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Graduate Studies Legacy Theses

1997 Bulsa technologies and systems of thought

Apentiik, Rowland

Apentiik, R. (1997). Bulsa technologies and systems of thought (Unpublished master's thesis). University of Calgary, Calgary, AB. doi:10.11575/PRISM/15759 http://hdl.handle.net/1880/26610 master thesis

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Bulsa Technologies and Systems of Thought

BY

Rowland Apentiik

A TEESIS SUBMlTTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES IN

PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF

MASTER OF ARTS

DEPARTMENT OF ARCHAEOLOGY

CALGARY, ALBERTA

SEPTEMBER, 1997

Q Rowland Apentiik, 1997 National Library Bibliothèque nationale 1*1 of Canada du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliographic Services services bibliographiques 395 Wellington Street 395. rue Wellington OttawaON KlAON4 Ottawa ON KIA ON4 Canada Canada

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The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts f?om it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation- iii

ABSTRACT

This study is about the traditional technologies of potting and iron working, and thought of the Biilsas, one of the "stateless" societies located within the savannah ecotone of the Upper East Region of Ghana. As thought transfomis the world and recreates it, we are in a poor position to understand cultural change, difiusion and invention, and how

ideas are transmitted within and between generations and conmunities uniess we understand the human thought processes. This thesis examines the relationship between technology and the thugfit processes of the Bulsa by investigating the systems of meaning behind the production and use of tools in the ethnographic present. The study has shown that Bulsa traditional technology is the integrated surn-total of the socio- cultural, cosmologicai, ideological and economic traits that have not only been learned, manifested and shared by members of the society, but have dso been passed down from one generation to the other in both interrupted and uninterrupted succession. in sum the thesis is a documentation of the embeddiment of Bulsa thought in ceramic and iron working technology in the matrix of Bulsa cosmology and ideology. and how technology both help to constitute and in part constituted by the system of Bulsa thought. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I owe a great deal of gratitude to a nurnber of individuals and institutions who encouraged me and contnbuted in diverse ways to the writing of this thesis.

1 woutd Iike to thank my advisor Dr. Nicholas David for his expert advice, generous financial support and encouragement throughout my graduate program and the writing of this thesis. He worked tirelessly to get the Canadian Immigration authorities to issue me with the necessary traveling documents to corne into Canada and supported me throughout the program. He also made available to me many resources from his personal library towards the writing of this thesis. He has continued to show a great interest in and concern towards rny future academic pursuits. 1 am gratefbirl to Dr. Raymond Scott, my interim advisor, for his usehl suggestions. 1 would like to thank Prof. Shuulie for his invaiuable contributions. He gave me access to his persona1 library and spared his private time to take me through the archaeoIogy of Ghana, and to read the draft of versions of this thesis. 1 would Iike to thank the staff and students of the Department of Archaeology for al1 their assistance and the experiences I have gained by working with them. I ~111also like to ttiank my colkagues from the Department of Archaeology for their assistance and encouragement. 1 am grateful to Charles and Rebecca Mather, Dan

Meyer and Nick Gabrilopoulos for their useM editorial comments. 1 gratefully to the acknowledge the assistance fiom the following institutions and individuals: the staff of the Ghana Museums Board in Accra and BoIgatanga, the Department of Archaeology at the University of Ghana; the Bulsa District Assembly; Prof

Joe Nkrumah, Ben Kmkpeyeng and Joe Gazaare at GMMB; Prof Albert Aweadoba, James Agalic and Felicia Ntow at African studies, Legon; and the chiefs and people of Bukaland. 1 thank Ajaarla, Anankabili and Wacksonman Azanab of Wiak-chiok; Eric Ayaric and Paskal Ayaric of Fumbesi; Linus Angabe and family, Charles Akanbodipo, P.P Apabey and Abmya Abakisi at Sandema; Fuzzy Seidu and Joseph Withai at Bolgatanga, srniths of Wiak-chiok, and potters of Fumbesi, Karjarga and Bawku for their hospitaiity and al1 their help. Financial support for my field work and the writing of this thesis came fiorn the Social Sciences Research Council of Canada through the Mandara Archaeological Project and a thesis research grant korn Graduate Studies. 1 am aiso indebted to the following for their support Dr Ben Issaka and his family, Dr David Boadi and family, Ben Gabriel, Edwold Russe1 and farnily, Dr Brian Thomas and famiIy, Dr Kroger, Brian Vivian, Claire B, Frank T, Arna Shinnie, J. Sterner, and Tom Ng and Sophia for the drawings. Speciai thanks goes to Heidi for taking tirne to help me organize this thesis.

1 would like to ttiank farnily and al1 fiiends my fnends for their support and encouragement they gave me during the writing of this thesis. Findly 1 am grateful to my examining cornmittee for their usefûl suggestions. TAEiLE OF CONTENTS

APPRCVAL PAGE ...... ii

ABSTRACT ...... 111... ACKNOWLEDGEMENT ...... iv TABLE OF CONTENTS ...... vi

TABLES ...... x LIST OF FIGURES ...... xi

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION...... 1 1. 1 STATEMENTOF THE PROBLEM...... -...... 1 1.2 PRESENTATION...... 5 CHAPTER 2: THE UPPER EAST AND THE BULSA ...... 8 2.1 INTRODUCTION...... 8 2.2 GEOLOGYAND RELIEF ...... 9 2.3 CLIMATE...... 10 2.4 SOILS...... 12 2.5 VEGETATION...... 14 2.6 HUMANAND SOCIAL GEOGRAPHY ...... ~...... 15 2.7 ECONOMICAC~IVITIES ...... 17 2.8 SOCIALORGANIZATION AND DOMESTIC LIFE ...... 21 2.9 RELIGION AND SOCIAL CUSTOMS...... ,...... 23 2.10 PREHISTORYAND ETSNOHISTORY ...... 26 2.1 1 HISTORYOF BULSAIN REGIONAL CONTEXT ...... 27 2.12 TRADE,TECHNOLOGY AND STATE FORMATION ...... 30 2.13 POLITICALDEVELOPMENTS 1400- 1900 ...... ,...... 34 CHAPTER 3: RESEARCH METHOD ...... 40 3.1 GOALSOF THE STUDY...... 40 3.2 CHOICEOF AREAAND TOPIC...... 40 3.3 SAMPLINGSTRATEGY ...... 42 3.4 DATACOLLECTION ...... 43 Interviews ...... 43 Selection of informants ...... 45 Questionnaire ...... 52 3.5 PROBLEMSENCOUNTERED ...... 57 3.6 PHOTOGRAPHS,SKETCHES AND PLANS ...... ,...... 62 vii

3.7 ARCHIVAL AND DOCUMENTARY SOURCES...... 6: CHAPTER 4: POTTERY ...... 6: 4.1 INTR~DUCTI~N...... 6: Methodology and Samphg ...... --...... -...... 6; 4-2 POTERS ...... 65 Social characteristics (gender, iineage and age) ...... 6c Speciakation ...... 71 Training or transmission of skills ...... 7; Workshop and work habits ...... 75 4.3 RITUAL AND RELIGIOUS PREPARATIONS ...... 71 Social and technological change ...... 86 4.4 PRODUCTIONSEQUENCE ...... ,...... 87 Material sources and acquisition...... 87 Preparation of clay ...... -.., ...... 90 Potter's tool kit ...... 91 Forrning processes ...... 95 Decorations ...... 98 Drying and firing ...... 108 Post-Firing Treatment ...... 110 4.5 CLASSIF[CATIONAND TYPOLOGY ...... 111 Cooking pots (samoaning-dingsa) ...... 112 . Food serving vessels ...... 114 Ritual and religious pots ...... 117 Misceilaneous ...... 118 Innovations ...... 120 4.6 STYLISTJCVARIATIONS ...... 121 4.7 TECHNICALKNOWLEDGE AND THE SUPERNATURAL ...... 126 4.8 BULSAPOTTERY TECHNOLOGY COMPARED WITH HER NEIGHBORS ...... 127 Kussasi potters ...... 127 Grunni speaking groups ...... 132 4.9 TRADEAND DISTRIBUTION OF Po'ITERY PRODUCTS...... 133 4.10 POTSFROM SYSTEMIC TO ARCHAEOLOGICAL CONTEXT ...... 134 Pottery Consumption and Disposa1 patterns ...... 135 CHAPTER 5: THE WORK OF SMELTERS AND SMITHS...... 143 5.1 INTRODUCTION ...... 143 5.2 ~SEARCHMEWODS ...... 144 5.3 IRON SMELTiNG ...... 147 5.4 SMELTERS...... 153 Rituals and Taboos ...... 156 5.5 DESCR~PTIONOF SMELTMG PROCESS ...... 169 5.6 BLACKSM[THS...... 174 Specialization ...... 176 Leaming Process ...... 176 Workshop and Work habits ...... 178 viii

5.7 RITUALPREPARATIONS ...... -...... 184 5.8 SOCIALAND TECHNOLOGICAL CHANGE ...... 185 5.9 THESMITHMG PROCESS ...... ~...... 189 Material source...... 190 i).. Tools and appliances used by the smith...... 190 11) Other appliances ...... 194 Smithing Process and Techniques...... 195 5.10 Toots PRODUCED BY THE BLACKSMITH ...... 198 .. il) Tools for other crafts ...... ,...... 200 Ritual and religious tools and ornaments ...... 200 Innovation ...... 202 5.1 1 SNLISTICVARIATION iN BULSAIRON WORKMG TECHNOLOGY ...... 204 5.12 BULSASMITHMG AS COMPARED WITH HER NEIGHBORS ...... 206 Kassena ...... 206 Grunni Speakers...... 206 5.13 DISTRIBUTIONAND TRADE ...... 208 5.14 CONSUMPTIONAND DISPOSAL HABITS ...... 209 5.15 ARCHAEOLOGICALIMPLICATIONS ...... 211 CHAPTER 6: POTTERY AND IRON WOFWXNG COMPARED ...... 213 6.1 ELEMENTSCOMPARED ...... 213 6.2 GENDERDIVISION OF LABOUR ...... 213 6.3 TRANSMISSIONOF SKILLS ...... *...... 221 6.4 PRESTIGEDIFFERENCES ...... 225 6.5 SOCIALR\ITEUCTION ...... 227 6.6 TECHNOLOGICALPRODUCTION DIFFERENCES ...... 227 6.7 MALEVERSUS FEMALE CREATIVtTY ...... 228 6.8 CONTMUITYM TRAD[TIONS ...... 230 6.9 IRONAND POTTERY PRODUCTS COMPARED WITH OTHER PLASTIC ARTS ...... 231 CHAPTER 7: IDEOLOGY AND TECHIYOLOGY ...... 232 7.1 INTRODUCTION...... 232 7.2 REL~G~OUSTHOUGHT ...... 232 Personal destiny shrines ...... 238 Jadok-bogluk ...... 239 Earth.. god ...... 241 Tiim-Bogluta ...... 242 7.3 SYMBOLISMAND BULSATHOUGHT ...... 243 7.4 MYTHS...... 249 7.5 PREGNANCYAND TRADITIONAL TECHNOLOGIES ...... 250 7.6 MAGIC,WITCHCRAFT AND SORCERY ...... 251 7.7 MUSIC...... 253 CHAPTER 8: SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION ...... 255 8.1 THESISSUMMARY ...... 255 8.2 POSSIBLEARCHAEOLOGICAL CORRELATES ...... 258 TABLES ...... 28 FIGURES ...... 29 LIST OF TABLES

Table 4.1. Compound statistics (Bulsa) ...... 285

Table 4.2. Consumption of pots per household in selected Bulsa compounds...... 286 Table 4.3. Estimates of life span and fiequency of use of pots by type ...... 287 Table 4.4. Distribution of vesse1 type and users in systernic context ...... 288 Table 4.5. Disposal ofbroken pots (fiom systemic to archaeological context) ...... 289

Table 5.1. Word List: General blacksmith terminology ...... 290 Table 5.2. Word List: Products of the blacksmith ...... 29 1 LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 2.1. Map of the Upper East Region ...... 292 Figure 2.2. Map of Ghana showing Ethnic groups ...... 293

Figure 2.3. Map of Bulsa District ...... 294

Figure 2.4. Sketch of Bulsa compound ...... 295

Figure 3.1. Genealogical Diagram of one of the clans of Wiaga-choak ...... 296 Figure 4.1. Tool kit of a Kussasi potter ...... 297 Figure 4.2. A Kussasi potter beats the ciay into shape with floor beater ...... -297 Figure 4.3. A Kussasi potter molds a pot over a sherd ...... 298 Figure 4.4. A Kussasi Potter scrapes a vesse1 during forming ...... 298 Figure 4.5. A Kussasi Potter rouletting a vesse1 ...... 299

Figure 4.6. A Kussasi girl burnishing the pots of her mother ...... 299 Figure 4.7. Firing enclosure used by Kussasi potters ...... 300 Figure 4.8. The floor of a firing enclosure with chocking Stones and sherds ...... 300 Figure 4.9. Potters with their wares at the Fumbesi market ...... 301 Figure 4.10 . Pots stacked in a Kussasi woman's roam ...... 301 Figure 4.1 1 . Pots in the courtyard and kitchen of a Kussasi wornan ...... 302

Figure 4 . I 2 . Water troughs for fowls in Sanderna ...... 302

Figure 4.13 . Ritual pots on a shrine at Sandema ...... 303 Figure 4.14 Pots used for chicken coops in Fumbesi ...... 303 Figure 4.1 5 . Potters working in the courtyard at Fumbesi ...... 304 Figure 4.16. Finng pots in an open pit at Kanjarga ...... 304 Figure 4.17. Dying pots after firing in Fumbesi ...... 305 Figure 4.18. Small pots dipped directly into a dye at Kanjarga ...... 305 Figure 4.19 . Kassena compound wall decorations ...... -306 Figure 4.20. The design patterns of a Bulsa basket ...... 306

Figure 4.2 1. Decorative patterns used by potters in the East Region ...... 307

Figure 4.22 . Range of Buisa vessels and their functions...... 308 Figure 4.23. Range of Bulsa vessels and their fùnctions ...... 309 Figure 5.1. The remains of tumace in the custody of the chief smith of Chiana .....3 10 Figure 5 .2. A forge at Zaare (Bolgatanga)...... 3 1 1 Figure 5.3. Boys sit in to watch when smithing is in progress ...... 3 11 Figure 5.4. Ajaarla and his brother working ...... 3 12 Figure 5.5. A srnith at Zaare working with his son ...... 3 13

Figure 5.6. Ajaarla7ssons working on the beiiows ...... 3 14 Figure 5.7. Anankanbil's wife working on the bellows ...... 3 14 Figure 5.8. Large rocks used to shape tools (Wiaga) ...... 3 15 Figure 5.9. Sorne toots of the smiths with the anvil in the middle ...... 3 15 Figure 5.10. A forge at Kanjarga with clay beliow pipes ...... 3 16 Figure 5.1 1 . Setup of blacksmith7sforge ...... 3 17 Figure 5.12. Layout of Bulsa smith's forge ...... 3 18 Figure 5.13. Bulsa smith's working tools ...... 3 19

Figure 5 . t 4 . Products of Bulsa smith ...... 320 Figure 5.15. Products ofBulsa smith ...... 32 1 CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION

1.1 Statement of the Problem

The goal of this thesis is to investigate the extent to which the technologies of potting and iron working articulate with other domains of Bulsa culture and how these interrelationships help to provide insigfit into the social, ideological and other imrnaterial components of these crafis. Lnvestigation of the systems of thought behind the production and use of tools in the ethnographic present has the potential to increase our knowledge of how technological products articulate with each other on one hand and on the other with the thought processes of their producers and users.

Archaeologists have long relied on the use of analogical reasoning in the interpretation of most archaeological data (Wylie 1985). Most analogical inferences are usualiy drawn from the ethnographic present. Until the 1970s. most ethnographic data collected on traditional technologies by both anthropologists and archaeologists were

Iargeiy concerned with the physical production and use of the products rather than the thought processes of their producers and users. In the 1980s, ethnoarchaeologists began to seriousIy sddress the relationship between hurnan behavior, social and ideological institutions, and technology (Hodder 1982; Arnold 1985; David et. al 1988).

Potsherds and iron artifacts are among the most ccrnmon raw materials of archaeoIogy from which the past is reconstructed. Potsherds in particular form a greater proportion of materials excavated by archaeologists working in African. Over the years archaeologists have developed a wide range of models and theories about cerarnic use-life (David 1 972), style (Hegmon 1992; Hodder 199 1), ceramic assemblage formation (Miils

1989), and have refined their recovery rnethods and analytical tools in an attempt to present the past as clearly and as objectively as possible.

One major approach potentially capable of providing information on the activities of past populations within a specific site is ethnoarchaeology. By direct observation of extant cultures, it possible to identifi the factors and processes that were responsible for the nature of the archaeological record. Thus ethnoarchaeology was developed as a means to help archaeologists examine the processes that lay between excavated finds and the societies that produced and used them. in this way ethnoarchaeology minimizes the speculation of the archaeologist and opens up new and alternative avenues to knowledge about the past through analogical inferences. Althouph, ethnoarchaeology continues to pIay a significant role in archaeological interpretation, one area that remained unexplored is the relationship between the production and use of tools on one hand and on the other kethought processes of their producers and users. Unless we recognize and understand the interrelationship behveen technology and the thought processes of producers and users of material culture. it is dificult if not impossible to understand how ideas are transmitted within and between generations and from one cornmunity to the another.

Thus, without knowledge of how ideas are transmitted, we are in a poor position to understand cultural change, diffusion and invention. As thought transform the world and recreate it, we can best observe cultural change, diffusion. invention and many other areas of hurnan society 6om the inside and then relate these to extemal factors such as market forces, distribution and the like. Many scholars (White 1949; Lemonnier 1992, Ingold

1988. David 1972, Hodder 1982 and Pfaffenberger 1988) have emphasized this interrelationship between techology and society. Therefore, technology as a material expression of cultural may be best understood when researchers go beyond the study of how materiai items and objects are produced and used into the area of the thought processes of their producers and users.

This thesis intends not only to document how tools are manufactured and used, but aiso to investigate the thought processes involved in the making and using of these tools. Essentially, my thesis is to examine traditional technology by going beyond the artifacts themselves to the social, ideological and thought processes of their producers and users. This is of critical importance especially with the realization that the socio-culturaI and social components of technology do not fossilize in the archaeologicai record. By this approach, my work may contribute to deepening the archaeologist's perspective by expioring other sources of knowledge that will permit him to go beyond the relationship between artifacts and producers or makers to the critical question of the human thought processes. However in the application of the ethnographie present of this type to the archaeological material it should be boni in mind that traditional technology like most aspects of culture is dynamic and nat static. Nevertheless, no matter how profound or revolutionary the transformation of culture, especially traditionai technology, some of the core beliefs associated with the teth~e!2gy which support and are supported by other belief systems wilI still be visible.

Traditional technology is the integrated surn-total of socio-cultural, ideoiogical, cosmological and economic traits that have not only been learnt, and manifested and shared by members of the society but also passed on fiom one generation to the other in both interrupted and unintempted succession. In most traditional societies like the Bulsa there is a continuity of thought and action which is safeguarded by sanctions as part of the total belief systems. Traditionai technology in Bulsa is supported by and in tum supports a network of belief systems, such that even if the people no Longer practice a crafi some of the core beliefs are still retained and manifested in the socio-cultural lives of the people.

This study is about traditiond technology and Bulsa belief systems, one of the

"stateless" societies located within the savannah ecotone in the Upper East region of

Ghana. The Bulsa, like most of the ethnic groups within the savannah belt of Northern

Ghana described by early anthropologists (Cardindl 1923, 1920) as acephalous lacked written records until the advent of colonial rule towards the close of the 1800s. This means that a greater part of the early history of Bulsaland is undocurnented. The close interrelationship between technotogy and other areas of Bulsa thought means that where conventional means (written records) have failed to provide sources of information about

Bulsa, traditional technology has some potential to fil1 this gap. A lot of Bulsa history is preserved in their technologies and other aspects of their material culture.

In this study, 1 approached the subject fioïn two perspectives: as an outsider with

Western training and as an insider, bom and raised within Bulsa society. While my

Western training has played a significant role in my research, it is my position as member of the Bulsa society that provided me with the important tools including language and farniliarity with the cuIture to go beyond the technologies in material tenns to examine the important domain of Bulsa thought.

In presenting Bulsa traditional thought 1have been careful not to play down any contradictions or put Bulsa ideas into "Western" organized categories. Some of the rnaterial presented rnay therefore appear illogical and repetitive in some parts of the thesis from a Western intellectual perspective. However, this approach to allow certain themes in Bulsa thought to appear repetitively through the thesis is to emphasize the importance of such factors and their interrelationship with other aspects of Bulsa society. This strategy is also to ensure that I do not "stand between the Bulsa people and the reader", but this itself is not an easy task. It is dificult in the sense that the thesis is done towards a partial fuifillment of an academic degree and must necessarily follow laid down mles.

As a result of the mies goveming the presentation of thesis for academic degree, it is not uncornmon to find that in some parts of the thesis, instead of allowing the Bulsas to speak

-'through me" 1 simply act as a spokesperson for them in a similar way as most foreigners writing about other cultures of which they are not part will do.

1.2 Presentation

The thesis is divided into eight chapters. Chapter one is the introduction to the thesis and briefly States the problem of the research. The second chapter provides the necessary background knowledge of the physicsil geography, history and prehistory, and the social and domestic life of the Upper East region with emphasis on the Bulsaland, the focus area of the shidy. The airn of the chapter is to provide information on the geographical and historica1 scene within which the region is situated. Attention is paid to those geograpkiicai and historical factors that influence the socio-cultural lives of the people, particularly the technologies of potting and iron working. The methods used to collect data for this thesis are discussed in chapter three.

The aims of the research and reasons for selecting the topic and the area for study are discussed in more detail in this chapter. IncIuded in this chapter are problems encountered in the process of the data collection and how they were resolved.

Chapters four and five describe and discuss pottery production and iron working in the social context of the Bulsa. In these chapters the focus is on the roIc and place of these craft specialists in Bulsa society, the production sequences of these crafts

(manufactuing, distribution, use, disposal) and the associated ritu&. Issues such as the social characteristics (gender, age and lineage) of the cr& specialists are presented. In these chapters, the interrelationships between the crafts and BuIsa thought are discussed.

