IidllK 011 is criterial for the class of deler:miners (identified by 4f:; their distributional behavior in NPs). while p('rmutation is criterial for the class of ,!; II. Barwise and Cooper 1981. p. 163. Sentences relabeled. I qrumti[iers. This suggestion is reflected in my remark that Barwise and Cooper may 12. Sec Keisler 1977 and 1985. ha ve identified a linguistically significant category ofexpressions, but this category 13. For an extensive discussion of generalized quantifiers in the setting of non­ is not that of qUllllt!fiers. Indeed, Keenan and Stavi (1986), who were co-originators standard models and infinitistic languages, see Barwise and Fefermxy is true in \!I in'there are more things x in A reasons for rejecting the analysis of proper names as quantifiers have to do with satisfying (My)xy than things x in A not satisfying (My)$.\y. That is, the number the nature of proper names, though, rather than with the nature of quantifiers. ofa's in A that stand in the relation $ to more than half the objects in the universe is larger than the number of a's in A for which this does not hold. Formally, ifg is 35, May 1991. p. 353. an assignment of clements in A to the individual variables of the language, then \!l F (MxHMy)$(x, y)[gJ iff there are more clements a E A for which (i) holds ('haptcr 3 than elements b E A for which (ii) holds: I. Tharp 1975, p. 5. The italics arc mine. (i) There are more elements C E A for which \)( F III (x. y)\g(x/a)(y/c») than 2, Vall!!ht 1974, p. 161. elements dE A for which \PI F .-,tl)(x, y)(g(x/a) J, Sec artidcs J 6, RIO, 12, and 14 in Tarski 1983, especially pp. 30,36-37, (ii) There arc at least as many dE A for which \PI F ~(I)(x, Y)[R(x/hHy/d)j 3R 40. 60 63. 69 -72. 166. 281, 285. 298. and 342. as C E A for which'll F tl>(x, y)[g(x/b)(y/c)j. 4. Tarski 193(1:l. pp. 412 41.3. 153 Notes to Pages 39-56 152 Notes to Pages 61 IOU

20. Lindenhaum and Turski 1934-1935, p. 385. The formal theorem is, "Every 5. Tarski 1936b, p.401. sentence of the form 6. Tarski 1936a, pp. 414-415. , " , " , " x'.y', z'•... 7. Tarski 1936a, p. 417. (\ . \ ,.r. I' • : , z •. , .• R):. R x ;, ,),"" ,z , ... .:::>:

R. In "Truth in a Structure" W. lIodges speculates that Tarski did not talk a(x'.y'. ::', ",), .O'(.\''',y'',z'', ... ) explicitly about variability of universes in "On the Concept of Logical Conse­ is logically provable," where quence," because this paper was intended for a philosophical audience. which. Tarski thought, might not appreciate the point. See Hodges 1986. p. HR. R';,~~ ::::,~ ~::. ".... 9. Tarski 1936a, p. 417. expresses "the fact that the relation R maps the class of all individuals onto itself 10. This proof is superficially similar to another "proof" of Tarski's claim sug­ in PI)('-onc fashion. so that the individuals, classes, relations etc., x', y', z', ,., are gested by Etchemendy (1990, chap. 6). However, the proof proposed hy Etche­ mapped 011 x", yU, z" • ...• respectively and "o-(x. y, z, ... )" is a general scheme of mcndy Icads to a faJ/acy. I criticize Etchemendy's reconstruction of Tarski's proof a sentential function with no extralogical constants and with the variables x, y, z, in "Did Tarski Commit 'Tarski's Fallacy'?" (1991). . . , free (p. 385). II. Tarski 1936a, pp. 414-415. 21. Mautner 1946. p. 345. The citation has italics removed. 12. See Tarski 1936a, pp. 415-416. 22. Sec Mostowski 1957. p. 13.11,3. 13. Tarski 1936a, pp. 418-419. 23. For Lindstrom's theorems, see Lindstrom 1969 or 1974. A textbook presenta­ 14. Tarski I 936a, p. 419. tion appears in Ehbinghaus, Flul11, and Thomas 1984. 15. This is a reformulation of Tarski's definition in 1936a, p. 419, n. 1 24. Tarski 1986, p. 149. 16. This definition is different in stylc from the one proposed in chapter 2. There 25. See McCarthy 1981, sections 3 to 5. the universal quantifier was construed as a function rather than a sct of sets. However, the two definitions are equivalent. In chapter 2, I construcd a (I-place Chapter 4 predicative) quantifier Q as a function from suhsets of the universe to {T. F}. lIere I. As jn the appendix, when discussing Jligginhotham and May'S work, I follow J idcntify Q with the set ofall subsets to which the above fUllction gives the v;l/ue T. their use of "autol11orphislll (of sets)" where J usually lise "permutation:' 1should 17. Westerstahl (1976, p. 57) points to another case in which a given logical term add that in the context or their investigations Higginbotham and May regard (b.t) has different denotations in different models. This is the case of two models with as the limit of "true" qU