The Bulsa concept of space in gender terms is also considered and stylistic variation at both the inter and intra-ethnic Ievel is exarnined using comparative data fi-om neighbouring groups: Kussasi and the Gninni speakers from Zaare and Soa in the

Bolgatanga district. Some archaeologicd implications of these technologies are bnefly discussed at the end of each of these chapters.

In chapter six, iron working and pottery production are compared using elements mentioned by informants to distinguish between the two crafts, and other factors 1 have obsewed that featured prominently in one craft more than the other, or which are cornmon to both. The elements used to compare the two crafts include: gender, transmission of skills, ritual content, entry into the crafi, continuity of tradition and technological production differences. Bulsa religion and other aspects of the culture are presented in chapter seven. The aim of the chapter is to show how the technologies of potting and iron working are closely linked to Bulsa belief systems and other aspects of the culture.

In chapter eight the results of the study are surnrnarized and conclusions are drawn. Proposed directions for future and further research in the Upper East Region are also presented in this chapter. CWTER2: THE UPPER EAST AND THE BULSA

2.1 Introduction

It is apparent that physical and human geography plays a critical role in hurnan activities (Lemonnier 1992; lngold 1988; White 1949). As such, in order to discern how certain events of the past came to influence the present. a background of these issues is essential. The goal here is not to provide a detailed account of the physical and hurnan geography of the Upper East as this has done by experts (cg Dickson and Bennehl970;

Boateng 1959). Rather, it is an attempt to synthesize those aspects of the physical and social environment as they affect potting and iron working. This chapter does not merely serve as backdrop ro the environmental setting per se. it wiII attempt to relate how humans and the environment articulate with each other through technology under physical, natural and social environrnental constraints. The relationship between technology and the environment has a long history in anthropological thought (White

1949; Lemonnier 1986, 19%; Ingold 1988). Marx (in Semenov 1973: 1 ) suggested the relationship between technology, and the natural and social environment in the following statement;

Technology reveals the active relationship between man and nature, a direct process of his existence, consequently of his social relationship between his life and of the spiritual phenornena that arise fiom them.

The first part of the chapter describes the physical geography of the Upper East and its effects on technology. The rest of the chapter is devoted to the socio-economic and political aspects of the region with emphasis on Bulsa society. The main goal is to provide background information on the region highlighting not only how people articulate with the environment through technoiogy but also the role of socio-cultural, economic and political institutions in this articulation. This might offer archaeologists valuable hints towards a contextual interpretation of simiIar situations in the archaeological record.

Wnat archaeologists ofien find are artifacts which are not merely the physicai handiwork of the human species, but objects that are the embodiment of the physical, mental and social aspects of human existence under environmental and socid constraints. The interrelationship between technoIogy and other socio-cultural institutions denies the validity of the cliché in some anthropological circles that the environment sets the scene and humans rernslin the actors. Rather. the relationship between technology and the environment is a two-way Ioop with each infIuencing the other as dernonstrated by reseürchers of the anthropology of technology (Lemonnier 1 992; Hardin 1996,).

2.2 Geology and reIief

The Upper East is composed of three main geologicai formations: Granitic, the

Upper Birimian and Voltaic. The Granitic, widely distributed throughout the region, occurred during the Precarnbrian period (over 600 miIIion years ago). Its formation resulted in the crystallization of granite, quartzes, greenstone, feldspars, biotites, n~uscovites, amphiboles and laterite in many parts of the Upper East (Dickson and

Benneh Ig?O). The Birimian (500 millions years oid) has uneven distribution throughout Ghana.

It starts fiom the southwestern portion of Ghana. As it extends northwards it disappears in

the Northem region and then reappears in patches in some parts of the Upper East

(Dickson and Benneh 1970). Most rninerals of economic importance are associated with

the Birimian formation. At the time of my fieldwork. there was a serious "gold rush"

(illegal mining) in many parts of the Upper East along patches of the Birimian extension

in Nangodi, Bolgatanga and Taleland areas.

The Voltaic is characterized by metarnorphic and sedimentary series such as quartzite,

shale, arkose and sandstone (Dickson and Benneh 1970). Geological process resutted in

the formation of rich sediments and different clay types along major riverbanks. The

sedimentation occurred at about the late Prirnary period (420 million years ago) when

much of the Sahara, which is today an arid region, was covered with the shaiIow Silurian

sea. The Upper East is blessed with quality clay soils which lie under thin sandy soils of

later periods. Pottery producing communities in the region are dispersed on the landscape

in conformity with the geographical distribution of clay. None of the pottery producing communities visited over the field season goes beyond a four kilometer to mine clay.

2.3 Climate

The Upper East has a semi-arid and dry cIimate with a rainfall pattern that fluctuates between the wet and dry seasons of the year. In Koppcn and Thornwaite climatic typologies, the region falls within the classificatory categories of BSwh and

DA'w respectively (Ojo 1977). The seasonal changes are governed by two major air masses: the hot. dry and dus9 continentai air masses (harmattan) which originate fiom the northeast in the heart of the Sahara region. and the moist, cold, south-west monsoons from the Atlantic ocean. The meeting point of these two air masses, fiequently referred to as the inter-Tropical Convergence Zone (ITCZ), is the single most important factor that determines the character of the climate and subsequently the socio-econornic life of the people of the region (Dickson and Benneh 1970).

Temperatures are high throughorrt the year ranging between 27-32 degrees

Celsiusl with bighest temperatures recorded between the months of March and April. The harmattan winds set in November and Iast until February. During this penod northern

Ghana experiences &y and dusty condition. and wind storms with cold nights and hot days. Despite the desiccating nature of the harmattan winds which cause a lot of nuisance to nomai life in the forms of cracked skin and the spread of airborne diseases such as cerebrospinal meningitis, it is a great penod for socialization. It is this time that most funerais, festivals and other ceremonies are celebrated. In the dry season, most crafi speciaiists devote full time to their profession and for training young adults who over the wet season usualiy spend most of their tirne in the fieids attending to the livestock or helping parents with farm work. Potters daim that the best pots. in terms of quaiity, quantity and varïety are produced during this time.

The farming season is From May to August when the ITCZ has repositioned itself northwards and the entire area comes under the influence of rain bearing winds. Mean temperatures remain relatively high with small diurnal variations as a result of the cloud cover which attenuates the sunrays in the day and prevents Iieat generated in the day from radiating back into the atmosphere at night. The season is the busiest time for farrners as well as the smiths who provide the bulk of the fatming tools.

A third air mass system, with less impact on the area but nevertheless important, is the Warm Equatorial Easteriy which cornes at the start of the rainy season. It is characterized by violent nocturnal tornadoes, line squalls, rainstorms and usuaIly produces several centimeters of rain within a few hours (Udo 1978). This air mass ha caused considerable darnage to life and property in the region over the past years. As a consequence of its destructive nature, GabriloupoIos (1995) suggests a functional explanation for the orientation of entrances of Tallensi compounds away from the direction of these winds so as to minimize the dangers associated with it. He acknowledges. however, that the orientation of compounds in TaleIand has more to do with symbolic and ideological beliefs than with practical considerations or fünction.

2.1 Soils

Soils in the region are of the savanna and laterite integrated types, classified by the

Ghana Systems of Soils as IithosoI or latosoI (Ah 1970). A combination of factors including worsening climatic conditions over the years and hurnan activities has resulted in sligtit variations in soils across the Upper East. The upland soils developed from granite and Birimian formations show strong characteristic features of hydrous oxide, iron, alurninum md quartz. Soils in the region are generally shdlow and weak in organic content when compareci to those of the forest zone in southern Ghana. Slight variations exist in the texture and structure of the soiis. Most soils are coarse, and are naturally well drained with various amounts of loosely packed Stones. laterite and concretions. The

subsoil structure is quite shalIow and poorly developed with most of it being slightly

acidic: pH 5.5-7.0 (Ahn 1970). In some places especially around Nangodi and parts of

Bawku, soils exhibit hardpan which is an obstacle to easy penetration of min water. As a

consequence some parts of the region become waterlogged in the wet seasons and dry up

completely over the dry season. As a measure to ensure yem round supplies of water,

small and medium size dams (Tono and Vea) and hand-pump wells have been

constructed by both government and non-governmental organizations. The Canadian

international Development Agency (CIDA) ha plzyed a major role in the provision of

water in the Upper East.

Intensive land use, cultural practices such as bush burning md over exploitation of

vegetation for fuel, and other purposes has resulted in poor soils and senous sheet erosion

in many parts of the regicjn. The farmers compensate for the poor soils with manure and

artificial fertilizers. Fmlands that benefit from the apptication of animal manure are

those irnmediately around the compounds. The animal manwe is supplernented by

"artificial fertilizers" (factory produced). However, due to local beiiefs and their high

cost, few farmers use them. The farmers claim that the application of fertilizers rnake

soils more prone to leaching and other forms of destruction such as the breeding of pests.

Farmers' claims were contested by some officiais of the rninistry of Agriculture (personal communication with district agricultural officers). In spite of the generally poor soils, the region supports a nurnber of crops and tree species for both local consurnption and inter-

regional commerce. 2.5 Vegetation

The vegetation is savannah woodland characterized by short and tall tussocky and elephant grasses punctuated by drought resistant tree species. Ctusters of groves dotted over many parts of the landscape serve as shrines representing various deities, and are the focaI points of religious and ritual cerernonies. Tree species of economic value are well represented in most of these sacred grooves and on the margins of some cultivated plots.

Similar clusters or patches of standing bushes and fiinging fcz.2 faund dong the banks of some important streams and rivers help to break the monotony of the grassland vista.

In the more populated parts of the Upper East such as Bawku district, oniy ttees of economic and cultural value, and government established forest reserves remain. In the extreme north there are apparent signs of the desert encroaching, as the local people Say that thorn bushes, native to the desert, and sandy patches continue to increase in size annually.

A number of factors have contributed to the ptesent vegetation type which is believed to have been more forested in the past. The vegetation remains green and fiesh over the wet season, but turns brown in the dry season and finally is bumed over. Thus, in the dry season much of the ground surface is nothing but bare brown soil, rnaking it prone to erosion. Tree species common to the region and which play an important part in the socio economic and cultural life of the people include dawadawa (Parkiu biglobosa), ebony (Diospyros mespiiiforrnis), baobab (Adansonia digitafa) and sheanut

(Buiyrospermum parkii). 2.6 Human and social geography

The Upper East occupies an area of roughiy 8842 kilometers square with a population of around 772,000 (Boateng 1996). The region consists of six politicai administrative district assemblies: Bolgatanga, Bongo, Bawku West, Bawku East, Bulsa and Kassena-Nankani (Figure 2.1). It was part of the Northem Protectorate of the Gold

Coast under the British colonial rule prior to the country's independence in 1957.

Following independence, the Protectorate was split into the Upper and Northem Regions.

In the early 1980s, the Upper Region was Merpartitioned into Upper East and West regions. These divisions are politicalIy motivated rather than being based on socio- cultural differences. Inhabitants of the former Upper East share a common cultural heritage and historical connection. The Upper East shares borders with the Republics of

Burkina Faso in the extreme north, Togo in the northeast, and the Mamprusi of the

Northern region and the Sisala in the Upper West region as its southern and western neighbors respectively. Thus, between the "centralized states" of Marnprugu in the south and Mossiland in the north, stretches a belt of "stateless populations" belonging to several ethnic groups: Grunni speakers, Bulsa, Kassena, Nankani. Nabdarn, Tallensi and Kussasi

(Figure 2.2). Illiasu (1975) points out that, since the fifteenth century, these societies have had loose political and social ties with the centraiized states to the north and south, but state political control was seldom effective prior to colonial rule. Aithough the different ethnic groups share close cultural and linguistic affinities with each other as a consequcnce of local migrations, intermarriages or similar historical origins, they nevertheless exhibit distinctive cultural dissimilarities, rnost of which are invisible to the casual observer. As one moves within a twenty to thirty kilometer radius in the Upper East, one can notice the rernarkable dissirnilarities in Ianguage and other socio-cultural institutions. However, al1 the different languages spoken in the region collectively belong to the Mole-Dagbani branch of the Gur farnily of the Niger-Congo phylum (Naden 1985).

Beside the natives of the upper East, the other ethnic minorities include Mamprusi merchants and royal families, Mossis, Mandes, Hausas and Zaberamas merchants whose migratory history to tie region is quite recent. Recent incursions of traders and government oficials From other parts of Ghana and the neighboring couniries of Burkina

Faso, Togo, Mali and Niger are also well represented in the region. Despite strong influence from the neighboring states of Mossi, Dagomba and Marnprusi, and Hausa and

Mande merchants since the fifteenth century, and European penetration in the early nineteenth century, the natives still retain much of their traditiona1 forms of social organization. As a consequence of their strong resistance to assimilation and acculturation. the culture of these people is still richly permeaied with traditional religious beliefs and practices.

Bulsaland (ancestral home of the Bulsas), is located on the gentle low plains of the

Kulpawn-Sisily river valleys. Et lias a population of 79,568 (Central Bureau of Statistics

1984) and occupies a territory of 2000 square kilometers with a population density of about 30-40 people per square kilometer (District Agricultural Office). On the north, south and West, Bulsaland shares borders with the Kassena-Nankani. East Marnprusi and

Sisala districts respectively (Figure 2.3).

The topography is comparatively flat with gentle slopes and rises between 160-

200m above sea level. The gentle topography is punctuated by the presence of isolated hills or inselbergs, granite outcrops, boulders, and mouds. Some of these feahires have been indicated by male elders as shrines which serve as loci of ritual and religious ceremonies and settiernents of the first inhabitants of the area.

Settlements in BuIsaland conform to the general topography by avoiding lowland areas and river valleys which are often vulnerable to floods and to high incidence of river blindness (onchocerciasis), sleeping sickness (trypanosomiasis) and bilharzia

(schistosomiasis). However. oral histories and the presence of mounds along some of the z~jsrïkz: dleys suggest that prior to the wars of Babatu and Samore in the mid- nineteenth centuries, some river valleys were settled. This contradicts Prussin's (1969) contention that riverine settlernents were absent in Northern Ghana.

2.7 Economic sctivities

The economy of the region is based aImost exclusively on land cultivation and livestock husbandry, with supplementary hunting, fishing, gathering, collecting and a variety of traditiona1 crafis. These activities have evoIved under environmentai, ecologicd and social constraints. Agriculture is the rnainstay of the people of the Upper

East rcgion.

The system of farming in the region is rainfall mixed cropping on permanent fms with more than 50% of the arable land planted annually (Upper East Annual

Agricultural Report 1996). Each household has 2-3 hectares farmland around the immediate vicinity of the dwelling compound in addition to one or more bush farms of about the same size located three to six kilometers away from the village. Mixed cropping involves a combination of early millet (Pcnniserurn gluucum) and stlrghurn (Sorghum bicolor) planted on the sarne plot. Groundnuts (Aruchis hypogaea) and maize

(Zea mays) are usually sole crops cuitivated on well-drained upland soils'. Rice is grow~ seasonally i~ hirida'ed areas and thrives well dong river valleys and waterlogged areas.

Most of these crops have been cuitivated in the area over a considerable period of the, and as such are well adapted to the arid climate. Crops such as groundnuts and maize and other drought resistant crops were introduced into the area much later. Other crops of considerable importance, but usuaily grown on a small scale by wornen include small patches of vegetables, okra (Abelmuschus esczdentus) and roselle (Hisbiscus sabdarifa) cultivated atong the borders of the compound fms.

Harvesting, processing and storage are performed at the end of the wet season. In the dry season most young men migrate to the southem part of the country in search of seasonal work on cocoa fmsor jobs in the cities. The construction of the Tono and Vea dams in the Iast two decades has introduced Iimited dry season farming in some parts of the region as a rneasure to discourage rural-urban drift. Most smithing farnilies cornplain that they no longer srnith because most of the young and strong rnembers of their families have migrated to the city centres to look for --white-collarjobs" and never return.

In Bulsaland, farming activitics are organized on a household basis under the coordination of household or compound heads. People of the sarne household work together and at the end of the season store their products communally. The produce is then rationed out to the women at determined intervals throughout the year by the head of the household. Sexual division of Iabor is clcarly marked in Bulsa society; clearing,

'The identification of tree and grass species, and crops was done with the assistance of the district agriculturai and forestry staff and native Bulsa agricultural science teachers. weeding and most outdoor activities are performed by men while women sow and carry out indoor duties. The sexual division of labor conforms to the Bulsa ideology of space in gender ternis as a mechanisrn to rninimize confiicts in activity scheduling. The

"genderization" of space and sexual division of labour which cut across tie entire spectrum of Bulsa society, including pottery and iron working will be discussed in chapter seven.

Animal husbandry plays a significant role in the socio-cultural and economic life of the people. Most anirnak have syrnbolic significance: the horses signify kingship and authonsr; cattle sipi@ economic power and social statu; and the dog represents watchfùlness or vigilance. Livestock are not only for routine food supplies or commercial products, but are aiso used for sacrifices, marriage-payrnents, funerals and as savings.

Livestock are onIy soId when harvests are poor in order to supplement family incorne. A person who owns cattie is regarded as being weaithy or a '-plutocratt (dobroaba2 in Buli rneaning "heavy people"). It was usually such people who mled pnor to the introduction of a '-formal chieftaincy". Livestock, especially cattle. although owned in principle by individuds, in practice are the joint property of the compound, lineage, or clan. Livestock that are reared include: the indigenous cattle of the hurnpless West Afrïcan short horn variety (which has proved to show more resistance to endozootic diseases than other types), sheep, goats and a variety of birds (fowls and guinea fowls). In the wet season, children herd the livestock but in the dry season they are allowed to gaze in free-range, although in recent times rampant occurrence of animal thefi has limited this practice. The

2Unless otherwise indicated ail terms cited are in Buli. the Bulsa language rnost common diseases affecting livestock in the area include rinderpest, anthrax, blacklegs, rabies, fowl pox, clostridia and trypanosomiasis.

Cats and dogs are kept by Bulsas, not necessarily as domestic pets but for certain practicd fùnctions they perform and for symbolic reasons. Dogs are kept to protect the house. for hunting and for sacrifices. Cats are kept to get rid of cockroaches, mice and other rodents which are a nuisance and destnictive to seeds, grains, food and dwelling structures. The symboIic significance of these pets as used in ritual and religious ceremonies are anaiogous to their practical fhctions. The dog is sacrificed to the earth and ancestors because it is beiieved that the ancestors will use it to guide and protect the household and its members from evil spirits and enernies. The cal, when used in sacrifices, is killed and throw-n away or buried at cross-paths as a "cleansing animai."

Hunting, gathering and fishing play a vital roie in the food procurement strategies of the Bulsas. There is an abundant accumulated knowledge of these activities which has been handed dom fiom generation to generation through oral histories, practice and observation. Until the advent of the European-made flint guns, the main weapons of the local hunter was the bow and arrow, the latter produced by the local smith. Oral traditions claim that the stone anvil, the major tooi of the local smith, is mostly found either by hunters or fishermen endowed with the power to identie it.

Besides agriculture, a considerable number of full and part-time professionals including diviners, soothsayers, healers. builders, musicians, dnimmers, potters, smiths, weavers, undertalcers, local beer brewers, food vendors and traders are present in Bulsô society. in general, craftwork is a part-time occupation, ancillary to agriculture. A number of govemment institutions and non-governmentai organizations operate in most

district capitals to provide services and employment.

2.8 Social organization and domestic life

The politicai and social organization of the Bulsas is based on the segmentary

lineage system similar to that of the Tailensi described by Fortes (1 945). As a resdt 1 will

be using Fortes' (1945) kinship terminologies to describe the social organization of the

Bulsas. In the Upper East, descent is patrilineal based on the principle of agnatic descent.

The principle of agnatic descent ailows the individual to trace his or her origins to a

comrnon ancestor in a hierarchical structure. Each of these hierarchical structures is divided into a series of segments and each segment is identified by reference to its

founding ancestor. The individual segments act as corporate units in socio-culturai, religious, economic and political matters. Patrilineality based on agnatic descent irnplies that a number of families related through a comrnon ancestor corne togetfier to fom a patriclan.

In Buisaland, related clans tend to locate their hornesteads in geographical proximity to one another. It appears that geographical distance between homesteads in

Bulsaland increases with social distance. The pattern of compound distribution thus mirrors the kinship and sociaI relationships. Settlements in Bulsa country are in the forrn of dispersed homesteads roughly 200-300 meters apart. A compound is a circular mud complex which houses a number of households (2-10) in which members are ciosely related through the patemal Iine and man-iage (Figure 2.4). For detail on the relationship between traditional compounds and kinship of the Upper East, refer to Gabnlopoulos

(1995).

Patrilocal residence after maniage is the normal practice although in rare cases virilocal residence is used. Although some societies in the region do recognize matdineal descent, patrilineality is dominant. It is patrilineaiity that confers jurai status, rigbts of inheritance and succession to property and offices, ritual privilege and obligations. It aIso determines politicai allegiance and social organization.

Socio-political power is invested in individual household heads, clan elders and the land priests (teng-nyno) of each clan in the village. Together they form a corporate body that perforrns political, administrative, judicial and religious functions in a viflage.

Socio-political power is reinforced and flows through numerous deities including the ancestors and ehgods. In matters that relate to the physical and social pollution of the land, the Iand priest acts as a mediator. The institution of the tmg-nyono has remote antiquity and still survives among the BuIsa. This institution is therefore useful as an analog for archaeological cultures in matters relating to religious behavior, and land location and use.

In Bulsa traditionai society, three types of leaders arc recognized: compound heads

Oreri-nyono), land priests and wealthy elders ("big men"). The plutocrats were political leaders and gradually became chiefs with the introduction of formalized political systems arnong the natives. Rattray (1932:486) makes the following remarks regarding the development of organized political institutions among the "stateless" societies of the

Upper East; Koro or (Nab)j, means originally, any man of wealth or substance in a clan. A Koro had not however, any administrative, executive or religious power. Al1 such powers were invested in the hands of the Tinteintina (Tindana). The jumbling up of clans, and the genn of conception of temtorial, as opposed to clan groupings, had no doubt begun to manifest itself before the advent of Europeans. Men of wealth and outstanding ability had aiready risen in some of the clan settlements, and in the turrnoil and chaos resulting fiom the depredations of the Zabarima. mixed clans had sometimes rallied around such natural leaders for protection.

2.9 Religion and social customs

The people in the region predominantly practice traditional reiigion involving the veneration of ancestors and other nurnerous deities. Although there is less uniforrnity in the pattern of doctrines and ritua1 practices among the different ethnic groups, basic beliefs and concepts are very similar. Each bilyor clan head, normally the eldest male, exercises ritual jurisdiction over the earth gods and other deities such as the ancestors on behalf of the house and clan or maximal lineage (Fortes 1945).

Ancestral shrines are found in almost every compound in the Upper East and every lineage has a special shrine dedicated prirnarily to its founding ancestor. The ancestral shrines are the focus of lineage or clan unity and a symbol of corporate identity.

Unity, corporate identity and conformity are maintained and reinforced through periodic sacrifices on behaif of the group by the senior male. Sacrifice to the ancestors, the earth and to cither family gods is the exclusive duty of men. Women are permitted to participate by giving out items for sacrifice but they are forbidden to make sacrifices by themselves. The role of the male as the guide and protector of the compound in his

or nab, means chief in Sisala and Buli respectively. lifetime is syrnbolically represented in the arrangement of ancestral shrines. Male

ancestral shines are erected outside at the entrance of the cornpound and the female ones

inside or on the path in the direction of their paternal homes. Gabrilopoulos' (1995)

vigilance-surveillance mode1 of the Tallensi compound by extension goes beyond the

living world to the one beyond. The compound heads or eiders who perform this

vigilance and surveillance role during their lifetime are expected to execute the same

functions after they die and join the world of the ancestors. The role of male elders as

protectors and guides is manifested in the sexual segregation of space in both the living

and the ancestral worlds.

Breaking of virgin land for farrning and building, and the mining of clay and

Laterite, requires the ritual sanction of the land priest. Lost articles such as iron objects or

stray animais, whose owners are unknown must be handed over to the teng-nyono on

whose land these items are found. lron objects such as hoes and axes will be used by the

earth priest until they are worn out, and then presented to the Earth. It is therefore comrnon to find al1 kinds of artifacts heaped around the site of the earth shrine.

Other special ceremonies observed by the people include: initiations, harvest

festivals and funeral celebrations. There are no initiations of people into adulthood but

special ceremonies are conducted to bring a person into a new social position. The

"Feok," celebrated yearly in the month of December, is the major festival of the Bdsa. It

is a traditional thanksgiving festival in honour of the earth god, ancestors and other deities

for making the land productive and for their protection throughout the work season.

Bulsa belief in life after death and the powers of the dead to intercede on behaif of the living is an incentive for every Bulsa to give his departed relatives a fitting fimeral. Bulsas do not bury their dead with goods other than burial costumes. However, livestock

are killed and foods prepared during fimerals for the dead to use in the next world. When

a Bulsa dies away fiom home, the same fimeral rituals are perfonned by coliecting soi1

fiom the outskirts of the settlement to represent the person. It is therefore not out of place

to corne across graves wifh only burial coshunes in Bulsaland.

Gender division is also clear in burial practices. Women as strangers, are buried

outside in the fields while men, as owners of the compounds are buried either in the

cattleyard or courtyard depending on their status. Men who have attained hi& social

status, such as elders are buried inside the courtyard. In exceptional cases, the first

woman to start a compound with her husband is given the privilege of being buried in the

courtyard. The main markers of graves are burial pots (kyari). Many of these burial pots

were observed dotted across the landscape, and in cattleyards and cowtyards. Funeral performance varies fiom three to four days for men and women respectively. The nurnbers are symbolic and stem fiom the belief that a man takes three counts before taking any senous action when he is offended and a woman four times. This implies that women are more tolerant, patient and sympathetic than men. This probabIy explains the reasons why female shrines do not feature prominently in the daily Iife of the Bulsa.

Femaie ancestors are more tolerant and less quick in reacting to wong conduct of the living world, and so less attention is paid to female shrines. The erection of female shines in the inner or less visible locations of the compound also reflects the conception of Bulsa towards women. Women are more private and rarely spend much tirne outside the compound or mixing with men. The arrangement of male and female shrines in Bulsa society expresses the Bulsa belief that women are private and men public. Like fimerais, naming ceremonies are significant in Bulsa society because it is through these ceremonies that a child is formaily admitted into the society. in most cases through the narning ceremonies a child receives his or her personal god which is piece of

Stone pressed into a bal1 of mud. The ritual (wen-piirib) of giving a child his or her personal god is performed by a soothsayer at dawn, because it must coincide with the setting of the sun. The belief is that a person7s personal god comes from God in îhe sky.

These persona1 shrines built of mud are placed in various corners of the courtyard against a wall, and often a small pot is placed beside the conical shaped structure. On entering a

Bulsa compound, one notices a number of these ntud pots placed against the waIls of the dwelling structures. These arrangements have significant implications to archaeology in that most of these pots are left behind when a house is abandoned as a result of misfortune and war or fire. On the other hand if a house is voluntarily abandoned, most of these ritual pots and contents are likely to be removed to a new compound site (see chapter four).

Islam and Christianity have made major incursions in the region. In the last two decades, Christian churches have appeared in the most rtrnote corners of the region, while

Islam, to a large extent, is still confined to the commercial and historical Muslim centres.

2.10 Prehistory and ethnohistory

Apart from a limited reco~aissancecarried out by Davies (1 970), the Upper East lacks detailed archaeological studies. Oldowan industries have been reported through reconnaissance survey by Davies

(1970) at Yapei in the high river terrace grave1 of the While Volta and Kandiga in the

Upper East near the Volta-Oti confluence. However, the authenticity of these finds have been a subject of debate since aimost al1 them either corne frorn uncontrolled excavation or terraces where redeposition is known to have occuned. Secondly, these finds have not been anaiyzed or evaluated (Allsworth-Jonnes 2987; Nygard and Talbot 1977).

A large number of Late Stone Age sites have been identified throughout the country. The distribution of the Kintampo sites throughout Ghana (Anquandah 1982) suggests that this cultura1 complex is the most well-defined neolithic industry in Ghana.

The Kintarnpo complex provides a link between the mobile hunter-gathers of the Stone

Age and later horticulturists (Anquandah 1982). The geographical proximity of the

Upper East to important sites such as Gambaga and Ntereso suggests that the area was probably occupied by fmers no later than 800-900 BC (Casey 1993).

Evidence of iron technology, especiaily at Hani (200 BC) suggests that the commencement of fming and village senled life began to take shape as lithic technology employed for agriculture dscreased and was replaced by more effective iron tools

(Anquandah 1982). The Iron Age likely began in the Upper East at least 3000 years ago.

2.11 History of Bulsa in regional context

The historicai origins of the Bulsas, like the rest of the people of Northem Ghana are quite obscure. Oral traditions fiom village elders suggest that the thirteen villages that rnake up Bulsaland today were settled at different periods (Figure 2.3). a) Kaderna, Wiaga, Siniensi and Sandema trace their mythical origins to Atuga, a son of

the king of the Mamprusi

b) Fumbesi, Kanjaga, Gbedema, Wiesi and Yiewiesi, a second group of villages trace

their origin to a comon ancestor called Afina who migrated fiom Mamprugu.

C) Gbedembilisi, Vaare, Doninga and Bachonsi have similar mythical origins but it was

not possible to obtain coherent information on fi-om where they originally came.

d) Chuchuliga daim their origin to Mossiland and Kassenaland.

The are many versions in the oral histories about how the original ancestors of

each Bulsa settIement rnigrated into the present location. hong the popular versions

about the origin of the Atuga settlements is that Atuga the son of the Nayeri (chief of

Marnprugu) quarreled with his brothers over succession der the death of his father.

Atuga was therefore forced to move out of Marnprugu to settle in BuIuk (home of the

Bulsas). When Atuga leA Marnprugu, he first settled at Buliba within the vicinity of

Kaadema, north-east of Wiaga. This place is still known and rernembered by almost al1

Bulsa as Atuga Ruins (Atuga-guuta).

Oral histories attest that Bulsaland in its present forrn is Iargely a composition of

heterogeneous people who settled or inhabited the present area quite independently and at

different time periods. Later historical events such as wars, slave raids, trade and general

security led these different groups into realizing the need for cornrnon defence, and hence

Butsa society evolved into its present fonn. Bulsa settlements that daim ongins outside

Bulsaland are quick to point out that their ancestors arrived to meet people already living

in these areas who were later assimilated by the new arrivals. It is now largely impossible to make any distinction between the Bulsa groups who al1 speak Buli (language of the Bulsas) and share the sarne cultural repertoire. The Buli language is the most common uniQing factor among al1 Bulsas, though slight tonal variations are noticeable as one moves fiom one village to another. The Buli language is genetically related to Kumung, the language of the Koma although they are mutually unintelligible (Barker 1986). Buli is aiso spoken outside the Bulsa district as a mother tongue in Biu and Kologo in Kassena-

Nankani, Santeja in Sisala. and Kunkwa and ka te^ in the Wdewale districts.

According to oral histories. some of these settlements uere yt of Bulsaland but were relocated to the present districts under the British colonial administration in the twentieth century. The last of these areas to break away was Kunkwa in the 1920s (Illiasu 1970).

In 1946 a dispute broke out again between Azantilow (head of the Bulsas) and the Nayeri

(head of the Mamprusi) over some of the areas including Kunkwa which Azantilow claimed were part of his temtories. In 1952. Azantilow petitioned the colonial govermnent demanding the return of these areas especially Kdwa to Buluk. Judgment was however not passed in his favor and Kunkwa was awarded to the Nayeri and has since remained part of the Marnprusi Kingdom (Illiasu 1975). Oral histories and the

Sandema-nab Azantilow's own account attest to the loss of sorne Buisa senlements to the

Mamprusi in the pst. The Sandema-nab's account has been confirmed by some elders of

Kunkwa who claim that in the past they were under the Bulsas. But during the reign of

Nab Akansungaasa who ruled before Azantilow, they were bitterly maltreated and conscripted to build roads and dams. Nab Akansungaasa's policies encouraged the people of Kunkwa to break away and join the Marnprusi who they ciaim once ded

Kunkwa. 2.12 Trade, technology and state formation

The evolution of "centralized socio-political institutions and technological

complexes within the savanna zone was to a large degree a response to the caravan commerce and the political turmoil between the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries.

Trade among the centralized states and their neighbors began about the early

1500s (Daaku 1970 and Garrard 1986). By this time, trade in cattle and slaves had developed between Mossiland and the areas south of it. The wide network that developed with the trade and the concomitant political tumoi1 of the pet-iod has a number of implications for the archaeology and history of Northern Ghana. The "Guninsi4" were raided for slaves and also made constant attacks on traders. Some of the attacks on traders led the British Colonial govemment to send a punitive expedition to Navrongo in

1902, leading to the destruction of many houses (Kimeaiy 1907). The wide trade network and concomitant political tunnoil of the period had a number of implications for the archaeology and history of Northem Ghana. The trade brought waves of local migrations, intermarriages and consequently the diffusion of technologies and ideas. It ied to the development of trade routes radiating across many parts of the region. The trade aiso contributed to wars among the "centraiized" states who wanted to expand and extend their politicai hegemony over the smdl savanna "stateless" societies and control the trade routes. These conflicts together with the raids of Babatu and Samon in the 1800s contributed to the realization of among the natives for the need to have centralized leaders for the purpose of a cornmon defence (I-iodden 1965). Until this period, the natives had

JGunuisi is a collective tenn used for al1 the acephalous societies which occupy the present geographical area today known as the Upper East. often relied on the individual, farnily, clan, and lineage heads, and land pnests for politicai leadership. The wars of the period also led to an increase in demand for iron and iron products.

Most of the important North-South routes of the Caravan trade traverse "Gunuisi" country. Caravan halts along this route listed by Dupuis include Kanjagq a Buka settlement and Yagaba which Iies imrnediately south of Bulsaland. Dupuis 1924 (in

Garrard 1988:63-64) described Yagaba as a notorious slave market. and a city of greater extent than Salgha (Salaga). The Salaga-Gambaga route was used by Asante traders to bring cola nuts northwards and by the Hausas and Eastern Mossi of Northern Togo to transport cattle, iron products and slaves southwards. This commercial network brought

Bulsaiand, like most of her neighbors, into active participation in the caravan trade.

Garrard (1986) reports that southward-bound caravans carried a variety of products including pots, iron bloorns and hoes which were arnong the items eagerly sought by the Gunuisis. Return cargo frorn the Akan states consisted mostly of forest and

European products such as guripowder and flints, beads, looking glasses, cowries and copper rods. Garrard (1986) suggests that by the nineteenth cenrury. local smelting alone could not supply the iron requirements of Gumsi country, and more iron hoes and bIoom had to be imported fiom the Mossi and Basares of Northeastern Togo. The main source of supply of iron bloom has been suggested by Garrard to lie somewhere near the important smelting sites of Northern Togo. The decline and end of smelting in the Upper

East and Asante (much earlier) cannot be totaily disassociated fiom the regional specialization brought about by the Caravan trade. Oral histories from some smithing clans in the Upper East attest that ttieir ancestors never smelted iron but were buying iron bIoom (Kutzrk-rai or Monha Kuta; kutuk "iron", lai "stone;" Mouha, "Mossi people") frorn the Mossis. There are even claims by sorne smiths that it was the Mossi who first introduced iron working to the area. At Fumbesi, there are still descendants of the Mossi smelters who settled in the area centuries ago. These fandies who are still srniths are ofien referred to by their fellow Bulsas as Mossi people (Moaha). Native Bulsas make a distinction between hoes produced by this group and the rest of the native Bulsas. 1 was informed by Bulsa smiths that these Mossi descendants make much larger hoes and used r'urges hi ch aïe yuite ciifferent kom those of the Bulsa smiths. Unfortunately, it was not possible to visit the Mossi smiths to confirm this claim.

The main methods of exchange used during the caravan trade and weil into the present century were barter, cowries, iron objects and brass omaments (Tauxier 19 12 in

Garrard 1986). Tauxier states that among the Nankane the hoe was a standard currency and provided a recognized standard of value of one hoe equivalent to two chickens or a day's labor or five-seven hoes for a sheep. This exchange rate was used among many of the ethnic groups in the Upper East up to the close of the nineteenth century.

Dupuis's (in Garrard 1986) description of towns like Yagaba as being as large and wealthy as Salaga suggest that labels such as "acephalous or stateless" used by anthropologists to describe societies in the Upper East should be viewed with caution. It appears that these concepts have their origins partly in the colonial anthropological enterprise as classificatory terrns aimed at justifying die imposition of colonial deor to denve general models in the field of anthropology, Labeling of the Upper East as

"acephaIous or stateless" by colonial period anthropologists (Rattray 1932) was apparently structured to fit into the anthropological categories. Although some Africanists have perhaps adapted these "antiquated" ideas to suit modern contexts or have filtered out the bias, the continued wholesale use of such labels by some researchers who have no colonial ambitions can be viewed as an attempt to understand these societies in

Western epistemological terms rather than on their own terms, or as an example of a colonid and post-colonial hegemony of ideas (or both).

In writing the history of the savannah region, early scholars particularly members of the British administration focussed on the political and social institutions of the states of Marnprusi, Dagomba and Gonja. These were issues that were of particular interest to anthropologists in colonial and post-colonial contexts. Consequently, the "stateless" were regarded as insignificant and as such were treated as no more than appendages to the history of the "centralized" states. However, population demographics in the 1960s show that the combined population of the so-calied "stateless" societies in the Upper East would have outnumbered any of the centrafized states by a 2:l ratio (Central Bureau of

Statistics, 1964). Although it does not follow that population density per se is equivalent to state, population demographics combined with judicious use of oral histories suggest that the "sa-cafied statetess or acephahus societies" were not after al1 societies without rulers or political leadership. Perhaps these societies were those without territorial or imperial ambitions. These labels should be viewed with skepticism and caution by researchers as they have great implications for the history and archaeology of the Upper

East and the rest of Northem Ghana. 2.13 Political developments 1400-1900

Pnor to the arriva1 of the migrant groups a greater part of what is today Northen

Ghana was inhabited by indigenous populations (Boahen 1966; Dickson 1969). Tht

migrant groups have often been credited with having introduced a formal chieftaincj

institution into the Upper East.

A number of hypotheses have boen put fonvard to account for the proposed

fifieenth century dates for the arriva1 and character of the invasion. The main problem

with these hypotheses is that the various exponents (Boahen 1966; Fynn 1970) failed to

accowit for how the proposed the dates of the arriva1 of the migrants were obtained and

what was the nature of the invasion itself. The migration has ofien been viewed by

historians as a large number of well arrned and politically organized migrants on horses

who carne from the Niger bend region and overran the natives (Boahen 1966). However

it does appear that, even if there was an invasion, it was a gradua1 intrusion of small

groups of people. The "mass invasion" hypothesis fails to fit into the general oraI history of the evolution of the Mole-Dagbani expansion. Another inherent contradiction in the

"massive and warlike invasion" hypothesis is its failure to explain the cultural cohesiveness between both the natives and invading groups. Languages used by both the supposed invaders and the natives bear close similarities which suggest that these languages probably evolved in the present geographical region (Naden 1988). There appears to be no close similarities in language between the invaders and the people presently inhabiting the region where they claim their origin (Naden 1988). Although the proponents of the mass invasion mode1 could counter-argue that the invaders became rather assimilated by the native, this argument is not convincing, as it is known that ruling classes by their nature will not easily have allowed their cultue, especially aspects related

to kingship, to be entirely swallowed by a culture of people whom they regarded as

inferior. At least, there would be the tendency to retain some of the original core cultural

traits of the region of their origin. One could further counter this argument with the

exarnple of the Norman invasion in England; one cannot deny the influence of the French

language on English. It is therefore equaliy likely that the intrusion was probably a

graduai and peaceful one with small nurnbers of people fiom within the present

boundaries of northern Ghana. As these groups settled among the natives, through time

either by forceful or peaceful means (or both) they incorporated the natives into the main

Stream of their "centraiized political systems. The notion of rnounted warriors invading

the savanna region and quickly assimilating the local population should be viewed with

skepticism.

Illiasu (1975) points out that by the eighteenth century, there was a general

tendency for the chief of Marnpmgu to install secular rulers of Mampmsi origin among

the natives, especially dong important trade routes. At the same time, as a result of

population incrcasc some Mamprusis begin to move out of Marnpmsiland and to settle among the local people, and later imposed themselves as rulers over these people with

politicai institutions modeled on the Mamprusi. In most cases, these rulers still maintain contact with the Nayeri. This evidence suggests that simi1ar practices might have been going on over a long period of time. By the eighteenth century, some parts of the Upper

East came under Marnprusi hegemony with whom most ethnic groups now daim ancestral ties in syrnbolic tems. The relationship between the Nayeri and the mlers of

Frafia, Tallensi and Kussasi areas was more ritual than politicd. The ruling families who either migrated into the area and implmted themselves as rulers or were directly put as

rulers arnong the natives regard the Nayeri as a father and elder. As Fortes 1945 (in

Illiasu 1975:6) succinctly püts it:

Chiefship cannot be assumed by the office holder personally and indirectly without ceremony. He must be inducted by sorne someone who can impart to him the virtue or power which inheres in the office.

This means the electoral function of the Nayeri arnong the native groups in the

Upper East was symbolic of the kinship and ideoiogical ties with these societies rather

than representing direct politicai authority over thern. In Bulsaland, the authority and

influence of the Nayeri was totally non-existent prior to colonial rule. Although some

BuIsas claim historical comection to Mamprugu, there were no Mampmsi settlements or chiefs in the Bulsa area by the eighteenth centuries (Akanko 1982).

The period between 1840-1896 is a major landrnark in the history of state

formation arnong some "stateless" societies. The recrudescence of inter-state and intra- clan skinnishes throughout most parts of Northem Ghana; (eg. Gonja wars of 1892-6 and

Dagornbas wars of 1888) were important factors in the redefinition of ethnic boundaries and the emergence of new states in the Savannah belt independent of their centralized neighbors (Illiasu 1975). In addition, the activities of Babatu and Samori 1800s (Dickson

1969; Akanko 1982) were arguably responsible for strengthening the economic and political foundation of the "stateless" societies (Holden 1965).

Oral histories Say that the various villages which make up Bulsaland today were politically independent of each other prior to the raids of Babatu. It was not until the time of these raids that the individual Ioose groups realized the need for unity and cornmon defence. Even then, afier a successful defense against a comrnon cause, the individual villages retained their autonomy. This kind of political arrangement continued among the

Listateless" groups until the advent of colonial rule which brought with it a new politicai arrangement based on the mistaken notion that ail "stateless" societies in Upper East fell under the politicd authority of Marnprugu. In consequence, the Upper East was reconstituted and put under Mamprugu. Although, the scheme appears to have achieved success in the Frafk and Kussasi areas, it was strongly resisted by the Bulsas and Kassena as it was felt that the scheme was imposed on them since they have never corne directly under Marnprugu (Illiasu 1975). The Bulsas and Grushies also felt that whatever de facto earlier political influence Marnprugu had on them in earlier times was syrnbolic as they were never incorporated into Mamprugu.

Besides, the failure of Mampmgu to provide protection for these societies against the raids of Babatu had not only wiped out any Nayeri's influence but had also injected faith and solidarity, and introduced a new breed of leaders into these societies. The raids of Babatu contributed to the development of organized political institutions in the Upper

East independent of Marnpnigu. This expfains why some of these societies were reluctant to come under the Mamprugu with the colonial new political scheme.

As the colonial arrangement sought to invest total power in the Nayeri, the loose ethnic groups in the no&-east province ironically relied on the same power to gain separate identities and extend their politicd control. An illustrative case occurred in

19 12, when the Sandema-nab claimed suzerainq over the villages of Kategre, Kunkwa,

Cheeba, Bulbia and Kassidema (Iast two now extinct) which were put under the Wulugu- nab under the new scheme. The Sandema-nab's contention was that though these villages were once under Mamprugu, the inhabitants were culturally and histoncally are Bulsas.

Besides, it was the Bdsa who provided protection for these settlements during the raids of the Zabarima (slave raiders) when Marnprugu failed (Nash 1912 in Illiasu 1975). An ad-hoc cornmittee set up by the colonial administration that looked into this case made its findings in favor of the Sanderna-nab. Similar claims and resistance by the Kassenas, coupled with the introduction of indirect deabout 1929, finally gave rise to the conviction of the colonial government that separating the Bulsas and the "Grushies" from

Mamprugu might provide the rnost effective policy for govemance. This was fidi~r confirmed by the Jackson Commission which reported that the present arrangement of placing Bulsa and the Kassena under the Nayeri was an arbitrary act unsupported by historical facts. This report finally gave the Bulsas and the Grushies the opportunity to openly declare their refusa1 to the new subordinate position to which they been reduced since the introduction of the new colonial political scheme (Jackson 1930 in Illiasu 1975).