that a is a man and b is a woman), and hence (i) comes out true. Clark and Keenan 15. I would like to thank an anonymous referee of Linguistics and for proceed to investigate several other possibilities of absorption schelllHs. While their suggesting (34) as an example of independent quantification that, unlike (28) to operator (described in the main body of the chapter) is adequate for (95). it fails for (JO). cannot he analyzed as (23). (98). On the other hand. a <2,2.2) ahsorption operator that Ihey propose works 16. However. to analyze "Mostly women were elected to the vacant seats in for (98) but not for (95). As I have shown in the present chapter, the absorption Congress" we have to define independent quantification of tYlxqe): operator has to be of type xy].

4. Clark and Keenan (1986) take the following to be a natural paraphrase of(98); (Q2.2r) I If' 2.I', "Every pilot who shot at some Mig that chased him hit some Mig that chased him We get the intended reading of "Mostly women ... " when we construe "mostly" 2 that he shot at." and the plural "the" as 2-place Mostowskian quantifiers defined as follows: "(The

5. This sentence is (4.c) in Keenan 1987, p. 110. x)(Plx. P2 X )" is true in a model ~(ifftheextension of"Ptx" in 21 is not empty and 2 6. Boolos 1981, p. 466. the extension of"PI x & '" P2 x" in 2( is empty. "(mostly2 x)(PI x, P x)" is true in \II iff the extension of"PI x & P2 x" in 21 is larger than the extension of" ...... PI X & P x" in !l}1. (For a definition of "mostly" by a Mostowskian cardinality function t, Chapter 5 2 see chapter 2, section 5.) I. Henkin 1959, pp.179-180. 17. .Iohan van Benthem suggested to me in correspondence that we characterize 2. For simplicity I assume that (I) has no free variables. 1 make similar assump­ independent quantifiers as "scope-free," defined as follows: "QI As stand in the tions throughout the chapter. I speak of "truth in a model" mther than of "satis­ relation R to Q2 8s" is scope-free iff it satisfies (I) invariance under passive faction hy an assignment in a model," and I formulate the definitions as if I were transrormations ("QI As stand in the relation R to Q2 Bs" is logically equivalent dealing only with sentences. It is easy to extend these formulations to formulas to "Q] Bs stand in the relation R to QI As," where R is the converse of R) and (2) with free variables. domain/range invariance (if S is a relation such that Dom(R) = Dom(S) and 3. For the Skolem normal form theorem, sec, for example, Enderton 1972. p. 275. Rall( R) Ran(S), then "QI As stand in the relation R to '.02 Bs" is logically 4. Henkin 1959, p. 181. equivalent to "QI As stand in the relation S to Q2 Bs"). This definition applies to independent quantifiers of types (a) to (c). Van Benthem suggests that if we have 5. Walkoe 1970, p. 538. evidence that a natural language sentence of the above form satisfies the two 6. Hintikka 1973, p. 344, sentence (37). invariance conditions (I) and (2), its logical form is that ofindependent quantifica­ 7. Hintikka 1973, p. 344. tion. See van Benthem 1989. 8. Hintikka 1973, p. 345, sentence (39). I R. A quantifier Q is monotone-increasing iff (Qx)tllx and (Vx)(tllx -+ 'f'x) imply 9. Fauconnier 1975, p. 560, sentence (10). (Qx)\f'x. 10. Dummett 1973, pp. 8f. 19. Barwise 1979, p. 63. II. An alternative reading is, ql a's in A are such that for each one of thellllq2 h's 20. Barwise 1979, p. 60, sentences (21) and (22). in A are such that for each one of them [qJ c's in A are such that for each one of 21. () is monotone-decreasing iff (Qx)tllx and (Vx)(If'x --) <1>x) imply (Qx)'Px. Q is them "R3 (a. b, c)" is true in 2(]J. nOIl-lllonotone iff it is neither monotone-increasing nor monotone-decreasing. 12. I wish to thank Robert May for this example. 22. Banvise 1979, p. 64. 13. See van Benthem 1989. 23. Barwise 1979, pp. 65- 66. Labels changed. 14. We can show that (a) through (d) present four distinct notions by descrihing 24. Barwise 1979, pp. 62 -64. situations that distinguish between them: 25. Thus the structure of a maximal consistent set of formulas gives us enough • A ~ Dom(R), B f:; Ran(R), and A and B are properly included in the universe. information to construct a syntactic model as in I-Jenkin's proof of the completeness When q I q2 = "all," (a), (c), and (d) are true, while (b) is false. Hence (a) -;f (h). pI' standard first-order logic. (I wish to thank Charles Parsons for this example.) (c) ¥ (b), (d) ¥ (b). For the importance of maximality, note, for example, Zorn's lemma and its • A c: Dom(R), B c: Ran(R), where c: means "is a proper suhset." When (/. IlUIlIC'I'OliS uses. qz "only," (a) and (d) are false, while (c) is true. Hence (a) -;f (e), (d) -;f (c, 26. My italics. When q I "all" and q2 "only," (a) is false and (d) is true. Hence (a) -;f (d). = 27. Ban.vise 1979, p. 62. sentence (23). See also (25). My italics. 157 Notes to Pages ) 23-138 156 Notes to Pages 141~145

28. Barwise 1979. My italics. Appendix I. I formulate the definitions and the theorems in terms taken from Higginbotham 29. To see that linear quantification is a particular instance of Henkin-Barwise and May 1981. In particular, I follow their use of "(set) automorphism," where complex quantification, we have to express the conception of branching embedded in (49) more generally so that it applies to any partially ordered quantifier before I used "permutation." prefix. I will not discuss the nature of such a definition here, but in the case of 2. Higginbotham and May do not include a description of the function h in their "(Ql X)(Q2y)(J)XY" the definition I have in mind will yield the following second- formulation ofthe theorem (nor do they present a proof). I believe my fonnulation order counterpart: ­ of the theorem is consistent with their intentions.

(3X)(3R)[(Q I x) Xx & X is a maximal set such that

(V'x)(Xx -+ (Q2Y)Rxy) &

R is a maximal relation such that (V'x)(V'y)(Rxy -+ (J)xy)J. 30. The quantifiers over which fl2 ranges are higher-order Mostowskian quanti­ fiers that treat pairs as single elements. ~ 31. This example was made up before glasnost. 32. Another conjecture expressible in terms of the general definition schema was '"'.'<1 suggested by an anonymous referee of Linguistics and Philosophy. Compare the ~ f following: (i) In the class, most of the boys and most of the girls all like each other; (ii) In the class, most of the boys and most of the girls likc each other. The conjecture is that the difference betwecn (i) and (ii) is in the intended inner quantifier-condition. The presence of the explicit "all" in (i) indicates that the inner quantifier-condition is each all. However, the absence of "all" in (ii) signifies that there the inner quantifier-condition is weaker. The revicwer suggcsts that this condition is, however, stronger than each-some/some-each (independence). Each­ most appears appropriate. 33. I did, however, discuss Westerstahl's definition in "Two Approaches to Branch­ ing Quantification" (1990a). 34. Westerstahl 1987. p. 274.