At the time of the introduction of the colonial political scheme, there were no formal head chiefs in BulsaIand. The first election of a head chef in Bulsa was conducted in 19 1 1. Two chiefs contested for the position (Sandema-nab and Kanjagak- nab) and the former won with votes from the chiefs of Wiaga, Siniensi and Kaadema as against the latter with one vote fiom Fumbesi. The chiefs of Doninga, Yiewesi, Gbedema and Eachunsi abstained for they were willing to serve under whoever was elected.

Warden reports that the Kanjaga-nab, who appears to have had traditional rights as the

"big chief' lost because the chiefs who voted for the Sandema-nab remembered the protection offered to them during the Zarnbarirna and Babatu raids (Warden, 192 1 in

Illiasu 1975). Another mujor probtem with the colonial scheme of redefining boundaries and powers is that it came at the time when the statdess societies were getting larger in size and increasing in politicai power. Meanwhile, the States of Marnprugu, Dagbon and

Gonja were beginning to experience disintegration; not merely because the growing powers of the smaller chiefdoms and the activities of Babatu and Sarnori, but the colonial policy itself of dismexhering the Northern tenitories between the French, British and the

Germans. The Nayeri complained bitterly about the Jolnstone-Count-Zech award of boundaries ( 1894-8) which partitioned the temtories between the English, French and

Gerrnans (Watherston 1909). The Nayeri's serious concern was that a considerable harm was done to his state by putting four of his most important shrines including Naa-Gbewa, the legendary founder of Dagornba, Marnpmsi and Nanurnba, and several of his most viable markets under the Germans (Ferguon and Wilks l970:340-352). The heads of the

Dagombas and Gonjas suffered a similar predicament: The head of the Dagomba state who resided in Eastern Dagbon was put under the Gemans, which means that the British side was without a der(IlIiasu f 975).

In summary, the colonial political developments no doubt contributed in shaping and reshaping the traditior~alsocial, political and economic institutions, and consequently the distribution and diffusion of technoIogicd systems within the Upper East. CHAPTER 3: RESEARCH METHOD

3.1 Goals of the Study

Objects, containers or tools made from clay and iron form a siçnificant part of the cultural repertoire of Bulsa society. The production and use of these objects not oniy demonstrates how humans shape the matenal and the social world, it aiso shows how technology and its products simultaneously shape humans. The capacity of tecbnoIogy to transform society is not inherent in material culture alone, it is aiso mediated through hurnan metaphors and other forms of expenence. In order to identie these mediating agencies, the various interacting processes and thoughts within traditional technologies were investigated. Traditional technology, when examined as both material and thought processes, has the potential to assist archaeologists gain more ches into the social, ideological and syrnbolic domains of artifacts uncovered from the archaeoIogicai context.

To this end, an ethnoarchaeological survey was conducted into BuIsa pottery and iron working technologies over a penod of four months (May-August 1996). The production sequences of potting and iron working and their relationship with other dornains of BuIsa life were exarnined.

3.2 Choice of Area and Topic

The choice of Buisa district for my research was infiuenced by a number of factors including the following; a) As someone born and raised in the area, 1 am fmiliar with the area, as well as the cultures and languages of the people. My position as a native of the area allowed me to apply both etic and emic perspectives to my research especially in the area of Bulsa thought processes. My fluency in the local languages and farniliarity with the culture facilitated irnrnensely my data collection and provided me with the requisite tools to examine the technologies in social context.

b) Traditional potting and smithing are still practiced in many parts of the district.

However these technologies, which have tremendous impact on al1 spheres of Bulsa society, have not been documented. The choice of the area and topic was therefore driven by a desire to document the two technologies, which serve as vehicle for the expression of many aspects of Bulsa culture. The Bulsa, like many of their neighbors, lacked either a set of coherent oral traditions that are generally agreed upon throughout the area or written records until the colonial era. The cardinal goal was therefore to demonstrate how surviving traditional technologies have the capacity to contribute to our knowledge of the socio-cultural, economic and political histories of the Bulsa in both pre-post-colonial times. For example, rnuch can be learnt from tradirional potting and smithing about farnily histories. trade and exchange, social organization, and the general belief systems of Bulsa. This is particularly important for the Bulsa whose oral traditions, like most of the other ethnic groups in the region, attest to considerable continuity in many cultural and technological traditions.

c) Ceramics (sherds) form the bulk of materials recovered by archaeologists in

Ghana as in many parts of Africa. The research is an attempt not only to document these technologies but also to demonstrate the relationships between the crafis and their makers, and between makers and users. Et is anticipated that the study of these technologies in ethnographie context will help archaeologists identiQ identical or similar patterns and changes in the assemblages in the archaeological record.

3.3 Sampling Strategy

The interviews on potting were focused on the settlements of Fumbesi and

Kanjaga. The villages of Sandema and Wiaga were chosen for the interviews on iron working. The first week was spent in identifjing the target groups and settlements for the study through a survey conducted mong buyers and sellers of iron and pottery products, men and women elders, traditional rulers and opinion leaders and local histonans fiom

Sandema. The term local historian is used here to rnean those Bulsas who are respected and regarded by the community as being knowledgeable in custorns, myths, proverbs, fimeral dirges and the histories of their families, lineages clans and villages. Based on information obtained from this survey and other documentary sources from the Ghana

Museurns and Monuments Board and Ghana National Archives, sample villages for the study were chosen. It should also be emphasized rhat through previous working experience both as a research assistant to a nurnber of similar research projects in the district in the past and as a former worker with the Ghana National Mobilization Program

(GNMPS), 1 was already farniliar with the villages that are famous for smithing and potting.

jThe GNMP is a governmentaI department that was set up in the mid 1980s with the main task of mobilizing local resources including traditional industries such as potting, iron working and other local crafts for development. In choosing these particuIar villages, 1 was also influenced by other considerations, including logistics such as the means of transport, how receptive these village are to outsiders, and the presence of close fiiends, relatives and former contact persons fiom previous research work. The seIected villages were generally in close proximity to one another and emily accessible by vehicles, motor bikes and bicycles.

Through previous research work in the area, I have estabiished good relationships in these villages, which 1 anticipated would make rny work easier since 1 could rely on former contact persons and fiiends as key informants codd. In addition, 1 have a nurnber of relatives in the sarnpled settlements who were wiiling to heIp me find the right people for rny interviews. From previous research experience, the villages chosen generally have a good reputation for their openness to and cooperation with outsiders

In addition to the focus area, 4-5 trips each were made to other ethnic groups such as Tallensi, Kassena in Chiana, Gninni speakers of Soa and Zaare in Bolgatanga and the

Kussasi of Bawku West. These trips provided comparative data on the range of inter and intra-ethnic variations in the technoIogies.

3.4 Data collection

The rnethods used in the data collection included: interviews, observations, photographs, sketch pians of workshop and drawing of tool kits and products.

Interviews

Both formal and informal interviews were conducted on al1 aspects of the technologies. The formai interviews consisted of a stnictured questionnaire (see below) used as a guide to interview informants. The questionnaire was designed to collect detailed information on the natural, socio-economic, symbolic, and ideoIogical aspects of

Bulsa life and their influence on the crafts. Most of the formai interviews were conducted in the workshop or home of informants while they were either working in their shops or taking a rest after their daily activities. With the potters, a large nurnber of the interviews were done when they were working on other domestic activities such as shelling of groundnuts which entailed less movement, or by appointments through contact persons.

The informai interviews maînly consisted of conversations with fi-iends, relatives and other acquaintances during socialization at home, in bars, market places, and other social occasions. Most of these informai interviews occurred at family sacrifices, fimerais, festivals, naming ceremonies and other cerernonies as well as other daiIy situations which 1 experienced and observed as a member of the society. On such occasions such as sacrifices, fimeral and ritual activities, the use of iron and pottery products were observed in context. Later, at home or during the next interviews, informants were asked about their perception of such rituals and other activities 1 had observed. Informal conversation with friends. family members and other relatives helped me to frame my questions in a way that would not be offensive to informants. These conversations were very important since the wrong question asked could either lead to a negative or no response.

The most important difference between the informal and formai interviews is that in the former 1 acted primarily as an insider, whereas in the latter my role as a researcher dominated. Also, while the formai interviews were rnostIy conducted at the compounds and workplaces of informants, informal interviews were carried out mostly at social gatherings and away fiom the home of the informant.

The interviews were supplemented with direct observation made on the actual processes at each stage of the manufacturing process of the crafts. The use and disposal of some of the products were observed in context. Additionally. it was possible to observe some of the ritual ceremonies related to the practice of the crafts, for exarnple sacrifices to the anvil, the earth and other deities connected with the technologies.

At the begiming of the research, 1 was interested in interviewing as many craft speciaiists as possible. This meant that during the initial stages, an "opportunistic sarnpling strategy" was used to select informants. With the opportunistic sampling, any crafl man or woman located and who was willing to grant me audience was interviewed.

However with time, 1 made friends with some the craft specialists and other members of the settlements. These fiiends who occasionaily acted as key informants and contact persons helped me in selecting my informants by making recornrnendations of who they thought should be interviewed. This took many forms such as a contact person or key informant making suggestion that a particular specialist is knowledgeable in some areas of the crafi and should be interviewed. At times, when an informant is asked a question, he or she would Say that such a question could only be answered by a particular craftsman or woman. ln such circumstances, appointrnents were made with the suggested craft speciaiist through key informants or contact person. In addition, the Assemblymen and women of the selected villages provided me with a list of names and location of crafl speciatists, elders, opinion leaders and local historians who could be contacted for interviews. Sorne of the Assembly men and women (representatives) who eventually became key informants even went further to help in arranging some of the interviews.

The Assembly representatives were people elected from the comrnunities to represent the villages at the District Assembly meetings. To be qualified for the position of an

Assembly representative, a person must be a native of the village or ward and must have resided in the community for at least the last five years. The Assernbly representatives of the comrnunities in which the research was conducted were al1 well respected teachers who were born and raised in these localities and as such know almost a11 members of the society and were familiar with the local customs.

My former schoolmates and relatives fiom the selected villages also helped by introducing me to village elders, leading craftsmen and specialists in other aspects of

Bulsa society. In this way, they assisted me not only in selecting informants but also contributed enomously by rnaking informants not regard me as a stranger.

Individuals and groups were interviewed about the activities and their perception of the crafts. These interviews were designed to provide an emic approach to the understanding of the technologies. Although both individuai and groups interviews proved useful in specific situations, individual interviews seemed to have greater advantages, as such were used more frequently. 1 found that the information obtained from individual interviews was richer and more detailed than fiom groups. There were fewer interruptions by others and no feus of being reprimanded later by others as either being too forward or having said something that might have contradicted an elder or head. Generally, informants and especialIy women feel less intimidated and confident when interviews were conducted in private or in the presence of women onIy.

On the other hand, with group interviews, information given was usually broader and general and sometimes lacked details. With groups. participants often preferred that the head of the group, usually a rnaie elder, answer alrnost al1 the questions. The other members would only join in once in a while or when the head specifically asked a member for something about which he was doubtfùl or unsure. Even under such circurnstances, a member was always cautious not to Say anything that would contradict the head leading the discussion. Other members in the group, although perhaps more knowledgeable than the head. are careful not to contradict him, which would be seen as offensive or rude. Although heads and eiders often have a tendency to daim expert knowledge about most things in the society, or are believed by the rest of the society to be custodians of traditions, this is not always me. However. an elder's admission of lack of knowledge on certain basic issues would degrade his or her status. In principle, elders are older people, but in practice there are rnany younger men who occupy such sociai positions not by age. but through kinship ries. Some other pung elders who have spent most of their lives in the police force or other jobs outside the traditional homeland and only return home after retirement sometimes lack in-depth knowledge about the society.

To appreciate my preference for individual interviews as stated above, it is important to explain briefly the dynamic relationships between eiders (both men and women) and the rest of Bulsa society as it affected my research. The two Bulsa terms kpagi, (pl) kpaga which means leader, and ning-deeroa (ning 'front'; and deeroa, 'eater',

"a person who eats the front") are used interchangeably for an elder. ~Ving-deroameans a senior person or person who leads others during the performance of a task. The terms kpugi or ning-deeroa are themselves abstract. quite ambivalent and dificult to be assigned any precise definition. However, 1wilI give few exarnples to illustrate the use of the term @agi in Bulsa Society

a) Nisaam @aga (nisomoa means old person and kpaga, leaders). The terni

literally means "old leaders" but actually applies to any old person (both maie

and female) whether they hold formal office or not.

b) Pok-@agi or nipok-nisomkagi (pok stands for wife; nipok. woman and

nisom derived fiom the word nisomoa meaning old). Puk-kpagi is used for a

man's first or senior wife but could also mean the wife of the compound head

or the woman who occupies the family quarters (funerd quarters) where all

ritual activities which need to be done inside the compound are performed.

Nipok-sornkpak is used to describe ai1 old or elderly women especidly al1

those who have reached the age of menopause.

c) Bi-@agi (bi derived from biik meaning child, which means. a senior or

elder child)

The examples given above cleady showed the abstract and imprecise nature of the term.

As iilustrated in the above example, the term stands for a leader, senior, head or a person in authority who holds an office by virtue of his geneaiogicai position, age or social status. With men, the term is usually used for the heads of compounds, lineages and clans or any person who is advanced in age, probably above sixty years. In other cases it refers to any person who possesses specid knowledge on traditionai custom or medicine. For men, eldership is generdly connected with ritual function. It is this ritual aspect of an elder's role which makes other members of the society not to try to challenge or Say something that rnight contradict an elder's statement. In the case of compound, Iineage, clan or village elders, the status is usually achieved through formai rituals in which duties and responsibilities are transferred, for exarnple, the transfer of family property inciuding the gods, land and medicines.

Unlike men' women's eldership is not a formai status achieved through any special rituals. With women, as soon as she attains certain age (passed menopause) or by virtue of the fact that she is the first or senior wife of the compound, Lineage and clan head, or land priest, she is automaticaily regarded by fellow women as an eider. This means that even if this wornan who has attained this status as elder through the position of her husband is young, she will still be given that type of respect that goes with the position. It should be emphasized that men and women who have passed a certain age

(perhaps above the age of 60) are technically considered as elders even if they hoId no special status or religious office. EIders (both men and women) in this categov were found to be very knowledgeable about local customs.

To avoid the marginalization of a particular age group, sex or social status, and to minimize the tendency of men or women elders to overawe young informants or men tû overawe women, these factors were aiso taken into account in selecting interviewees and making arrangement for interviews. When 1 realized that there was always the tendency for one age or sex group to daunt the other, the necessary steps were taken to avoid group interviews as much as possible and when feasible. For exarnple, there was always the tendency for male eIders to intirnidate femaie and young informants. Although it was initially a problem to prevent the interference of elders in interviews with young informants and men with women, with time and through socializing with the informants this problem was minimized With frequent visits, the people's suspicions about my work was reduced and it became easier to engage an individual in interviews without others making attempts to join out of curiosity. Although in the later part of my research

1 was no longer considered a stranger or an outsider to the focus villages, my position as young male continued to pose a bit of a problem especially with rny wornen informants but not in any serious way to affect my work.

Al1 interviews in the Bulsa district were conducted in Buli, the local language. In the Kassena Nankani, Frafia and Bawku West districts interviews were conducted in both

English and local languages. in these other districts where 1 sometimes have problems in expressing an idea or question cleariy in the local language, English was used with a translator as intennediary. In the Gmispeaking area, Azeka, a graduate from the

University of Ghana, who is the cultural and research officer of the Centre for National

Culture in Bolgatanga and a native of Soa where most of my work was done, served as a translator. In Bawku and the Chiana areas, transIations were done mostly using teachers from these localities. Although, it appeared that most of these teachers have by influenced by Christianity? this did not afkct their effectiveness. When 1 first met these teachers, most of them felt my research was hyand wondered about the usefulness of it. However, after having spent more time with me in the field and 1 having taken time to explain the nature and signifieance of my research, they al1 developed a keen interest in the research. Some of them even came to me later during their spare time to give me information on the location of craft specialists or other knowledgeable persons. Interviews were recorded by note-taking and cassette recorder or both in some cases. The recording on cassette was more useful as it was less intermptive and intimidating to informants. Inforrnmts were sometimes suspicious when 1 began to record information by writing, especially on issues related to ntuals, religion or kinship.

In addition, taking notes during interviews slowed down dialogue, caused distraction and disrupted valuable eye contact with informants. To supplement the obvious advantages of recording interviews on a tape recorder, bnef notes were taken as usefül means of reflecting upon and ratifj4ng certain points, providing backup for bad or faulty recording and for docurnenting nonverbal expressions and descriptions. interviews lasted fiom 30 minutes to 2 hours, including the usual traditional formalities such as greetings. At the end of every interview, 1 gave informants the opportunity to also ask me questions or add anything important that 1 rnight have left out. This strategy was meant to build farniliarity with the group or the individual and to promote rapport between us. At the end of each day, the data collected in the field was reorganized according to topic as structured in my formai questionnaire. This process alIowed me to identify the number of informants who had mentioned particular issues, to make follow-ups when and where necessary and to deal with contradictory responses especially in the area of oral histories. This was especially important with oral histories where there was always the tendency for informants to romanticize the past and denigrate the present or Say what they think or feel the interviewer wanted to hear. The daily fieldwork reviews reduced these discrepancies and contradictions.

A totd of 237 interviews were conducted, and the break down is as follows;

A) Pottery Production i) 93 potters (al1 women) Kessana-Nankani, Frafia and Bawku West districts

respectively

ii) 34 non-potters including women elders and other users of clay vessels .. . ni) 20 men elders

iv) 17 retailers of pottery products

B) Iron Working

i) 35 smiths including 2 from Chiana, 3 fiom Bawku West and 5 from the

Grunni speaking areas of Bolgatanga (Soa and Zaare)

ii) 8 former smelters including 1 each from Chiana and Zaare

iii) 30 male elders induding other users of iron products

Topics for interviews varied slightly according to the individual or group needs.

Questionnaire

The questionnaire used in my research was deveioped fiom the one devised by Dr.

Nicholas David and previoudy used by the Mandara Archaeologicd Project (MM) tearn, though with substantial modification to suit the particular interest of rny work. 1 rnust emphaçize that one reason for maintaining the origin basic structure of the questionnaire was to maximize comparability with previous MAP work

Although the questionnaire shows that the questions were numbered and it follows a structured format, in practice this structure was not rigidly followed.

Infamants often liked to start answering questions on what interested them or what they felt was important. Names, ages, sex and other private background information on each informant was only collected at the end of interview since most people would easily become suspicious if 1 began by asking for their names and ages. Generally the topics for

the interviews can be grouped in the following mariner:

1) Background information

i) Narne, age, sex, occupation and education background

ii) Settlement (patemal and materna1 homes), ethnic group or subgroup

iii) How long an informant has lived in the area and practiced the craft

iv) Life history of informant with emphasis on exposure to and interaction with

other ethnic groups or the rest of the society

2) History of the craft

i) informants' views on the history and the origin of the craft

ii) When and where the craft is practiced

ii) When, where and how skills are transmitted (age at which leaming begins,

where learning takes place, who was the teacher and other influences on the

transmission of skills)

iii) The length of learning period, proportion of time spent in crafi activity,

seasonality and other scheduled activities including agriculture. and how these

interfere with the craft

iv) Membership recniitment

v) Interaction with other craft specialists and the rest of the society; Why and

how these have changed through time

vi) Inventory of other crafts carried out by informants and where

3) Workplace

i) Description and function of workplaces ii) inventory of working tooIs and other facilities as matenal evidence of the

crafi

iii) Comparison with other workshops known to informant

4) Raw materials

i) Acquisition of raw materials (where iron scrap, clay and other supplements

such as temper, dyes. fiiel are acquired or purchased and cost involved)

ii) The person responsible for the acquisition of the raw material and why

5)Tool kit

i) Name and function of tools employed in the craft

ii) Materials used to rnake the tootkit

ii) How toolkits are acquired and by and fiom whom

iii) The English name of a tool is usualIy accompanied by the local narne and

where there is no equivalent English name, the Local name is given fotlowed

with a brief English description

6) Techniques and organization of production

i) Description of the preparation of raw materials (clay or iron scrap) for use

ii) The manufacturing sequence

iii) Kind of tools or containers that are produced

iv) How rnany products (hoes and pots) are produced in a day and the

proportion of each type

V) Who produces what type and why

vi) Specialists' choice of technique of production and why

vii) Comparison with other techniques known to the informant. viii) Persons who participate in the craft and at what phase

ix) How the crafl is presently taught and to whorn (relationship between

teachers and Iearners)

7) Products

i) Typology, functions and local names of products and their variations

ii) Changes in style through tirne and why

iii) Cornparison with products of other crafi specialists in the same industry

iv) What factors accounts for the differences or similarities within the same

classes and among different cIasses of products

8) Distribution

i) Where goods are distributed

ii) Distance traveled by artisans to distribute products

ii) Inter-intra ethnic exchange and types of products that enter the formal

market and in what proportion

iii) Factors that influence the distribution pattern including the role of retailers

or rniddlemen in the nebvork and the relationship bstween these parties and

other colleagues who are competitors

9) Usage and Disposa1

i) How products find their way fiom the systemic to the archaeological context

(primary and secondary uses)

1O) Stylistic variations

i) Stylistic difference and similarities within and between ethmc groups

ii) Factors that infIuence stylistic variation at the intra and inter ethnic levels iii) Functions and significance of style as perceived by infamants

1 1 ) Bulsa belief system

i) Informant perception of the crafts in tenns of function, ideology, rituals,

cosmology, reproduction, death, clan affiliation. agicultural practices, gender

and other concepts

ii) How religious beliefs of these cornrnunities are expressed through these

technologies (the way in which beliefs ifluence the craft specialists and

the use of products)

ii) The associated rituais and rites that are performed by the craft specialist

as well as the role of his products in religious and rituai ceremonies

12) General information

i) Bulsa oral histories, proverbs, stories and rnyths were collected fiom

professional historians and elders on many aspects of the society. especiaily

those that relate directly to the crafts

Geneaiogical information was elicited fiom elders of the smith clan of Wiaga.