Chapter 6 l. Putnam 1966, p. 106. 2. Putnam 1966, p. 106. 3. Russell 1919. pp. 201-202. 4. See Putnam 1967. p. 16. 5. Some of the themes developed in this section regarding the interplay between logic and appear in Charles Parsons "Ontology and Mathematics" (1971 a) and UA Plea for Substitutional Quantification" (I971b). The observation that by augmenting one's logic, one can sa ve on ontology was made earlier by Hartry Field in Science without Numbers: A Defense ofNominalism (1980), preface and chapter 9 6. See Etchemendy 1983 and 1990. Although I accept Etchcmendy's account alit' criticism of interpretational semantics, my view of the relation between Tarski' semantics and interpretational semantics differs radically from his. 7. See Quine 1970. p. 91. 'f~ ~~: }; {~. References

)

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..,...". Index of Notation 1) :~ ,':\ ';:i.

Page numbers indicate the first introduction of a symbol and its definition.

Use of Variables The list below gives the most common use of different letters, but in some places the same letter is used for different objects. The letters might occur with subscripts or superscripts.

x,)', z, ... individual variables, 1, 5, 84 j:g,h, ... functions, 11, 58 A, 8, .,. sets, 11

Il. {J, y, ... cardinals, II, 30 ordinals, 79

k. 111, fl, .. . natural numbers, 16,28 a, h, c, d, .. . nonlogical individual constants, 16,29, 84 P nonlogical I-place, first-level predicate, 12 R nonlogical first-level relation, 57 e nonlogical primitive term, 48 Q logical quantifier, 10, 16,28, 84 c logical term (constant), 54,84 V first-level logical predicate, 86 (J), 'IJ,'=: formulas/sentences of first-order language, 5, 28, 84

~l a model, 14 A universe of discourse, 11

First-Order Logic not (negation), 16 & and (conjunction), 18 v or (disjunction), 84 171 Index of Notation 170 Index of Notation - if ... then (material conditional), 18 ZF Zermelo-Fraenkel set theory, 37 ..... if and only if (material biconditional), 23 N the natural numbers, 58 identical with, 6 is isomorphic to, 83 :;1= not identical with, 18 Fld(R) the field of R (the union of the domain and range T true (truth value), II of R), 57 the domain of R, 67 F false (truth value), II Dom(R) V for all (universal quantifier), 5 Ran(R) the range of R, 154 the domain of R is restricted to B, 98 3 for some (existential quantifier), 5 B1R the range of R is restricted to B. 115 g the assignment function, 16 R~B the domain of R is restricted to A and its range 211= ~[g] is satisfied in 21 by g, 16 A1R~B to B, 115 x/a X is replaced by a, 16 FoG the composition of the relations F and G, 143 Af- B A is derivable (provable) from B, 20 r 1 the inverse of the relation I, 144 D denotation function, 40 Other Notation Mathematics E is a member of, 16 Chapter I ; is not a member of, 58 /1 (x), gl (X) Skolem functions, 5 branching quantifiers (for every X there is a y and 5;; is a subset of, 23 (V'x)(3y) for every z there is a w such that <1>(x, y, Z, w). 5 c: is a proper subset of, 154 ><1>(X, y, z, w) (V'z)(3w) the difference of two classes, 11 the (definite description operator), 7 n binary intersection, 23 !nx there are exactly n x's. 7 u binary union, 27 x Cartesian product. 34 Chapter 2 Q cardinality functions, II, 15 A" A x A x '" x A,40 t, t , t?, tJ ~ a I-place predicative quantifier, e.g., (Qx)4), (Qx)~x, n times Q,Ql (Q1X)~, (QlX)~X, 10, 16,28 {Xl' X 2 , ••• , XII} the set ofXl' X2' ... , X"' 72 Q2 a 2-place predicative quantifier, e.g., (Q2x) (~x. '¥x), {s} a singleton, 42 26,28,chap.5 o the empty set, 57 Q2 a I-place quantifier over two variables, e.g., (Q2X, y) {x: Px} the set off all x's such that Px, 17 (<1>x, y), 33, chaps. 3, 4 1 (Xl' X2, ... , XII) a sequence (/Huple), 33 Q1.1 a 2-place quantifier over I variable, e.g., (Q1. x) (<1>x, '¥x), 33, chaps. 3,4 (s, I, u) a triple, II an n-place predicative quantifier, e.g., (QIIX)(4)I X, .,., (s, I) an ordered pair, II Q" <1>"x), 33, chap. 5 (s> a I-tuple, 79 a I-place quantifier over n variables, e.g., (Q"Xp "" ( ) the empty sequence, 69 Q" XII )(<1>Xl' ... , XII)' 33, chaps. 3,4 P(A) the power set (set of all subsets) of A, II Mx most (generalized quantifier), 13 A the cardinality of A, II Mix most as a I-place quantifier, 26

Ko the least infinite cardinal, 17 2 most as a 2-place quantifier, 27, chaps. 2, 5 M x ClJ the least infinite ordinal, 39 173 Index of Notation Index of Notation 172 the set ofall pairs ofcardinals p, "I such that p+ "I = ex, M1• 1X (fl. most as a 2-place quantifier, 57, chaps. 3,4 91, 141 Q.. a quantifier on the universe A, 15, 141 a with index lJ, 91 a~ D a determiner, 21 the absorption operator, 99 Q t /Q2 the conditional existential quantifier, 100 Chapter 3 3* Ie a formal system, 38 Chapter 5 !T a theory of a formal system, 40 f2(X, y), g2(X, y) Skolem functions, 107 L a language (nonlogical vocabulary) for a formal quantifier conditions associated with Qi' 112 system, 38, 60 qj maximal quantifier conditions, 124-125 fB the logical vocabulary of a formal system, 60 .f2 1 , fl2 X, Y a I-place independent quantification, 113 sentences in a formal system, 38, 42 (QIX)I~(X' y) K a class of sentences in a formal system, 39 (Q2Y) the interpretation of C in ~l or the universe of ~(, a 2-place independent quantification, 115 /d2l),/dA) (Q1 X )I'P1x'xy a type, 68 (Q2Y) Q a semantic quantifier (Lindstrom), 69 a 2-place complex quantification, 117 (Q1 x )''P1 x, X, a sequence of variables XI' x 2 , ••• , x". 69 ~xy [S] the equivalent class of S, 78 (Q~y)' 'P 2 Y, i(x) the index image of x, 79 an n-place complex quantification, 113 (QI'~ R(ex) an ex-argument, 80 :7 R"(X ... , x,,) r(ex) an ex-individual, 80 " (Q"x,,) lR(ex)J a generalized ex-argument, 81 [~(ex)J the set of all generalized ex-arguments, 81 Chapter 6 formalized first-order theories, 135 tll21 the set ffJ of logical terms restricted to ~l, 81 .rl , ''?2 .¥ the formalization of first-order theory. 135 Ca. C.. the restriction of C to 21 (the same as j~(\11», 56, 81

OfJ. an ex-operator, 81 o~ ex-operator correlated with C.,II, 82 l!JfJ. the set ofex-operators, 81 8, expressions in the formal language, 84 (QI.2.0X, y) a 3-place quantifier of type