This took the fom of a kinship diagrarn of the patrilineal rslationship of the compounds that make up the smith settlement (Figure 3.1). From the genealogy diagrarn. it was possible to trace the origin of the smithing clan to Fumbesi (Vayaasa). The non- practising smiths' clans at Vayaasa confirmed that the smiths at Wiaga are their children and left Fumbesi many years ago to settle in Wiaga. The term non-practising smiths refers to iron working clans who no longer smith but still have the terrn "iron worker"

(choak) attached to the name of their settlements. These clans stilI hotd the anvil as an important clan or farnily god in their possession and make sacrifices to it like any other god of the clan. These non-practising smiths claimed that they only stopped smithing about 30 years ago. Among the reasons given for this state of affairs is that working iron is a dangerous and tedious job and involved a lot of ritual which most men of the present generation find difficdt to observe. Besides, most young men who couid have replaced old smiths have 1eA for the cities or have had formal education and are reluctant to take up the profession.

3.5 Problems encountered

A number of probierns were encountered in some of the interviews especiaily in the first few weeks. Women informants were hard to pin down as their domestic chores could rarely be postponed. They were usually in "motion", combining a number of activities. For example, there was aiways wood to collect fiom the fields, meais to prepare, grains to grind or babies to feed. As such, they become less attentive and are reluctant when they engaged in Iengthy discourse. Beside, Bulsa customs do not allow women in generai to engage in long discussion with men, especially outsiders or strangers. Thus, women were cautious not to break this rule which would be considered inappropriate or mde. Intecviewing women demanded a higher investrnent of both time and energy. Unlike men, women were generally womed about the consequences of laying down the task at hand. On the other hand, men, especially the elderly, seemed to be generally garrulous and willing to be engaged in long debate. This difference is probably due to the experience derived from "men's culture" that sets aside time and space for communal debates. Men generally talk with greater ease for long periods while women need more encouragement. Women aiso tend to be less "criticai" especially when reflecting on their life, attributing their hardship to fate, rather than externai factors than influenced their position. This attitude of tvomen sometimes makes it dificult to follow up with Mer lines of questioning. The attitude of women as compared with men informants in tems of the ease to talk and critical approach to life as obseived is perhaps in part due to my position as male researcher. It is most probable that if 1 were a woman things might have been very different or the opposite.

It was also conunon for husbands and other male members of the house to intenupt interviews with women by acting as mediators with the underlying assurnption that men know more of what goes on in the women's world. This of course is not always true as 1 Iater discovered in the course of the interviews. Some women elders were found to be more knowledgeable in local customs than their male counterparts and appeared to have an in-depth knowledge about what goes on in the world of men.

Some informants, especiaily craft specialists, complain that people come to interview them without helping them to improve their industries and were thus unwilling initially to provide information. Traditional people were aware that the educated elite who come on sporadic visits tend to promote new and western technologies by emphasizing a more scientific approach to al1 aspects of life. For this reason, many rural people were reluctant to divulge traditional beliefs or methods of doing things. They believed that by doing so, they rnay be labeled as ignorant or out of touch with the

"modem world." Time was spent to explain the purpose of the research and to establish the necessary confidence and rapport. The research was conducted in the fming season when most potters were

inactive as they were busy with farming activities and as such had less time for interviews. It was therefore not possible to observe the actuai manufacturing of certain classes of pots, especially those used f~rrituals and fimeral. Ceremonid pots, particularly those used for fùnerals, are mainly produced in the dry season when fùnerd performances are done. However, the production sequence and rituds associated with the production of such vessels which could not be observed, were described to me by informants.

Other problems encountered were related to religion and numerical quantification of information. Matters that relate to religion and rituah are often considered confidential and fa11 within the powers of the male household, compound or clan head. When questions are directed to informants on issues that fall within the jurisdiction of the compound head or elder they will often deny knowledge about them or may simply Say they have not heard of such rituals. However, with time this problem was sorted out when 1 came to know who should be asked particular questions and how questions should framed. Responses that involved figures, dates, ages. weights and times were problematic. There are a numbcr of taboos that forbid numerical quantification and specificity. Efforts to find out the number of pots or hoes produced in a day, number of each category of pots in a household, household size, proportion of each class of products rnanufactured and other similar questions which required quantification often provoked evasive responses. For exarnple, questions on household size, nurnber of pots per household and life span of pots will oftcn be met with responses such as "nawen te mu dokdem " meaning 'God has blessed me with a household', or 'i have enough vessels to cater for the needs of my household members', or 'Pots 1st as long as you take good care of them'. These responses are understandable since it a taboo to count or give the exact number of people or things such as livestock in Bulsa society. It is a belief of the Bulsas that, giving the exact nurnber of people living in your compound or household will cause one of them to die. Information on household size was therefore mostly obtained from key informants who sometimes acted as assistants or contact persons.

My position as a member of the society has rnany advantages, however in some cases it caused some problems, especially during the initial stages of the research. Some informants felt that as a member of the society 1 ought to know the answers to some of the questions put forward to them and were reluctant to respond. This was particularly cornmon with women who believed that certain questions must be answered only by males and as a Bulsa 1 ought to know. Sometimes informants who strongly believed that

1 had knowledge on the issues raised in my discussions felt 1 was trying to tease them into saying things which could be used in the future against them.

The craft clans, especially those of smiths who are always in some kind of dent antagonism and competition with one another, were afiaid that information they gave wouid be leaked out to other craft specialists with whom they compete. The silent antagonism and competition was in the form of local gossips of craft men or women accusing and counter accusing one another for a misfortune, accident, poor sales or stealing trade secret or designs. Sometimes one informant would caution me to be careful with another specialist because such a person is a witch, is noted for stealing other people trade secret or causing destruction spirituaily or with medicine to her feltow specialists' work. Despite, this local gossip, accusations and counter accusations, there was no incident of open confrontation. Even persons who gossiped about each other were sometimes found either working or selling their products together in the markets. The

cause of these feelings of the crafi specialists against each other were not exactly known

but it appears it is probably part of local jealousy which is cornmon among most

specialists in Bulsa society.

There was also the general mistrust because al1 ethnic groups, clans or even

farnilies have secrets which they do not want to pas on to anyone who is not a member of

the group. It took a lot of persuasion to convince crzftsmen and especially smiths that the

information they gave would be treated as confidentid and would not be leaked out to my

own clan or any other srnith from different settlernents. To overcome the general

mistrust, diplornacy was used. For exarnple, anytime 1 went into the field 1 carried with

me colanuts (Cola nifida), an important gifi item to give to the elders or head of

compounds before asking for permission to conduct interviews. Colanut was chosen

because of its significmce in Bulsa society. For instance, colanut is broken and shared by

an elder with hs or her guest as a sign of mutual trust and fiiendship.

Lastly, there was the problem of transcribing interviews conducted in the locd

languages into English without changing the ideas. Transcribing, beside being tedious

and time consuming, was dificult because Bulsas never speak directly on sensitive issues

such as religion without making allusions to something else. In fact Buli, like most of the

languages in the Upper East, is rich with subtly worded proverbs that cannot easily be

translated into English. Ideas and other complex concepts of Bulsaland especially in the area of rituals, religion, syrnbolism and even terms such as elder, are difficult to explain or interpret without resorting to "local jargons" or the informant's own interpretation.

This showed up more ciearly in the area of Bulsa religious thought. For example, it is dificult if not impossible to find appropriate English equivalents for proverbs and terms such as baga, chiik or wen al1 of which are used in several ways to mean the same or different things. Considenng the complexity of proverbs 1 decided to opt for

"comprehensive translation" by emphasizing the rneaning a sentence conveyed and in some cases, translating the words themselves. This approach allowed me to translate things correctly and to do justice to the original words.

3.6 Photographs, sketches and plans

Photographs were taken of manufacturing processes, workshops, tools, and products at scales appropriate to the size of objects. Other seIected forms of material culture such as compounds, basketry, mural decoration, designs, shrines and pots in systemic context in various compounds, rooms and on graves were photographed. In addition, photographs of the landscape, plants and livestock were taken.

in total, 264 color slides, 73 black and white pnnts and 175 color pnnts were taken. In some cases and when appropriate, both prints and slides were taken. The film type employed in the research were Kodak Ektachrome Elite 100 for the color slides,

Kodak TMax 400 and Kodak coior prints (100 and 200 ASA). Al1 the photographs were taken with a Fuji DL-1080 camera with zoom lens (30-80mm), a built-in flash and auto focus.

Sketches and plans of work places, tools and products (pottery vessels and iron objects) were made freehand in an exercise book devoted for the purpose. Al1 measurements are approximate since the drawings or sketches are not done to exact scale. A 30-meter plastic and 3-meter steel tape were used to take ail the measurements.

Orientation of workplaces and set up such as the arrangement in the forge were obtained using a Silva ISTDICI compass with a sighting mirror. The sketches and plans were made to supplement the photographs especidly in cases where photographs may not provide detaiis such as faint decorations on pots, bangles or mural decoration on compounds. Two forges were mapped in addition to five sketches.

3.7 Archiva1 and documentary sources.

Docurnentary sources at the Ghana Nationai Archives and the Ghana Museums at

Accra provided valuable information on many aspects of the Upper East including the economics, politics and the culture. For exarnple, the Archives provided considerable information about the colonial administration of the Northern Territories and other aspects of the ethnohistory of the region fiom the late 1800s to 1957. Information on many aspects of the Region was also obtained from library sources including University libraries (the Archaeology and Institute of AîXcan Studies libraries at Legon). Recent demographic, environmental, and other relevant information was collected from various govenunental and non-governmentai agencies at Bolgatanga. The office of the Statistical

Service provided information on population demographics; the Ministries of Food and

Agriculture, on soils, vegetation crops, livestock and farming practice. Departments of

Rural and Cottage industries and the Ministry of Trade made available to me data on the types and location of the various mal industries including potting and iron working. The various district assemblies, the Offices of the Geologicai Service ,MeteorologicaI Department in Bolgatanga supplied information on the topography and, dimate and weather of the area. The office of the traditional authorïties (Regional House of Chiefs) and Bolgatanga-Navrongo Catholic diocese provided comparative information on ethnic groupings, religious affiliation, local customs and local political histories. The Survey and Geological departments provided information on the topography and geology of the area. In essence, the docurnentary sources provided background information that would otherwise have been dificult to obtain in the context of fieldwork interviews and observations. CIIAPTER 4: POTTERY

4.1 Introduction

Pottery production in Bulsaland is not a simple transformation of raw clay into containers or objects. Like ail forms of Bulsa traditional technologies, it is a rnateriai expression of cultural activity that reveais the active relationship between hurnans and nature. The potting process. which involves the giving of forrn and shape to clay. and its subsequent transformation through fire. has primeval attributes and offers ways of thinking about creativity and creation (Barley 1994: Levi-Strauss 1988). Zn Bulsa mythology, the first hurnan being was formed or created out of clay from the earth god and infused with spiritual iife fiom the shy god. The word "to forrn" (meeka) used to describe the process of potting. is the same term used to talk about the structure of the human being. A Bulsa wiI1 Say. :Vaiven meewa nalirn-nyiini. literally transiated as, "god has formed him or her well."

Although Bulsa creation mythologies do not make any direct link between the mode of human reproduction and that of pottery production. there are a nurnber of cultural practices which suggest a close parallel between the two domains (to be discussed in chapter 7). However. the '-human nature." which is central to Bulsa belief systems. and which addresses the symbolic link between the mode of human reproduction and that of pottery production wiil be briefly discussed. Abunlok and Atongnam, highly respected and knowledgeable elders, provided

information on topics related to religion, customs and other aspects of Bulsa culture.

Abunlok who is between 80-85 years of age and head of the Arnang-biisa clan in

Bilinrnonsa (Sandema) is a funeral specialist, a praise singer and an oral historian.

Atongnaam, about 68 years old and head of the Asom-biisa dan (Sandema), is also an

oral historian and soothsayer. The term '*oral historian" describes people with in-depth knowledge of Bulsa traditiond customs and the genealogical histories of their lineages or clans. According to Abunlok, the first human beings were created fiom a relationship between the earth and the sky gods. Abunlok and Atongnaam explained that the rnaterial aspect of the human being cornes fiom the earth god who is regarded as mother, and the sou1 (chiik, "moon") fiom the sky god, the father. The dual nature of the human being is not only the fouidation of ancestral veneration but also spans across many areas of Bulsa thought. The individual identity in the living and the ancestral worlds is represented by a personai shrine (rven), a mud platform with a stone halfway buried into it. The structural form of the rven thus incorporates the duality of the human existence: mud and stone for the earth and sky gods respectively (sce Chapter 7). Tkir information suggests a symbolic link between the creation of humans and the production of pots. Abunlok and

Atongnam further said that potting and pots are like children and are gifts from god and must be treated in a sirnilar marner to children.

Besides Bulsa mythologies which link the hurnan creation to a syrnbolic relationship between the earth and sky god. the rules associated with childbearing aiso cut across pottery production. The syrnbols and language used in the pottery industry are sirnilar to those used for human reproduction. The potter's activities and products in Bulsa society thus express social, ideological and cosmologicaI relations. The relationship between potting and human reproduction wiIl be discussed as the chapter develops.

This chapter is based on an ethnoarchaeological study of the pottery industry in

Bulsaland. The research focused on describing the relationship between the potting industry and other aspects of the Bulsa socio-cultural system. The chapter describes pottery production in a broad context: organization, manufacturing, distribution, use and life span, disposal, and the belief systems associated with the craft. Social and technological change, typology, and stylistic variation at both the individual and inter- intra ethnic levels, using comparative data fiom neighboring groups (Kassena, Grunni,

Kussasi and Tallensi) are also considered. Finally, some archaeologicai implications of the study will be addressed.

Melhodology and Sampling

Interviews were conducted with potters on the techniques of production, stylistic variability, standardization of both form and decoration, ritual and religious content of the craft, syrnbolism, trade of pots, and market and consumer preference. Additionaliy, interviews with potters and non-potters were conducted on: the ownership of pottery products, and use and life span of household assemblages. 1 also attempted to observe production strategies that may indirectly depend on broader inter and intra-ethnic levels of interaction and how market processes affect local production, particularly specialization. Kanjaga and Furnbesi were chosen as the focus settlements based upon a preliminary swey which showed that they were the only two villages producing pots of high quality and on a large scale.

Typical questions asked and observations made include (see chapter three for detailed questionnaire): a. Narne, gender, age, lineage and ethnic origin of potters b. Taboos associated with the craft and what they represent c. Learning process or transmission of skiIls d. Acquisition and source of raw materials (clay, fuel and tool kit) e. Techniques of potting, decoration, features, and surface finishes on vessels f. Measurements taken on sarnples of pots g. Emic and etic classification of pots h. Distribution and consurnption of pots i. Life span and disposa1 practices

Male and female elders without experience in pottery manufacture were dso consulted with regard to the potting industry. This was particularly usehl with regards to

Bulsa thought and rituals associated with the technology. use of pottery products, and emic typology.

In addition to the interviews and field observations, the first, and only historicdly oriented literature on the pottery industry in the Upper East Region (Priddy 1974) was consulted. Priddy mentioned Fumbesi and Kanjaga, both Bulsa settlements, as being famous for pottery production. Priddy's unpublished field notes6 collected betweenl970-

6Ghana Museurns and Monument Board: Ghana Ethnography; BF2 1159'2 1/56 and 2 1/57 by Priddy, 1970-74. 75, and colonial officers and missionaries reports (1920-50) on the pottery craft in the region at the National Archives were also consulted.

4.2 Potters

Social characteristics (gender, lineage and age)

Pottery production is a specialized and collective economic and sociai activity of women. Potters produce a variety of vessels and distribute them through the local trade networks in the district and beyond. Although organized dong clan and farnily lines, entry into the potting occupation is open, as women from non-pottery comrnunities can learn the trade as they get married into potting families. Girls who have learned the profession in their paternal homes cm also practice and train others when they get married provided there is suitable clay in their husbands' villages.

A typical potting compound was comprised of five to seven potters. Of ttiis number, tu'o to four were likely have had no prior knowledge of potting until they married. Once married into a potting viIlage, they learned from their mothers-in-law or

CO-wives. These nurnbers emphasize that potters are recmited into the occupation across village, clan, and lineage lines. There is absolutety no caste system. for potters and their families interact fieely and intermarry with the rest of Bufsa society. Potters are much respected. Their products are used in almost a11 ritual and religious activities of the people and form an integral part of daily life in Bulsa society.

Oral traditions and data from rny fieldwork suggest that potting has a long tradition in the area and was more widely practiced in the past than today. The decline in the crafi over the last few decades is attributabie to the integration of Bulsaland into the

broader mercantile trade network giving access to factory made vessels. Alurninum, steel, enamel, plastic containers and mass produced cerarnics fiom abroad and local factories form a significant proportion of Bulsa household assemblages at present.

Potting has no age restrictions. However, most potters were within the 30-70 years age bracket. The most highiy respected and skiIlfiil potters, who consider themselves as more or Iess fÙH time specidists, were older women (50-70 years of age).

Most women in this age group were widows or had reduced mobility, or they had a number of daughters-in-law, and as such were automatically relieved of farrning and other competing activities which would otherwise have occupied part of their time.

Occasiondly. young girls in the 15-18 year age group were involved in potting but as was discovered later, most of them were either helping their mothers, mothers-in-law, or co- wives, or any other member of the same household with whom they shared close social or kinship ties. Although age is not a bamier for entry into the craft, there are age restrictions placed on the production of certain pots. Potters are forbidden from producing ritual and religious pots until tliey have reached the age of menopause. This is one of the most senous and well-known rules of the pottery industry and every potter appears to be familiar with it and obeys it. Age is an influential, though not as a rule a detennining factor, in the types of vessels produced. Small, simple, and most comrnon everyday-use vessels besides others irnitating Western and factory types, were mainly produced by pre-menopausal potters, while ritual and religious vessels and other pots of iypical traditional style were made by older women. In broader terms, issues affecting ceramic production in Bulsaland include: the

availability of raw materids. pressures fiom other competing activities such as farming,

the household, locd and regionai economies, cultural beliefs and ideology. social

interaction and the uses to which the society puts vessels (Stemer 1992, Hodder 1991,

1990; Van der Leeuw 1977; David et al. 1988).

There is no specialimtion among potters, although some potters tend to make

more of particuIar vessel types than others. This type of -'semi" or "quasiw-

specidization" is detemined by prevailing market forces, the age of the potter and local

des. When particular vessel types are in high demand. potters tend to produce more of

those types. Market demand for vessels is affected by seasonal changes. In the dry

season, especially the period immediateIy after harvest, a1most every potter manufactures

storage pots which have high demand and attract high prices. Converseiy, fewer vessels

in more limited varieties are produced in the wet season. due not only to low demand. but

also fming activities which compete for potters' tirne. Out of the 93 potters interviewed

in Fumbesi and Kanjaga. only 16 appear to specialize in the production of selected

vessels. These potters can and do produce other vessel types when the need arises.

Potters in this category (who are generally above the age of 60), say they used to produce

the other pot types when they were younger. but now they concentrate on the production

of rituaI, small and medium size food serving. cooking and storage pots. The aged potters also lack the physical energy required for making big vesseIs. Potters who have passed

their menopause have exclusive rights to the production of ritual pots as conditioned by traditions. The exclusion of young women from the production of ritual pots as was

observed is probably because most of these vessels require extra technical expertise

which may not be available to al1 potters, although the reasons given by informants for

the exclusion are mainly religious. in general, Bulsa potters are versatile and the

tendency and degree to which specialization develops depends on the skills of the

individuais, training and local traditions.

Training or transmission of skills

Transmission of pottery skills is informal. Al1 that a student or an apprentice

needs to do is to observe adpay attention to qualified potters. In the case of adult

learners, it is important to establish good relationships with one's trainer and other potters

in the compound. No age limit is fixed for the start of the learning process or graduation.

However, girls from potting farnilies begin the learning process between the ages of 7-1 O.

As young girls in the potters' compounds they begin by playing with scraps of clay in the courtyard. By the age of ten they will start helping their mothers or relatives with most of the unskilled jobs such as mining, preparation of the clay (kneading) and rolling of coils.

Girls with a keen interest will progress to slipping, smoothing and burnishing. They will finally be allowed to make simple vessels of their own under the supervision of their mother or any qualified potter. Potters suggested that learning is a life-long afFair and even wornen identified by the community as skillful and renowned craft speciaiists will always Say "we are still learners." Nevertheless, an apprentice is regarded by her trainer as quaiified when she makes pots that are good enough to survive drying and firing and later to be soId. As a de, proceeds fiom the saie of the student's first pots are given to her der. This deis ngidly followed for it is believed that any learner who breaks the custorn wifl never become a good potter. The leaming procedure is similar for older women who get married into potters' farnilies and have to lem the profession at an advanced age. in this latter case the transmission of the knowledge of potting is either done through the mother-in-law or age mates (or both).

The age at which a girl or woman starts the leaming process influences stylistic variation. Girls who learn at early ages normaily copy the style of their mothers and may continue to use the same techniques if they many into another settlement not far f?om their patemal homes or a village where there are no potters. On the other hand, if they ma.into a village or compound where there are already potters, style may change or not change depending on a nurnber of factors. These include: social cohesion, attitudes towards conformity and the influence of potters already in the house. Depending on the strength of these factors the new arriva1 rnay change or adapt by combining more styles

(the style she Iemt fiom her mother and what prevails in her husband's village).

In Kanjaga whers there is pressure towards conformity and strong social cohesi~eness~new potters are encouraged to make vessels in the same style. On the contrary, in Fumbesi where there is less social cohesion and pressure to conform to existing tradition, new potters usually retain the styles they have learnt elsewhere.

However, in practice potters often change voluntady and copy styles of old potters or age mates at Furnbesi. The differences in social cohesiveness between the two settlements is probably due to the fact that Furnbesi has had more contact tvith other groups of people through trade than has Kanjaga. Furnbesi bas one of the oldest and most patronized markets in the Upper East which dates back to the time of the Caravan trade. Also

Furnbesi, unlike Kanjaga, has no central deity apart from the individual clan gods to serve as the focal point of village unity. The Kanjark-Pitrng is a powerfid shrine which serves as the focal point of the village identity, and uniformity is reinforced through communal sacrifices to this deity.

Potters who have leamt the crafi as young girls sometirnes do not put their skills into practice until later in life. At times the leamîng process may be intempted by maniage: Bulsa girls are given out for rnaniage at 12-1 8 years of age or even younger.