Index of Tenns I ! ~

Absorption. 95-96. 98-102, 153-154 Van Benthem's definition of non­ i Abstract logic, xiii, 61, 63,105,128,130 monotone, 127-128, 155 j a-operator, 81- 83,91,142-144 Apriority, 36 Cardinality functions used in the definition a~ Aristotle, 5 of Mostowski's quantifiers, 11-13, 15-17 I Bach-Peters sen tence, 100 10 I Cardinality quantifiers. See Predicative , Barwise. J _, xii, 8, 27, lOS, 108, 116-119, quantifiers 122,123,127,129,131. 149, ISO, 151. Carnap. R., 7, 149 ~ ;l- 155. 156. See also Barwise and Cooper's Clark, R., 98-99, 101, 153-l54 Ii ~ theory of generalized quantifiers; Collective quantifiers, 33 ~ Branching quantifiers, Barwise's Completeness of logical systems, 2, 17,26, definition of; Henkin-Barwise 37,38,41,42,131,140,155 I quantifiers Completeness of logical terms, 4, 65-66 Barwise and Cooper's theory of generalized Conditional existential quantifier, 100-102 ~ quantifiers, 7-8, 15, 17 -26, 29, 92, Connectives (truth-functional) as logical 131, 150, 151 terms, 3,4,23,43, 52,53-54,57, 59, Bolzano, B., 137 63, 70, 132, 134 I Boolean Algebra (Boolean fUJlctions), 4,30. Conservability, 23-25,32,64, liS, 151 i 3~54, 66,96,134.141 Cooper, R. See Barwise and Cooper's theory ! Boolos, G., 2,103.154 of generalized quantifiers i Hranching (partially ordered) quantifiers, Corcoran, J., 63 xii. 5, 8, 10J. 104, 105, 106, 108 ~ Harwise's definition of monotone­ Dependence. See also Branching quantifiers, -~ decreasing. 117 1 18, 155 independent i Barwise's dclinition of monotone­ complex, 113,116 124,126-128,155 ~ increasing. 116 --117, 155 linear, 106-108,111 113, 124, 156 ~ complex, I 13. I 1-- 124, 126-128, 155 Description operator, 7,58, 79 ~ generalizations. I 19- 127 Determiners, 7,21 -24 ~ lIenkin's definition of standard. I ()·-108 Dummett. M., 14-15,24 -26, 34, I I I, ~ Ii independent. xii, 113- 116, 118, 122-124, 150,154 ij 126. 155 156 J linguistic applications, 114-· I 16, 122­ Each-all conditions 124,125 127.128 129 in Barwise, 110- 120

~; linguistic motivations (liintikka), 108­ maximal, 120-126. 128, 156 ~ III ET (extralogical term), 48 Index ofTerms 176 Index or Terms 177