Among other eùinic groups, such as the F& and Tallensi, the marriage age is becoming younger as families are eager to collect the bride-price as soon as possible. When a girl from a potting cornmunity gets rnmied at an early age into a settlernent where potting is not practised or to a wealthy husband in a potting village she may not practice the craft until she is older or her husband is dead. At older ages women who leamed potting during their youth but have never practiced potting may be forced by economic circurnstances to start potting again. AIso, women who have learned potting during their youth may go through a number of unsuccrssful mamages in vilIages where potting is not practiced. These women may fmally end up in a pottery producing village or may rem to their paternal homes and begin to pot. This suggests that the leaming process rnay be intempted for many years depending on a potter's marital stability, wealth of her husband or even the life span of her husband. Few potters in this category, despite their old age. produce pots which are not of the traditional style or quality that other potters of their age produce. From observation it appeared that potters whose leaming has ben interrupted for a long period also tend to produce pots that are a blend of styles fiom their

early training and where they eventually end up living.

Poorly made pots, most of which are partly broken and used as troughs for

livestock, covers for other pots, chicken coops (F'igure 4.14) and garbage containers,

were seen lying over many parts of potters' courtyards. These, together with a nurnber of

toys, are mostly the handiwork of young and adult lemers. AIthough rnost of these

damaged vessels and toys have incised and grooved decorations on them similar to pots

produced by the skillfirl potter, it was pointed out by master potters that decorations aione

do not constitute a good or "healthy" vessel. Other factors including, the preparation of

the clay and the abiIity of the final product to go through firing successfully, are very

important in determinhg the quality of craftsmanship.

Workshop and rvork habits

Potting is an "indoor" activity carried out either in the courtyard (dabiak)or inside a room assigned for this purpose. Work is done in the courtyard as long as winds and rains are not too strong or fiequent (Figures 4.3 and 4.15). Winds and rains make potting difficult and cause cracks or other darnage to vessels. Thus, potting is done inside rooms in the wet season and in the courtyard during the peak of the harmattan wind storms. In the dry season when temperatures are very high, temporary sheds are erected with mats in the courtyard to provide shade for working. Workshops are similar to the ordinary sleeping rooms described by Gabrilopoulos among the Tallensi (1994:76-77).

They are built dong the walls of the courtyard either in circular or rectangular shape with a mud or conical thatch roof. In a few cases, some workshops have corrugated metal or

aluminurn roofs.

Although pottery production is a year-round activity, potters are most active in the

dry season when the rains have stopped and farming activities have been completed.

Rains and farming activities slow down production in the wet season. in addition to

competing farming activities and the lack of fuel for firing in the rainy season, most local

markets in the district usuaily become inactive. Except for the very old or handicapped

women or widows, potting is never a full time occupation. Potters complained that

potting is hard work that bnngs little return. This means that a potter needs to

supplement the meager income fiom potting with other activities such as fming.

The pnce of pots is influenced by the amount of money in circulation and suppiy.

Women can obtain money more easily during the earfy part of the dry season than most

parts of the year. During the early part of the dry season, they have access to farm

products which they can sel1 and use part of the proceeds to purchase pots. But as soon as

the produce is stored, the women loose this access because the male heads then assume control over the fmproducts. During the dvseason women also generate Lheir own

income fiom activities such as shea butter processing, petty trades and the sale of

firewood. This means that the purchasing power of women, who are the main consumers or buyers of pottery, is generally under seasonai constraints. In the wet season the typical housewife not only has relatively less income but aIso Iess use for pots. The lower demand in the rainy season means low prices for pottery products. In consequence, fewer pots are produced during this period. It is therefore prudent that energetic potters put a temporary hait to production over the wet season in order to devote time to farming, the mainstay of the people. Over the wet season, most pots are produced by the older or

handicapped women who can no longer work in the fields. Some of the young potters

may continue production at this time, either in smaller quantities or on request. On the

supply side, more pots are produced in the dry season as most potters become relieved of

farm work coupled with an increased demand in pots at this time. As the supply increases over the dry season, prices of pots tend to fa11 which enables pottery users to buy more pots.

4.3 Ritual and religious preparations

In order to understand and appreciate the dynarnics of Bulsa traditional pottery production it is useful to examine the ritual and belief systems that help to prepare the potter for her craft. Farniliarization with these issues serves to shed light on various aspects of the craft, including its rnaterial and symbolic domains. The ritual and religious aspects of the pottery technology in the Upper Region including the Bulsa district were disrnissed by Priddy (1 97450) as being either non-existent or insignificant:

Pottery making in the area is a very matter-of-fact an occupation. There are no rituals attached to it, no taboos or observances connected with it as there are in some parts of the south.

Priddy's treatrnent of the ritual component of the pottery technology as insignificant can be considered an oversight or underestirnation in the Iight of presently available evidence. Her position Iikely stems from the fact that most potters often refuse to talk about the ritual and religious aspects of the craft. Potters either Lack an in-depth knowledge of these rituals or, because they are women, they are forbidden fiom discussing this aspect of the crafi with strangers or outsiders. In most of the societies in the Upper East, including Bulsa, information on rituals and religion is considered not only confidential and private but also strongly guarded and monopolized by male elders. Even ritual and retigious practices associated with crafts considered as exclusively women's occupations cannot be discussed by women with outsiders without the express permission of male elders.

Informants' accounts and observations arnong potters and male elders demonstrate that the pottery technology is richly permeated with ntuals and religious ceremonies and other observances. Oral traditions record that in the past traditional potters had a method of "spying" on the clay which was believed to be unstable but rather mobile in the bosom of the earth. The belief was that the clay would only "surface up" (corne near the surface) onIy when it was matured. Befbre any actual mining was done on a new clay pit, the women elders or head potters had to confirm that the unstable clay in the bosom of the earth has matured and "surfaced up." Old and potential clay pits or sites were carefdly watched and protected against both physical and social dirt. The practice of "spying on" and watching over the clay pits was to ensure that the purity and strength of the clay were protected from evil agents (witches and evil spirits) and other human habits, such as excreting or breaking eggs near the mining site, which al1 have the power to poliute the clay physically and socially.

In the past. before a new clay mining site was opened, elderly women, with the permission of the land priest, went to the spot where the cIay was believed to have swfaced. They (land priest and head potters) would invoke the earth god to pw5Q and protect the ciay. The most elderly woman, who was usually the chief potter, then dug the first clay with an axe or a hoe. The ciay was then collected and sent home for a trial.

When pots made fiom the sample clay fired successfùlly without cracks or any other misfortune, the mine was declared open to the whole potting comrnunity. As pointed out by most young potters, the belief of spying on the clay and the subsequent ntds prior to the opening of a new clay site, is "something of the past." Almost al1 present-day Bulsa potters claim they do not have detailed knowledge about the performances of these rites.

Potters say that the rites associated with the "spying ritual" are either too delicate to follow or parts have been forgotten. Older potters suggest that the slightest mistake or

"jump" in the procedures or stages of the ritua1 can easily result in the death of the person performing it or her relatives Potters claim that it is better not to mention the "spying ritual" since it often brings feelings of guiIt which, in itself, can bring sickness. Almost al1 informants who provided information on the "spying ritual", indicated that they either heard of it from their grandmothers who themselves never participated or from male elders within the community. However, it does appear that most of the rituds and religious preparations associated with such rites are either forgotten by most potters or remain secret. known only to the most elderly potters and male elders.

Most information on the ritual and religious aspects of potting was obtained fiom relatives and iîiends' families through informal interviews. My research stratea helped to difise suspicion and this allowed me to obtain information which would otherwise have been impossible or difficult to collect under normal field conditions. 1 did not often appear at informants' compounds or meet with elders to discuss sensitive topics such as rituals and religion with a notebook to record whatever they said on these subjects. Frorn past research experience, I was aware that informants, particularly women, often become intirnidated and are reluctant to speak about rituai matters, more so when their statemem are recorded. Past research experience has aiso show that a Bulsa will either provide wrong answers to formal questions he or she feels uncornfortable talking about or describe the ided situation. Sometimes, if informants suspected that 1 had little knowledge about some beIiefs, they simply reacted with the response "we do not have or have not heard about such ritual or practice."

Abunlok points out that "to tel1 a stranger or an outsider about the inner part of one's beliefs is to give a knife to an enemy and offer your throat to be cut." This suggests that to give information about one's ritual and religious practices to an outsider is tantmount to leaking out confidential information to an enemy during war. To deal with this kind of probIem, most interviews about the rituai and religious aspects of the craft were informai.

hother major obstacle to obtaining data on Bulsa ritual and religious practices is the belief that religious knowledge is transrnitted through experience and practice.

Therefore, in order to gain knowledge of religious life one niust first experience it. To experience it, one must be part of the system that sustains these beliefs. During the initial stages of discussion on ritual matters young men may be ailowed to be present. However when a major or final decision is to be made or there is a controversy, elders move behind closed doors, thereby excluding al1 young male adults and women. This means that unless a BuIsa has attained a certain social status or age. his or her knowledge on major religious and ritual aspects of the society will be minimal. By virtue of my position as a senior member of the Amoabali clan through birth and kinship ties, 1 had the opportunity to attend a nurnber of important deliberations in which Bulsa religious beliefs were discussed. Also, on occasions such as fiinerals, festivals, sacrifices. naming ceremonies,

initiations and other social events, 1 would ask questions about things 1 observed. This strategy of observing and asking questions later was most useful with male informants.

For potters, my position as a male Bulsa who wanted to know about a female occupation was initially difficult for potters to apprehend. It took quite some time and a lot of energy to convince potters that 1 was normal and that 1 was not a kqvnluk; a term used to describe men who do not perform the attributed roIes assigned to each sex by society. Information about the "spying rituai" was obtained through an informal conversation with a potter who is a relative of one of my key informants. On the basis of her açcount, it became easy to probe Merinto the topic, which was confirmed by other male elders and older potters.

Besides the "spying rituals," there are a host of other taboos connected to the pottery craft. Fighting is strictly forbidden during the mining process as this action can defile and pollute the earth god. A violation of this basic rule couId lead to the breaking of pots during firing. Violence is believed to be the work of evil spirits whose presencs around any activity endangers or pollutes an activity. The mining site must therefore be kept clean both physicaily and sociaily in order to ensure its fertility.

It is against the mles to mine clay on spots where human excreta, urine and broken eggs have been deposited. The egg is considered an important item in Bulsa society because of its dual attributes, the power to defile and to cleanse. When a person wants to prove his or her innocence in a case, he or she breaks an egg at a meeting of maIe elders.

In the sarne way, an egg is broken and thrown away towards the east to puri@ the land when a ritually unclean act such as adultery is cornmitted. The importance of the egg is emphasized in many aspects of Bulsa society. The origins of many clans are traced to brothers separating after quarreling over eggs. Even today, one of the main reasons for people hiving off to start a new compound is a quarrel over eggs. The symbolic importance of the egg is emphasized in other ways and is further discussed in chapter seven.

Other minor taboos observed during rnining include: miners mut not turn their containers upside down and sit on them or wak over containers loaded with clay, since such acts are regarded as sitting on the spirit or covenng the spirit of the clay. Acts such as ttiese are believed to make the clay "lifeless" and consequently pots made fiom such clay wilI break either during forming or firing. A potter or other members of her family cm fa11 il1 if these taboos are broken. For very similar reasons, the clay "head loaded" home shouId not have any other item such as leaves or fruits put on top of it. Most of these desdso apply to humans. Walking over or across a live hurnan being cm resuit in his or her death. It is an offense to walk across a pregant woman's legs because such an act cm lead to a rniscarriage.

As during the rnining stage. at the manufacturing stage a number of taboos and mies are observed. A visitor or even a colleague potter is forbidden to comment on the beauty or ugliness of the vesse1 being formed until it is fired. Certain people are believed to possess or are born with "evil or red eyes "(niin-muna; niina "eyes"; muna, "red'').

People with red eyes are believed to possess the power to destroy newly-made objects, newly bom babies and sick persons when they set their eyes on thern. When a person with ?ed eyes" accidentaily wdks into a potter's workshop, he is asked by the potter to put his hands on the wares. Sometimes, such people wilI vo~untarilyperform the ritual by placing their hands on one of the pots or on an affected person (baby or sick person) without being asked by the potter. Those who voluntarily perform the rituai act are regarded as people with --good-evil eyes." while those who try to hide, have "bad-evil eyes." The placing of the hand on the dfected object or person transfomis the bad intentions to good or neutralizes the negative effects. A person will be regarded as a witch (sakpak) if he or she makes remarks about the beauty or ugliness of uninitiated babies. This suggests that unîïred pots are analogous to uninitiated babies and need the same physical and spiritual protection. It rnust be stressed that most of the ritual and religious beliefs associated with childbearing and care of babies are related to pottery production, and in particular unfired pots.

Many sexual rules relating to nursing mothers have similar counterparts in pottery production. A nursing rnother should avoid: people with evil eyes until after the first week of delivery. sexual intercourse during the period when a child is breast feeding, or any other act that causes physical and cultural pollution. In Bulsa society, dangta refers to both physical dirt that can cause iIlness and to any act that the society forbids such as adultery, murder, incest. or any other act considered monlly and socially wrong. As physical dirt causes illness, so does social dirt. The major difference between the two is that whereas physical dirt mas affect only the individual, in most cases social dirt affects or pollutes the whole society (family, clan, village and even hwnan activities such as faming, hunting, potting). The differences between the two types of dirt can be ambiguous since the effect of physical dirt is usually attributed to suciai dirt. One of the most serious rules in the pottery industry deals with social purity or dirt avoidance. Slight variations exist between Kanjaga and Fumbesi with regard to sexual taboos.

Fumbesi has no strict niles towards sex as long as the act is properly conducted. For the people of Fumbesi, "properly conducted" sexuai relations exclude adultery, incest and sex outside the compound. A potter who comrnits a wrongful sexual act must first go through the necessary purification rites before she is allowed to visit the clay mines or make vessels. Failure to perfom the rites will result in misfortunes such as mass breakage of pots during firing or sickness of the offending parties or their relatives.

However, potters Say that property conducted sexual acts are encouraged as they contribute to the productivity or fertiiity of potting.

In Kanjaga, the attitude towards sexual relations is a bit different. Even after properly conducted sexual relations, a woman must have an ordinary bath before she goes into her workshop or to mine clay. Kanjaga potters believe that failure to bathe after sex has the same effects as the crime for a wrongful sexual act. In fact both men and women, potters and non-potters, must bathe after sexual relations before they corne into contact with unfired pots or the public. The same mle applies when people visit the sick or newly horn babies. During menses, women are forbidden from producing pots. Tlie reasons for this restriction will be Merdiscussed in chapter seven.

In spite of these variations, potters in both areas were unanimous in their opinion that women in their reproductive years are forbidden from manufacturing vessels for ritual and religious purposes. The reason for this restriction is that ritual and religious vessels are used for ceremonies (sacrifices, funerals) where blood and life are involved.

Most sacrifices involve the shedding of blood (killing of birds and animals) and blood symbolizes life. As a consequence, any woman in her reproductive age will either become blind or infertile if she produces ritual pots.

GeneralIy des regarding social cleanliness or purity for a pregnant and newly delivered mother are similar to those in the pottery indusûy. The ac: of spying on the clay paralleIs what women elders do when a woman becomes pregnant. When a woman is suspected to be pregnant, especially if it is her first time, the older women will spy on her

(observe her secretly). When they are convinced that such a woman is really pregnant, they will inform the men elders in secret, who will in turn perform the necessary rituals and sacrifices before announcing it publicly. Sacrifices are made to the gods for the protection of the woman and the baby. Pregnant women must be protected against social pollution which endangers safe deliveries. In order to provide protection for a pregnant woman, both physical and spirituai cleanliness must be observed. A pregnant woman must observe several niles and taboos which include: dietary prohibitions (for example eggs); certain physical activities (should not climb trees, m, fight or do any strenuous physical exercise), avoidance of "contarninated" peopie (for exarnple, those with "evil eyes") and socially and physically polluted things. If a pregnant woman has ever had

"dirty" sexual relation she must confess for the necessary cleansing rites to be perfomed before the day of labor cornes. Al1 of these observances are meant to ensure safe delivery.

Any violation of these rules will result in a miscaniage, a difficult labour, the delivery of an abnormal baby, or a stillbirth.

Informants do not Iiterally link the ritual observances for production of pots and those for humans in a one-to-one ratio. The links are symboIic and like most syrnboIisms, some of the relationships are sometimes either ambivdent or contradictory. At one leve! there is rio gender given to the earth god but at another level, it is regarded as female and

wife of the sky god. It appears that objects and entities used in symbolic expressions

change form, hction and rneaning in the Bulsa symbolic pool depending on context.

Notwithstanding some of these arnbiguities, the "mode of pottery production" appears to

syrnbolically linked to the "mode of reproduction."

Social and technological change

Since the beginning of the twentieth centq, Bulsa society has undergone many

changes with continued foreign influence. Despite these influences the pottery industry

has not been drastically affected. The technology itself remains unmechanized and a

collective social activity. Ritual and religious beliefs are still observed by the potters,

though not as elaborately as was done in the past. Most old women who make rituai and

religious pots continue to se11 these vessels using barter as tradition requires.

Although rnost potters are aware of the various beliefs governing the pottery

industry, only a few. especially the older potters, follow these rules and are prepared to talk about them. This may be due to the increasing involvement of young women in the

Pentecostal rnovement and other Christian churches. Although potters who have joined these missions stilf observe the basic rules of potting, they are reluctant to talk about the ritual aspects of the crafi. The attitude of the Christian potters towards the potting rituals is quite ambivalent. At one leveI it appears they have no belief in these rituais and yet at another, they are ahid that in breaking the mles they can be harmed. It must also be noted that age restricts young people fiom discussing ntuals of the craft, thus it may be that the general lack of knowledge rather than their confession to Christianity prevents young potters fiom active participation in and discussion of rituals. No matter how

skillfùl and professional they are, potters are still regarded as leamers by other potters, the

community and themselves until they have attained a certain age. However, the

impression 1 got was that as potters grow older, they begin to pay more attention to the

ritual side of potting.

4.4 Production sequence

The methods and sequences of potting appear simple and easy, but in practice

potting is hard work and involves many formalized and compiicated procedures.

Successful production requires mastery over the various methods and sequences. The

ability to master the various production techniques and the associated rituals is what gives

the potter her specialized knowledge to deal with technicd problems. This technical

knowledge is well cherished and preserved in the mind of every potter even if she no

longer makes pots. hhrerial sources and acquisiiion

The settlements of Kanjaga and Furnbesi are naturally endowed with fine red and dark coloured clay with high plasticity. The methods of clay mining Vary slightly according to the seasons. In the dry season the wornen mine the clay bak) with a wide varieiy of implements. These include: a rectangular "leaf-shaped" hoe (miedo fixed ont0 a shaft sirnilar to those used by the farmers, a smalI flat "squarish" axe-blade fixed ont0 the end of a wooden shafi, iron spikes, harnrners and mattocks. "Moon-shaped" calabash pieces traditionally used to pull and scrape the loose debris frorn an old pit or the overlying humus soil to start a new pit are gradually being replaced by factory made shovels. Hoe, mattock and axe are presently used to loosen the clay irnmediately below the humus straturn during mining. In the wet season women simply use a hoe to scrape off the top soil and to dig, and a piece of calabash or shovel to coliect the clay in wet lumps into containers. Women transport the clay on their heads, but a few men at

Fumbesi were observed transporting clay in sacks on bicycles for their wives or relatives.

When the clay is brought home, it is transferred into large pots and stored in the potting room. Log barriers, Stones or sherds are used to support the storage pots against the wall of room. In the dry season, clay is simply heaped on the floor against the walls of dwelling structures in the courtyard.

When potters reach the good clay they can immediately identiQ it by running two tests. The first test is to put a small bit of the clay into their mouths and if it is sticky and tastes "saltless" then it is good clay. The other is by the white-speckled and reddish appearance of the ciay. These tests are thernselves tricky. The cIay imrnediately below the loamy straturn appears to pass the second test fiom my observation. Potters daim that pots made from the "top clay" look identical to vessels manufactured from good clay but those made fiom the top clay will crack or break during drying or firing. One of the essential technical prerequisites of every professional potter is her abiiity to make a distinction between the deceptive "op clay" and real clay.

Men are not forbidden to assist in the mining of clay, although traditionally it is a woman's job. Some husbands were observed helping their wives with the clay rnining at

Furnbesi. Potters at Furnbesi dug their clay from a residual clay bed beneath humus at

Anavialla, 2-3 kilometers away from the village, and in Kanjaga fiom a nearby eroded hi11 at Musidem 3 kilometers away. The mining site at Fumbesi contains many extensive pits which are said to have remote mtiquity. The pits vary between 2-3m in depth, 4-6m in length and 8-10m in width. Potters from the sarne compound or household have their own pits where they believe the clay is the best.

Potters and male elders were unanimous that the earth god is the source and owner of the clay. The land priest who has customary rights over the land and mediates between the living and the spiritual worlds in matters relating to land and its use must have his special permission sought before mining can be done. The land priest in practice does not refuse mining rights to any women or charge any fees. What is important and required of each potter is to occasionally provide items such as millet flour to the land priest for sacrifice to the earth god on their behalf. or cola nuts and tobacco as giftç to him. The sacrifices are meant to increase and maintain the fertility of the earth god so that it can

"give birth" to good clay, provide protection for the potter during digging, and generdly to ensure successfid potting. The belief in the power of the earth god. ancestral shrines, and other forms of deities to "make things fertile" or increase fertility is very strong among the Bulsas. Bulsas make simiIar sacrifices to their ancestral shrines and other deities to ask for favours and blessings including the fertility and productivity of their wives, animais, fms, or general success in life.

At Fumbesi the relationship between potters and the land priest is rapidIy changing. Almost al1 of the old men in the land priest clan at Fumbesi who used to perform the sacrifices are dead and the present generation of young men have no interest in or are afiaid to make the sacrifices. This fear is rooted in the beiief that the Ieast offense against the earth god cmeasily result in the death of the person making the sacrifice or a caiamity for his entire fmily. As such, most potters, especially young women, never care to send flou for sacrifices or gih to the land pnests. However, elder potters mentioned that when an accident occurs at the mines, as they occasionally do, a representative fiom the land pnest clan would be cailed upon to make the necessary sacrifices to puri@ and appease the earth god.