Etchemendy,J., xi,45, 137-138, 152, Kant. l.. 5·6. 149 156 Lindstriim's defiuition of, 68 71 (I)·completeness. 39 Kaplan. D .• 2() Logical structure. 73 75. 77 Ontological commitment, ix, xii, 134~ 136 Keenan. E. L., 92, 98 99, \() I, 132. 151, Logical terms (constants) Fauconnier, G., 109-111, 115-116. [24, 153--154 154 constructive definition of(formal account), Parsons. c., ix·-x, 155. 156 Keisler. H. J., 17,131.135.150 Field, H.. 156 79· 83 Peacocke, c., 2 Klein's Erlanger program, 62 63 Formal structure, 68 constructive definition of (informal Peann axioms, 38. 134 lICCOllllt), 71 79 Predicates, logical/nonlogical. 3, 14 Frege, G., 2-3,6,10-1 1.14,26, III, 133, Larson. R., 151 criterion for, 50 58 Predicative (Mostowski's) quantifiers. ix. 149, 150. See also Quantifier prefix, LC (logical consequence), 40 introductory discllssion. ix xii I 2,36,57.62 63.65-68,88,89. 104. Frege's linear; Standard quantifiers, LF (Logical Form), 31 Frege's conception of main discussion. 36 66 114-117.130-131.150,153.155-156 Lindenbaum-Tarski theorcm. 61· 63, 153 Fregean-Russellian logic, ix, 3 ontological commitment of, 135 136 generalization from standard. 10-13 Lindstrom, P., xi xii, 27 28. 33. 34, 53, Logical truth (LTR), Tarski's definition of. incompleteness of, 17.26 62-64,68·71.104,131. 142. 15.1 Generalized (nonstandard) quantifiers. See 40 linguistic applications. 17-21.92-94 Lindstr(}m's definition of generalized Logicism, ix. xii, 132 133 as logical. 26-·31 Logical quantifiers; Nonlogical quantifiers, 68 - 71 quantifiers L6wcnheim-Skolem theorem. 2, 62. 136 as nonlogical. 17-26 Linearity quantifiers. 95-102 Generalized quantifiers and natural l(lwcnhcim-Skolem-Tarski theorem, 41. from predicative to relational, 33-35 Living on condition, 23 25, 32, 64, 115, 151 language, 17-26,31-.33,91-104 70 syntax (LQI) and semantics (LQ2), 14-17 Logic. See also Abstract logic; Logicism; Godel. K., 38,41 LT (1ogicalterm). 56 Probabilistic logic, 16. 139 Metalogic; Modal logic; Probabilistic Godel's incompleteness theorem, 38-· 39 LTR (logical truth). 40 Proof-theoretic perspective, 140 logic; Tarskian logic; Substitutional Putnam, H., 131.136.156 logic; Unrestricted logic Hacking, I.. 2 McCarthy, '1'.• 2,64 65, 153 general approach to. xi·· xiii, 6 9 Henkin, L., 5, 105, 108, 128, 154-155 Massive nucleus (Cartesian product), 109­ Quantilier prefix. 5, 95~96 Kant's view of, 5-6, 149 I II. 113. 114. 120 densely ordered, .128... Henkin-Barwise quantifiers, xii, 116-127, logical positivists' view of. 7 155.156 Mathematics and logic. xii. 63. 132 134 Fregt~'s linear (standard). 106·-108. and mathematics. xii. 63. 132 134 Henkin's quantifiers, 5, 106 108, [[ I, [U Mautner. F. I.. 62 63. 153 III - I 13, 124. 156 and mctaphysics. 136 139 May. R .• 32.34,92. 100. 116. 132, 153. 154. partially ordered (s~eJ~ranching Higginbotham, J., 32,34,92. 153. See al.w new conception of. 59 61. 130 14() Invariance, Higginbotham and May's ,\'(>e also 1nvariance. liigginbothalll and quantifiers) ontological commitment of. 134 136 conditions of May's conditions of Quine. W. V. 0., ix, xii. 134-135, 137. 138. revision in, 131-132 Hintikka,J., 8,108-111,115-117,124, MC (material consequence). 45 156 Tarski's view of, 37--39.63··64 (.fee also 128,154 Metalogic, 37,38.53 Tarskian logic) Hodes, H. T., 5, 149 Mctaphysics and logic, 136- 139 Relational quantifiers, 26,57-58, 74-75, Logical consequence. 53, 64, 70. 130, 140 Hodges, W., 152 Mo

Skolem normal fonns, 105-108. 154 Siomson, A., ISO Standard (existential and universal) quantifiers definition of, in Mostowski's logic, 11-12 Frege's conception of, xi,6, 10-11, 12. 13-14 generalization from, 10-13 Stavi, J., 92, 151 Substitutional logic, 8, 137

Tarski, A., xi-xii, 36-50.59,61,63-64, 67, 136-137, 139, 140-141,151-153 Tarskian logic, ix, xi-xii, 37,38,46-52, 53-56, 59, 63, 65, 130, 132. See also Unrestricted logic Tarskian semantics, 3-4,39-46,49-50,53, 60, 70, 111-112, 130, 137-139, 156 Tharp, L. H., 2,36, 151 Thijsse, E., 151 Tolstoy, 104 Topological quantifiers. IS Type and mark, 80-82,83-85

Universal Grammar (UG), 32, 131-132 Unrestricted logic (UL), 59-61,65,81,104, 130-133, 135 definition of, 59 linguistic applications, 29-33,91-104 semantics, 85-88 syntax, 83-85

Van Benthem, J., 92, lOS, 116, 127-128, 132,151, 154-155 Vaught, R., 37 Von Neumann ordinal, 79

Walkoe, W. J., 107, 154 Westerstlhl, D., xi, 92, 105, 127. 132. 151-152. 156

Zorn's lemma, ISS