Besides the clay, it is important to mention briefly the other supplementq constituents which are employed in the potting industry. These include: slip, fuel and dye produced from various plant species. The details of these supplementq materiais will be considered under the appropriate sections.

Prepara f ion of clay

When a potter is ready to start potting, she brings the dry clay stored in big pots or baskets inside the workshop and spreads it on the floor of the courtyard. She and other rnembers of her household or heipers then pick out the large particies (sticks, leaves and stones) from the clay. Those particles that cannot be sorted out at this stage are usually removed during the kneading process. A portion of about one-quarter of the clay to be used on that day is ground into powder on grinding stanes (niri) or with the floor beater

(nuedi) against the floor. The floor beater (Figure 4.2) is a wooden bat used to beat the courtyard during plastering. The sarne tod is used to beat and flatten the wet clay into shape before the potter begins to fom the vesse!. The powdered clay bark-zuom "flour clay") is then sieved with a local net (chagsik) to remove large impurities. The other the-quarters of the clay still in the form of lumps is soaked directly in a big pot or an open bowl for 2-3 hours. The finely powdered cIay is put into a mal1 open bowl and is usually kept by the potter. Occasionally she adds handfuls of the dry powdered clay to the wet clay during forming, when she feels that the wei clay she is working with is not of the right consistency.

Potters at Furnbesi usually spread some of the powdered clay on the floor and work on it. No grog prepared from old sherds is added to the prepared wet clay. Potters know and have indicated that in the past sherds fiom old pots were ground and used as grog and this made pots stronger; however, no potter was found using grog fiom old pots.

This is probably because preparing grog from old pots is hard work but also the clay in the area is of good quality. Wet clay not used by the end of the day is wrapped in plastics and stored in a room.

The treatment of the clay in Kanjaga is almost the same as Fumbesi. The oniy major difference is that potters in Kanjaga work on a patch of sand instead of powdered clay. No reason was given for the difference except the usual statement "it is our traditional way of doing things." However, it appears that there is no real technical advantage in this difference except the Kanjaga potters may Save time grinding the clay into powder which is a tinie consuming and tedious job. Perhaps the abundance of fine sand in Kanjaga might also be a factor in the choice of sand.

Porter 's tool kif

As a prelude to the forming process, this section is intend to farniliarize the reader with the various pieces of apparatus and their uses in the pottery industry (Figures 4.1 and 4.15). Five basic tools in addition to a nurnber of auxiliary tools can be identified in almost every potter's toolkit. Some tools are classified as basic because they are found in every potter's toolkit no matter what type of vessels she produces. The auxiliary tools largely depend on the type of vesse1 manufactured and the creativity of the individual potter. Almost the entire tool kit of the Bulsa potter is obtained IocaIIy either from floral and faunal remains or fiom the local smith. Occasionaily, materiai foreign to the locai biome such as plastic pieces, papers, tooth brushes, combs and keys are used by young potters by young potters. Every practicing potter has her own tool kit kept when not in use in a small pot or a calabash stored among her valuables in a bigger pot.

Potters value their tool kits as a very important part of their personai property. It is a belief among potters that if an enemy gets access to a potter's kit. it can be used to do harm to her. A woman who is fond of lending out her basic tools to other potters, especiaily those with whom she shares no social or kinship ties, cm easily [ose her skills to these other potters. The harming of a potter or the transfemng of her skills through her tools is well rooted in the general belief system of the Bulsas. There is a strong belief that things closely identified with the individual such as a person's tools, clothing, hair and nail clippings cm be used by an enemy to cause harrn. The souls of a woman and man are connected to a pot and quiver respectively. The sou1 can sometimes rnove out of these items and dwell temporarily on the person's other personal property, especially items he or she uses regdarly (clothing, hoes, baskets and spittoon).

In Bulsa thought, the belief that an enemy can cause harm to a person through items closely identified with him or her is strongly held and spans across the entire spectm of the society. The association of the potter's sou1 with her toolkit can aiso be explained within another trend of Bulsa thought. Crafi specialists always daim that "the occupation is in their blood" which rneans that "the craft is in their souls." This implies that hming items which are believed to contain a person's soul, such as his or her tool kit hanns that person.

A) Basic tools i) Scraping and thinning tools

This category includes: a single-edged iron knife fixed into a wooden handle

(meeroa-gabik; meeroa, "potter"; and gabiik, "knife"), metal scraper and half moon- shaped plastic or caiabash pieces (chin-chiak). These tools are used to thin and scrape down the walls of the vessel to the required thickness and shape. The single-edged iron knife is used for trimming the bases of vessels. The edges of these tools are sometimes used to decorate (grooves, lines and incisions). Most scraping tools are used during the leather-hard stage of the vessel. Kogsi, the Bulsa term for scraping of pots is the same word used to describe the scraping of wails during building or plastering. ii) Rim forming tools

The leaf (viok), paper (gband and leather fgbain) are major tools in this group.

The rim forming tools can be of ordinary paper, leaf or a stnp of cow hide or any dornestic animal. These tools, usually kept in water in a small bowi and put beside the potter while she works are used to smooth and evert the rims and Iips of vessels immediately after forming. The potter uses leaves of plants which are not susceptible to easy breakage and are suitably large enough for the purpose. The strip of animal skin is preferred for it has a longer life span compared to leaves or paper. iii) Tools for polishing and smoothing

The main tools here include: the water wom pebble (nyei) and calabash pieces.

The sarne pebble employed in polishing and smoothing vessels is used to smooth wdls and floors of compounds. Similady, the same term (boligi) is used to descnbe the act of

smoothing in both cases (compounds and pots). The primary function of the pebble is

smoothing and burnishing but it is also used to perform other awiliary duties including

the making of grooves and drawing of lines. The nyei which does not Wear out easiIy is

one of the most lasting tools in the potter's tool kit and likely to survive in the

archaeological record. Every potter has between 2-3 pebbles of différent sizes (small,

medium and large) in her kit.

iv) Tools for decoration

Corn-cobs (choaliben-diok) and plaited or twisted string roulettes (miik) are the

main decorative tools of the Bulsa potter. The twisted or plaited string roulette in a forrn

of a knob is made from guinea sorrel (Hibisczu sabdarlfla) or hemp fibre (Hibiscz~s

cann~binus)~.The string roulette is used to roll over the body of the pot, usually fiom the

mid portion to the Iip or neck, when the pot is still in the leather-hard stage. Young potters in Fumbesi were observed using a wide variety of tools including "rnoon-shaped" plastic pieces sirnilar to the calabash pieces, tooth bruslies, keys, coins, pen corks and ordinq sticks for making decorations. v) Tools for removing pots after finng.

Among the basic tools is a sickle-shaped iron knife fixed into a wooden shaft of about 2-3rn long, used to hook pots and remove them derfiring. The tool is also used to hook srnail and medium cooking pots and swirl them in gnam dye afier they have been

'TaIl plant grown on the edges of millet fields, the leaves of which are used to make soup and the stems for ropes removed fiom the secondary fire. Ordinary sticks are sometimes used to hook out pots afier they have been fired, however no potter keep sticks permanentiy for this purpose.

B) Auxiliary tooIs

The use of tools in this group is determined by the type, form and function of the vessel to be produced. IncIuded in the broad range of auxiliary implements are: ordinary sticks with pointed ends for incision, cowry shells (lik-piabia) formerly used as currency in many parts of the Upper East for impressions, iron rings, pods of the baobab or kapok

(Ceiha pentandra) for scraping and impressions. old tins as measures for dry clay, floor beater for beating the wet cIay into shape during forming, and bunches of feathers or brooms as brushes. Most auxiliary tools cm be borrowed from other potters, if they live in close proximity, or can be found Iying around. As for the core kit, as noted earlier no potter reteases hers to another woman.

In general, the potter's tooI kit comprises a wide collection of suitable implements built up, stored in a srnail pot and handed clown from mother to daughter or daughter-in- law with additions in every generation. The latest additions include: the top of tooth brushes, keys, coins, corks of bottles, broken combs and pieces of broken plastic, al1 used in various stages of the production process

Forming processes

The forming process varies arnong potters. The type and final shape of the vessel to be manufactured determines the forming technique or method a potter uses. As a result of the many variations in the way in which a pot rnay be started, the forming process to be described here is one that appears to be common to many potters regardless of the vesse[ type and shape. Discussion on other important variations will be considered when necessary.

A potter works standing or sitting as convenient to her. The working position to some extent depends on the type of vesse1 and the age of the potter. Large pots require more standing and changing positions (standing, sitting and bending) than small ones.

Consequently, older potters who generally have difficulties in movements or standing for longer periods tend to concentrate mainly on the production of small vessels which require less movement or standing. Older potters state that making large vesseIs requires a lot of movements and energy which they lack. Older and young potters who make small pots usually sit either on the bare floor or on a straw mat with Iegs stretched out in front, and the pot is worked on the space between the legs. The younger potters who are physically strong and full of energy are more versatile and comfortable in the production of both large and small vessels. Generally, the working position does not appear to be constant or possess any significance other than achieving confort and ease of manipulation.

-4potter starts a pot by taking a lump of wct clay and kneading it on a patch of powdered clay on the floor. She then rolls the clay into a bal1 of a convenient size between her hands. The rolled ball is patted into a cuboid shape with both hands. It is then dented in the middle with the heel of her hand and a hollow is made in the middle with her fingers by pushing the clay edgewards turning the roughly square-shape into a round shape. A variation of this is that after the clay has been rolled into a ball, it is beaten on the floor into a disc with a floor beater (Figure 4.2). The disc is molded into a round shape with both hands by pushing it edgewards. The potter then trims the edges and adds coils rolled between both hands on top. The pot is scraped inside and outside with any of the scraping tools. After this stage, the pot may be alIowed to dry (10-15 minutes) before the next coils are added. When the potter is satisfied that the pot is hard enough she resurnes work by adding more coiIs to the existing wall making it higher.

Occasionally. coils are added to the sides, usually between the joints of consecutive coils to make the pot thicker. The adding of coils continues, altemating with scraping and smoothing until the pot is finished (Figure 4.4). The smoothing is done with a pebble or the back of a piece of calabash (or both) until the pot is finished. Towards the finai stage, the pot is shaped with a piece of calabash, by scraping the vessel outside against the pressure of her hand placed inside. More coils are added to the neck and rim and subsequently everted according to the choice of the potter as conditioned by the type and hction of vessel.

The rim is smoothed with a piece of cow hide or paper held on the rim with her right hand while the left hand rotates the pot clockwise, reaching across her body and the pot to the right. Altematively, the neck could be shaped with the piece of calabash. With some rims, the top is pinclied outwards or upwards with the thumb inside, then later outside, with the pot rotating first one way and then the other. While the pot is being rotated, it is slightly pressed against its base on a stand (tulik, a "circular carrying pad made of grass") or on her lap depending on the size of the vessel. Usually, with large vessels, the pinching process is done with the pot resting on a carrying pad and small pots on the laps. The pot is then set aside to dry in the hut for some time (30-60 minutes) depending on the weather conditions and other competing activities before the potter returns to complete the rest of the work. When she returns, the vessel is turned upside down and the base trirnrned to the required shape with a single-edge iron knife (made by

the local blacksmiths). The trimming of the base is done when the pot is still in the

leather-hard stage. Afier trimming the base, she then sprinkles water on the trimmed

area, forms the base and smoothens it. The whole pot is then given the final scraping and

smoothing both inside and outside, done repeatedly untiI the potter is satisfied.

Decorations

After the final smoothing and scraping of the forming stage, the pot is allowed to

dry until it becomes leather hard before decorations are applied. Except for the first few

lines drawn with the pebble around the neck and mid portion of most vessels at the start

of the decoration procedure, it appears that there is no formal sequence in the application

of decorations. The very few cases where decorations appear to be done in a fomal order

were on ritual vessels. Even in these cases it was difficult to monitor the process sequentially in a formal way. Consequently, the description of decorations in this section

follows more or less sirnilar unsystematic sequences as given by potters and observation.

The application of decoration is neither restricted to particular vessels nor are the same decorations always applied to the same classes of vessels. Some vesseis such as storage jars, the "fool tliief trap" and what potters described as "special pots" for decorating a woman's room had more elaborate decorations than ordinary cooking pots or food serving bowls. With the exception of ritual pots and other special purpose vessels where variation in decoration is minimal, decoration in general varies fiom one potter to the other and among different classes of vessels. Variations in decorations among potters and between different vessels are deterrnined by a nurnber of factors. These include: the skills of the individual potter, training, social pressures to conforrn to traditions, type and function of vessel, market demand and feedback, and tirne available to the individual porter. These factors will be considered in more detail in the section on stylistic variation.

Decorations are done mainly on the exterior of vessels, aithough occasionally a few vessels have interior decorations as were observed in the Fumbesi market. The grinding bowl is decorated with grooves on the inside to facilitate grinding. Most decorations are done only on the upper part or rnid section of the pot to the Iip. Before a potter starts with the first stage of decoration, slip in a light medium solution is sprinkled on the body of the vessel and it is smoothed again. Mer this stage the poiter may take a break and attend to other domestic activities.

Depending on the size of the vesse[ and type of decoration she intends to apply, a potter begins decorating by drawing lines with the pebbie around the pot from the rnid portion up to the to neck of the vesse[. Potters Say that it is dificult to describe what they intend the decorations on a particular vessel to bs, though they normaliy have some ideas in their heads of what they want to accomplish. As the potter begins to decorate, more and more ideas corne into her mind. One potter suggested that decorating is like building, the initial plan is known but as you go dong, more and more ideas will aiways develop and are incorporated into the final design. The spaces in-between the lines marked around the vessels are then filled in with a combination of designs including: twisted string rouletting, grooves, maize stamp, comb and other forms of impressions including channeling, incisions and straight or zigzag lines (Figure4.21). Some pots observed in the Fumbesi market had arc decorations, probably applied with a pebble, bounding panels of comb and roulette. In some rare occasions, features such as pellets and spikes are applied to selected pots, especially those meant for beer storage and room decoration.

Circular impressions made with the end of a cowry shell, sticks, or edges of a knife are found on beer measures as well (daam-chalik. duam "local bee9 and chalik

"the measure"). Encised decorations in a combination of zigzags, curves and bands are also execured on the necks of most cooking pots. Generaily, BuIsa potters have a very limited repertoire of decoration as compared to neighbors such as the Kussasi.

The best pots in terrns of decoration are produced in the dry season. Over the dry season, there are fewer competing activities thus allowing potters to devote more time to decorate the vessels. Fierce market competition during this period among potters induces every potter to bring innovations to her decorative style in order to attract more buyers and higher prices. The dry season is the time when new styles of decorations corne out.

Pots are decorated according to the taste of the potter under the constraints of traditions and market demand. Nomithstanding these factors, decorations largely depend on the whims and imaginations of the individual potter. When the decorations are completed, the pots are left to dry for a few days depending on the weather before bumishing.

Burnishing is done with either a pebble or with seeds of baobab (~uik-kpegli)(Figure

4.6).

The red slip (junu) used by potters cornes from two sources: laterite similar to that used in smelting, and red clay mined in the vicinity of Wiaga and sold in the Furnbesi market. The balls of red slip clay are broken down and soaked in water in a medium size black bowl to a thin consistency and applied with guinea fowl feathers (Kpong-kunkorta) used as a bnrsh. Potters apply sIip mainly to the upper section of vessels (fiom mid body to the lip) and in few cases the interior of selected pots. For exarnple, slip was applied to both inside and outside of beer storage vessels while pots earmarked to be blackened were not slipped. The application of slip depends on the type and fùnction of vessel. For exarnple, some medium cooking pots are not slipped.

Although potters indicate that they can always identi@ their wares based on decorations, it appears that there are neither special designs by which the work of each potter can be recognized except in very rare cases, nor does each potter has her own esclusive designs. A literate potter suggested that "decorations on pots are likc

"individual handwrïting." This way, every potter cari identiQ her wares through decoration. This literate potter claims that she can even identify sherds of her wares through their decorations.

Although variations in Bulsa decorations are minimal, a few cases of unusual decorations which appear foreign (non-Bulsa) were observed among Bulsa poners. Few such cases were monitored because they were unique or completely different from what was observed in rnost Bulsa pottery decorations. One of the potters in this group had her pots decorated with a twisted string of fibre rolled with the right forefinger over the grooves practically obliterating hem below the cordon (Figure 4.6). The upper part of the pot was decorated with a series of verticai lines at intervals. The spaces between the lines are fiIIed with white and black paint. This pattern is unusual because Bulsa potters meIocal beer of the Bulsa brewed from sorghurn. do not use white clay or paint their vessels. It was discovered at the end of the interview that this potter was a Kussasi who married into the village (Fumbesi) and as such was combining Kussasi and Bulsa techniques of decoration. Her feIlow potters admire her for her artistic creativity and innovation. This potter's products are in high demand arnong the literate population and tourists. This woman buys her white, red and black slip and paints fiom Bolgatanga or Bawku markets. It seems that Fumbesi potters who produced vessels with unusual decorations are women fiom other ethnic groups such as the Kussasi and Grunni who are married to Bulsa men. i) Meaning of decorations and decorative style

Most decorations serve functiond needs. When potters are asked about decorations, they will Say ''to make pots beautiful or attractive" as the cornmon answer, or to provide grip during handling. Yet insightfül accounts provided by both men and women elders suggest that decorations and motifs on pots are associated with Bulsa thought processes. Some of the decorations are associated with metaphors, proverbs, stories, and myths which that express the material and cultural aspects of BuIsa society.

Unfortunately, the keys or codes to the interpretation of most decorative style are either forgotten by most Bulsas or the knowledge of them is kept secret by a select few. It appears that access to the knowledge on decorative style is based on age, sex and social position. It was only the very old potters, men and women elders, land priests, landIords, expert builders and chief smiths who seemed to have some insight into most decorations and motifs.

In a broader context, decorative patterns on vessels provide ways of looking beyond the aesthetic or function, to the "potter herself" as well as to the idedogicd and cosmological constructs within Bulsa society. The issue of the "potter-self or self- identity" finds expression in a Bulsa common proverb "$ dan la buukfi laka ku gbang" literally meaning "if you laugh at the skin of a goat, you are indirectly laughing at the goat itself." This proverb was used by an oId potter to illustrate the point that decorations on pots provide each potter with what she calls "self identity," since the creativity of every potter is judged by the appearance of her pot. In consequence, if one laughs at a pot because it is pooriy made or decorated, one is indirectiy laughing at the "creator of that pot" or the potter. In other words, things are created in the image of their creators. In essence, decorative styles reflect the personality, artistic creativity and character of the individual potter. Poorly decorated vessels irnply either the potter is a leamer or has no sense of beauty. Beauty itself is considered the hallmark of every Bulsa woman. Every potter is therefore not only driven by market forces in her choice of decorative style but by traditional pressure to maintain this self-identity where artistic ability is highly treas ured.

Beyond aesthetics, hction and the "potter's self' (identity), some of the decorations and motifs which appear on selected pots in a regular and detennined pattern are codes which reflect the ideologicai and cosmological beliefs of the Bulsas. The problem of encoding rneanings fiom most decorations, like proverbs, myths and metaphors, is that members of society rarely discuss rneaning of decorative styk in their daily interactions. As such, it is quite difficult to obtain easy interpretation to most decorations found on pots as shown in the works of David et al. (1988). David et al.

(1988) addresses a critical question in pottery decoration by approaching the issue through analogy with human adornment. Men and women elders conceptualize selected decorative patterns and motifs as human metaphors in the fom of proverbs and myths that form part of their total belief system. Women elders say that mything without marks or Iefi plain is totally open to the dangers and destructive powers of the evil world. The practice of making marks

(decorations) on objects is not confined to pottery products. Houses, humans and other crafts are equally given marks or decorations. The same word used for decorations (Wie) on pots is also used for scarification on humans. When a child is born, she or he is scarred for a nurnber of reasons. Scars serve as ethnic identification, protection and beauty. Children are given marks on the cheek (a pair of parallel single or double lines) as ethnic identity ("tribal marks"), and multiple marks on the navel or any other part of the body for protective reasons. The sarne term (mobih) used to describe the act of making marks on humans is used by potters and Bulsas in general to describe the act of making grooves or incisions on pots or houses. Potters Say that vessels are never left plain, even those observed in the field as plain pots were proved later to have had one or two hidden or faint incised lines. In a broader context, decorations on vessels, like marks made on liunians and talis~nansused to decorate Bulsa traditional war smocks suggest a prophylactic function. Although, one would argue that clothing in general is not prophylactic, in Bulsa socicty a distinction is made between plain clothing which serves no prophylactic function and the decorated Bulsa war smock which protects the wearer against the effects of arrows during war. Men and women elders point out that anything plain is the same as being naked, as such decorations on pots are "clothing" for vessels.

Parts of pots are given human attributes such as mouth (noi), neck (geri), anus (bitagi) and body (nying). The identical and parallel similarities in physical appearance, syrnbolism and meanings between decorations on vessels and designs on traditionai hand

woven dresses and facial scarification suggest strong personification within the pottery

technology.

Motifs on pots are images of objects in the natural and cultural world. Animal

motifs such as the crocodile, lizards, chameleons, snakes and other forms of animal

species represent totems of clans or households. These totem animals are believed to

have provided protection for the ancestral founders of clans or households in the pst. As

such, members are forbidden from killing or harming an anima1 or a bird regarded as a

totem of the village or clan. In most cases members venerate their totem animals by

erecting motifs of them in their houses. Motifs of the chameleon and crocodile are comrnon on the barns of Bulsa men and on pots.

The relationship between nakedness and the totemic aspects of Bulsa society can

be reconciled in terms of functions. The decorations on pots or marks on humans are to protect a person fFom bcing naked in symbolic terms and they have prophylactic functions. In a similar way, the totemic animals are regarded as guiding spirits, and putting them on vessels or barns ensures that the contents of thesc containers are protected from the destmctive powers of evil spirits. Some pots with motifs were observed incorporated into ancestral shrines similar to the pair of chameleons (male and femaie) and other totemic animals erected on the barns of male elders.

The triangular patterns on the mouth of the "thief-fool" pot where a woman's valuables are stored are to ensure that any tarnpering of the pots can easiIy be detected. It was pointed out that a thief who tarnpers with such a pot and is in a huny to leave the scene is most likely to replace the lid incorrectly. When that happens the owner cm easily recognize that an intruder has tarnpered with her vaiuables' storage. ii) Comparative decoration:

This section discusses the physicai content, appearance, syrnbolism and function of Bulsa pottery decorations and motifs as compared to other technologicai systems or crafis (Figures 4.19 and 4.20). Included in the discussion is the relationship between pottery decoration and humans

There is similarity between decorations on walls of cornpounds and pots in

Bulsaland. The lines, grooves, incisions, maize cob starnp, appliqué motifs and arc impressions on pots are also found on the walls of dwelling structures (Figure 4.20). The lines drawn walls are at eye-height above the door and are not only very similar to those on the bodies of pots, but bear the same narnes. Some of the compound decorations consist of a groove line, frequently with a keyhole pattern imitating the shape of the door entrance where it passes around the doonvay. Tools used for both pot and compound decorations are the sarne. Comrnon decorative and religious motifs on walls which are also found on pots include chameleons, crocodile, rnonitor lizards, snakes and rnonkeys.

In general, the only difference between decoration on wails and pots is that decorations on walls bear narnes whereas the latter in most cases do not. It is said that al1 good potters are excellent decorators, because potting is harder work than decorating watls, and that those who decorate walls learn from potters.

Scarification of the body, done for rnedicinal or protective purposes, sake of beauty, group or ethnic identity, and for cosmological reasons, leaves scars and sometime keloid bumps on the body similar to those found on pots. With the exception of scarification of the body for medicinai and protective reasons, in which the cuts are made on the affected part, such as the navel for protection against stomach pains, other fonns of scarification and "tattoos" for beautification are done on the forearms, calf, temples and face. Although the pair of single or doubie open scars on both cheeks of Bulsas is said to be a mark of ethnic identity, it afço stands for beauty.

Cosmologically, there is a strong belief that some stubborn babies with bad spirits or souls intentionally come to hmtheir parents. Such babies live only for a few months to a year, and die once they have failed or accomplished their mission. Such a child may continue to die and corne back until frnaliy he or she either kills both or one of the parents. When the tricks of such babies (kpili ale gbeing jandoa "die and come children") are uncovered through a diviner or soothsayer, parents perform some rituals and sacrifices to ensure that the chiId Iives. These rituals and sacrifices are sealed by giving the child multiple marks on the face or cheeks. Bulsas cal1 these marks (bia- kaasung wie "abortion or miscamage marks"). These marks usually take the form of crosses and are similar to some decorations on pots and walls. Bulsa decorations on some objects and humans such as the "die and corne back marks" on children aRd animai motifs on granary and pots serve prophylactic functions.

The red slip applied to pots is also used to mark the bodies of a deceased person's relatives at the final fimeral rite. The marks made on relatives on such occasions are similar to those made on pot. Attempts to elicit explanations for this parallel were resisted with the common statement "it is our tradition." However, it does appear to suggest that the Bulsas conceptualize pots in syrnbolic tems as humans and as such both are treated in similar ways or given the same attributes. There is a popular tradition among the Bulsas that during certain times of the year

(usually a few rnonths after the wet season) an evil spirit or fairy goes around compounds begging. Mien such fairy cornes to a compound it will leave "sickness" on members of the compound. In order to protect the compound against such dangers, the land priest will advise the village to mark their compounds with charcoal or red slip. The marks are simply crosses and are meant to prevent such spirits from visiting the compound, or if they do visit, to neutraiize the effects of the visit.

Drying andfiring

The initiai drying of vessels is either done in the room or under the shade. Potters explain that the sudden exposure of pots to direct sun causes make them crack or break during firing. Thus prior to the firing, the pots are warmed up either in the open air outside during hot weather or before a srnail fire (wet season). Potters Say this is done to eliminate moisture fiom the vessels and reduce the incidence of breakage during firing.

The firing ground is up to IOOm away fiom the house in the farmland. The same place is used every tirne even during the rainy season. It is a hollow pit about 5m in diameter and reaching a meter in depth at the center with gently sloping sides. The hollow in the middle of the pit is not deliberateIy dug but has achieved this shape through being cleared of ashes fiom previous fires over a period. A few days before firing, the potter goes to the bush to coltect the necessary fuel including various gras species which she says are the best burning varieties (Heteropogon contortus, Vetiveria fulvibarbis,

Anadelphia a@eliana, Pennisetum pedicellatum, Cornbretum glutinosum) and guinea corn stalks if they are available. Like the mining of the clay, frring is done communally with potters of the sarne household or compound firing their vessels together.

The firing ground is first laid with bark and wood spread evenly over the ground.

ïhe pots are brought out fiom the houe and are laid on their sides with the bigger ones in the rniddle with the mouths of smaller ones inside the targer, followed by medium. These are al1 arranged in a circle with their rnoutiis facing inwards. Where necessary, the pots are chocked with Stones or sherds to prevent them fi-om rolling over. Then, a layer of wood and grass is put on the sides and on top. The dome shape is covered at this stage with every sort of grass or wood she can lay hands on. In some of the houses, before the fire is lit, the head of the compound takes millet-flour and makes an offering to the ancestors for successful firing. One of the potters then Iights the fue with a bunch of smouldering gras lit fiom the house or with matches (Figure 4.16). Some infonnants say that in the past it was the lucky girl (a young girl who is still a virgin) who perfonned the task of lighting the first fire, but ihey were quick to point out ihat things have changed over the years and that this custom is no longer strictly followed. In most of the cases, additional gras was not added. The fire was simply aliowed to burn itself out. It takes about 30-40 minutes to complete a single firing. Firing cmtake place at any convenient time of the day but most firing was done in the evening when the weather is cool and pots have had enough preheating during the day. When the fire is totally burnt out, the pots are hooked out with a sickle (gwufuk)or a long stick. The few incidents of breakage usually occurred with the large pots. Potters' compounds have an accumulation of these broken pots, which potters say are not marketable. Some of these broken vessels serve usefil functions such as lids, garbage containers, storage and drinking troughs for livestock.

Post-Firing Treatment

When the pots are removed, those with red slip have turned red, orange or brownish-buff. Black patches were observed on some of the vessels where oxygen was probably unable to penetrate (Figures 4.17 and 4.18). Where reducing conditions have prevailed, the slip turns intense black in some vessels. 1 suspect, this is probably due to the placing of some vessels mouth downwards. Pots are sorted out and those to be dyed put on one side and those to be blackened on another fire. Dye (gnam) made from dawadawa husk boiled and stained with acacia seeds (Acacia niiotica var. adansonii) and the unripe hits of the ebony (Diospyros mespiliformis) is then applied to the vessels that need to be dyed right away with a millet cob over the decorative patterns thereby forming vertical lines. Some pots, such as small cooking and food serving vessels are put in the dye in a large open bowl and swirled round with the sickle for a few seconds and then taken out (Figure 4.19). Pots that are to be blackened, are put into a smoldering fire of millet-chaffcollected from the threstiing site a few meters away from the fire at this stage.

The pots remain in this secondary fire for a few minutes and are then picked out, brushed off with a millet stalk or broom and were plunged into the gnam dye with tongs or sickles, swirled round, taken out and set on bundles of grass. 4.5 Classification and typology

This classification of Bulsa vessels is approached mainly fiom an emic

perspective. Bulsa potters and users of pottery recognize and identifi vessels by their

forms and fùnctions (Figures 4.22 and 4.23). The two are indeed difficult to separate in

Bulsa pottery typology as some forms are IargeIy determined by function. Pottery classification in the living context appears to meet two main goals in terms of archaeological research in Bulsaland. Classification according to function and form contributes to a functionally oriented understanding of the vessel, and the form, to the stylistic interpretation.

Functionally, Bulsa pots can be classified into two broad categories: ritual and non-rituai vessels. This distinction is by no means rigid. It is not uncornmon to corne across some ordinary pots converted to ritual and religious purposes but specialized ritual pots are not used for non-ritual. Some of the ritual pots such as the ribiisa (pots put beside shrines) are made as ordinary non-ritual pots. With the exception of highly ritual pots, the classification of vessels as ritual and non-ritual frorn the perspective of the potter and the user depends highly on context. The intersection of ritual and non-ritual in the systemic context brings into focus the importance of context and the principle of association when dealing with cerarnic classification fiom the archaeological context.

Although Bulsa recognize pots by form, in practice, descriptive linguistic attributes are ernployed by potters and users to distinguish one type of vessel fiom the other. The narne of a pot often reflects its task. Pots meant for cooking are differentiated by the type of food cooked in them. An attempt to investigate Bulsas classification of pots by decorative techniques or

motifs was not found useful in the majority of cases except with specialized rituai pots.

There are no rigid or special decorations for each class of vessels. Even among the same

classes or types of pots, there are significant differences. The typoiogy used here is based

on the way Bulsa classify their vessels. The main ~Iassificatorycategories include the

following:

Cooking pots (samoaning-dingsa)

This type consists of a wide variety of food preparation pots. The word

samoaning-dingsa (samoaning, "pot" and dingsa "coo king") applies to any cooking pot.

This broader categoy is further divided into sub-groups based on the type of food

prepared in the vessel. Pots used to prepare millet grue1 (saab)g are called saab-

samoaning, soup Qenra) jenta-samoaning, and local beer (daam) daam-samoaning. In

practice one finds that one pot can be used interchangeably to prepare different dishes.

As a consequence of the wide variety within this classificatory group, only the rnost

important ones will be discussed. An etic approach is applied in an attempt to lump this

wide variety into a manageable size.

i) Pot for preparing thick millet grue1 (saab-samoaning)(Figure 4.22:~)

Pots for this purpose take many forms and sizes but the typical ones include those

used for preparation of the family meals. These are rnainly globular in shape with or

without everted rirns. The largest version of the saab-samoaning is saab samoaning-

9Saab is thick millet, sorghum or maize porridge or grue1 serve with soup. It is the staple diet for the Bulsas and most of the major ethic groups in the Upper East dzrok "male-cooking pot7' (duok "maie") is used to prepare food for large groups on occasions such as communal fming, funerals and sacrifices.

The rims and necks of pots in this category are usually burnished and blackened both inside and outside. Typically, they have wide round rims. They are decorated with zigzag and straight or wavy lines around the neck and upper body. ii) Soup preparation pot Cjenta digka samoaning) (4.22:~)

This vesse1 is similar in form to the saub-samoaning but smalIer in size. Like the saab-samoaning the size of the jenta digka samoaning varies according to the size of the farnily. The small and medium size vessels in the group are thejenta bimbili, used by small households. BimbiIi (bili "smali") refers to the srnaIl size.

Vessels in this group are usually blackened. Most of them are decorated with a band of zigzags and straight lines encircling the neck and the mid portion. Two distinctive types cm be identified by shape within this group. One with an ovoid horizontal body with a round base and the other with angfed shouider nearer to the neck than the base. iii) Beer bre~ingpot (daam-digka satnouning) (Figures 422:d-e)

This is a large globular or spherical pot with three or more lines around the neck.

Like the beer storage jar, it has a thicker body. Like most cooking pots they serve multiple purposes: used to prepare dyes; to prepare food for large groups of people such as communal farming, sacrifices and funerals. iv) Cake fiying pan or griddle (mausa-cheng; muasa, "cakes made from miIlet" and cheng "bow17'). This type of ware is rarely seen in the market. It appears that it is either gradually

going out of production or minirnally used with the introduction of the galvanized fiying

pans. It is roughly round shape with 4-6 indentations or hollows (Figure 4.23:I).

Food serving vessels

This group consists of a large collection of vessels varying in form and size

(Figures 4.239, n and O). Pots in the category include: the flat based, gently carinated bowl cheng for soup and for storing shea butter (kpaarn-cheng, kpaarn "oil") and the large and medium sized open bowls (chari) without rirns and handles used to serve porridge

(saab) (Figures 4.23:q and r). The medium and small version of the churi bowls are mainly used for family meals while the large type is used for serving food to large groups of people. Traditionally, Bulsa take their meals together, with a nurnber of people eating directly fiom one pot. Vessels have flat or round bases and possess the usual Bulsa decorations on them. They are bumished both inside and outside and some are blackened. The large hemispherical bowl (chari) has multiple uses including shea butter preparation, bathing, water storage, fiying of grains, and serving as covers to large storage grain pots and for graves. A slightly larger version of the chari is the chandung, which has a thicker body and is used for water storage, making malt for local beer and processing shea butter.

Storage vessels. i) Water and beer storage pots or jars (figure4.22: c)

These are large vessels that Vary in height fiorn 50-70 cm, and 25-40 cm across.

Under this group, four sub-types are identified by potters according to function. Patterns of decoration are of the usual Bulsa style: zigzag, incisions and roulette around the mid portion. However, the elaborateness of decorations varies among potters. a. Water pots (nyiam-liik or samouning, nyiam "water" and liik "nmow neck")

These are large pots used either for fetching water from the stream or permanentIy kept ir, the kitchen or in shady corners in the courtyard for storing drinking water. They are generally orange in colour with linear designs in dawadawa dye, zig-zag, diagonal

Lines and hanging arcs. Vessels usually have round or flat bases with globular bodies and thick everted rims. They are normally unburnished which allows the water in them to remain cool. Every household acquires at least one such pot yearly, especiaIIy in the month of March when temperatures are high. b. Water coolers

Water coolers corne in different sizes and forms but the typical ones are those with a spout and triple necks ending in small cups with everted rims. They are produced by potters with special skills and usuaily on request. c. Beer storage pot (Daum-liik daam "local beer prepared from sorghum") (Figure 4.22:f and h).

These are similar to the water storage pots except that pots in this group have narrow necks, decorations from the mid body to the rnouth, and relatively thicker bodies.

Potters noted that the thicker bodies reduce Wear and tear which occurs quickly in vessels used to hold local beer. Wornen claim that the beer contain chemicals which usuaily erode the walls of the vessels. Pots in this categoty generaily have wider mouths than the water storage liik. A smaller version of the beer storage pots is the daam-hboak which has a globular shape and everted nm, and used ta serve elders with beer on special occasions such as sacrifices or funerals. Like the daam-liik this vesse1 is red slipped, well bumished and has similar decorations. Few of the daam-kaboata (pl) have animai motifs such as the crocodile, scorpion, lizards and the tortoise on them.

The mouths or upper part of broken large beer storage and water storage pots are used to put over the pointed top of the straw roofs (bovook, "the annular potsherd").

Although women occasionally purchase pots for the storage of grains, valuables and other items, any of the storage or cooking pots, no longer useful for their primary functions, is converted for general storage and other secondary uses.

Special pzirpose utilitariun pots

These vessels are rarely used for functions other than those originally intended. i) The '4fool-thief" pot (me-baruk samoaning) is built up into a globular shape with a carinated shoulder, then finished by dosing the whole pot and making a knob at the top

(Figure 4.23:m). It is then decorated al1 over the top and finally a knife is used to cut it into parts: body and lid. The edges of the lid and mouth are cut in a zig-zag pattern. It is purposely used to store a woman's valuables. The zig-zag pattern of the lid allows the owner to dctect any pilfering of her valuabies. It takes time and patience to iïx the lid back correctly and because thieves are usually in a huq they are likely to fix the Iid incorrectly

Another vesse1 similar to the thief-trap in form and fiinction is the speciai oil storage pot (baam-kabook, kpaam "oil," kabouk "shape of the pot'). It is about the same size as the "thief-trap" but without a zig-zap lid. Like the foolish-thief pot. it is ais0 used to store persona1 valuables. It is taboo for a man to open the kpaarn-kabook of his wife. ii) Fowls drinking troughs (kpachavoana, is derived fiom the word kpiak "fowt" and

voana "holes") (Figure 4.12)

These are mostly undecorated cylindrical vessels with nmow necks and trianguiar

holes below the neck. Other vessels such as water storage pots, soup bowls and jars

which are no longer usefui are converted to water troughs for iivestock and for trapping

termites in the fields. iii) "Dawadawa" sieve or smoking pot (ngoadi) (Figure 4-23:u)

These are medium size colander pots with perforated holes of about half a

centimeter over the entire body of the pot up to Sie neck. They are used either as sieves

in the preparation of dawadawa spices (,ongj or to smoke meat and fish or herbs. These

are also made by older women. Although informants did not suggest a reason for this, it

seems that because of low demand for such vessels, younger potters are reluctant to

produce them.

iv) Open bowl (cha-bilik) (Figure 4.22:a)

This is an open undecorated hemispheric bowl used to bathe newly bom babies and nidows during thcir purification rite ouem). They are also used as food bowis during sacrifices and as grave covers for young children.

Rirual and religious pots i) Ma-bage (ma,"mother" and bage, "charm") (Figure 4.23:~).

A bage is used in Bulsa religious beIiefs to mean any charm or amulet usually worn around the body. It is norrnally the horn of an animal filled with clay and seaied at the mouth with a piece of calabash. A woman's bage after death usually returns to her paternal home. Upon the advice of a soothsayer, the woman's son will perforrn some rituais and sacrifices before going to bring back the ma-bage. The mu-bage is brought back in a special pot calIed ma-bage. The ma-bage pot is a knob-lidded t-itual pot with an ellipsoidal or obIate shape. It is similar in size and shape to the puuk which is used at the final fimeral rites of women. Uniike the ma-bage, the puuk is not filled with cIay but food meant for the deceased to carry to the next worid. On the Iast day of a woman's funeral rites, the puuk is broken to signal the final departure of the woman's sou1 to the ancestral world. These two particular vessels are only made by older potters who have passed menopause. They are not usually sold in the formal market but made on request. ii) Medicine pots (tibiisa, tiim "medicine", biisa "children")

Pots used as iibiisa corne from any of the ordinary cooking, food sening or storage categories. Most of the tibiisa vessels were soup serving, or srna11 and medium size cooking pots with the open bowl (chabilik) mouth downwards as cover. Pots similar to the ma-bage with knobs but smaller in size were also observed incorporated into persona1 and ancestral shrines (Figure 4.13). No detailed information has been obtained on these vessels because 1 nevcr obscn-ed any pottsr making them. Male elders say that these pots serve the same function as any of the tibiisa. One of the male elders explained that certain shrines wiIl sometimes specifically request for such pots. il fiscellaneous

Vessels in this group are those that do not fit well into any of the other classes. i) The vegetable grinder with rough grooves on the interior is an imitation of the Ashanti grinding pot (apotayowa in Twi, one of the Akan languages). This type of vesse1 is not traditional to Bulsa potters and is usually produced by young women. ii) Triple body, double storey pots.

These are vessels made by women with special skiIls to show off their talents.

VesseIs in this group are rarely found in the markets and are often in hi& demand. They can be used for other purposes such as storage but in practice, they are used to decorate wornen's roorns. Aimost every woman has several rows of 3-7 pots per row on pot stands lined up against the wall of her private living rooms (Figure 4.10). In addition to decorating a woman's room, vessels here are used as an indicator of a woman's status.

Pots in this category have the most exotic designs most of which are not found on the everyday domestic wares. Most women who own these vessels types Say that they acquired them through special requests from very skillfùl potters. Potters suggest that such vessels are expensive, for it requires specialized skills and a lot of time to make them. iii) Toys

Potters do not generally rnake toys for sale or for any form of exchange.

However, it is a common practice for some potters to make toys such as figurines and srnali vessels for their young children to play with whi!e they work. Young girls or apprentices sornetimes produce toy vessels and figurines to amuse themselves and also as part of the learning process. At some of the elernentary schools in the area, children were obsentd producing a wide variety of toys. Among these were motor bikes, bicycles, vehicles, figurines dressed like miIitary men, birds, animals, and imitations of factory

plastic and enarnel containers (handles, designs and forms).

Innovations

Over the past few years, potters have brought innovation into the pottery industry

to enable them to cope with competition from modem vessels of aluminurn, enarnel ware

and piastic. Some of the innovations inciude the making of pots with handles and designs

which show an Imitation of factory alurninurn cauldrons and textiles. The general

competition from Western-style industrial products coupled with the fact that young girls

are quite reluctant to take up the occupation in many parts of Africa, are the reasons

expressed by sorne researchers for why the pottery industry is being "dramatically

endangered" (Barley 1994). Contrary to this view, the industry in Bulsaland appears to

have a bright future in view of the obvious high demand for pottery products. Both

potters and non-potters strongly state that industria1 vessels cannot and will not replace

pots. Although in some cases factory vessels and local pots serve similar tùnctions, pots

are inextricably linked to the social matrix of the societies that produce and use them.

The industrial vessels only serve to supplement the local efforts. As potters point out "we ourselves make pots but we use alurninurn pots to cook because they are faster for this particuIar purpose, but we cannot use thern for water storage or ritual and religious purposes for they are either unsuitable or not aliowed by traditions." Statements such as these seem to suggest that some type of local pots such as cooking, food serving and grain storage are likeIy to be replaced by factory made vessels while others, such as water storage and ritual vesseIs will be difficult to replace as a society without these vessels

means a society without its highly vaiued religious beliefs and traditions.

4.6 Stylistic variations

A myriad of labels and definitions are applied ta style (Sacket 1990; Conkey 1990; Wobst

1977; Hodder 1990; Wiessner 1983). Stylistic variations in Bulsa pottery will be exarnined using Hegmon's (1992517) view of style "as a way of doing something and that style involves a choice among various alternatives" and Lechtrnan's (1 977) concept of technological style which inciudes the totaiity of ail the means or factors that affect the production of an object or commodity. A nurnber of interacting factors influence stylistic variation in Bulsa pottery technology. These include social organization, individual training and creativity, society's attitude towards change and conformity, traditions and demand. These factors act within the context of historical, social and environmental

Frarneworks. Factors that affect stylistic variation in Bulsa ceramic production also influence the meaning and fùnction of style itself.

In terms of organization, there exist slight variations among the various pottery producing communities within Bulsaland. Clay mining, firing and distribution of pots are collective activities structured in terms of the social and economic organization of these societies. This organizational form of the pottery industry is not an isolated case. Other forrns of activities such as farrniiig, fishing, and hunting express the sarne organizational structure. The emphasis on cooperation ensures interdependence as a means of maintaining the traditional social ties within the society. The degree of interdependence varies between villages, lineages, clans and even households

In Fumbesi and Kanjaga, a number of variations exist in the pottery industry.

Although many factors combine to account for these variations, the differences in the social organization of these comrnunities appear to be the most significant. In Kanjaga where the emphasis is on the village as the focus of corporate identity and organizational framework, there is more uniforrnity in style among potters. In contrast, this corporate identity is restricted to individual househoIds and clans in Fumbesi. Arnong the many factors that account for this difference is the cohesiveness in social ties in the two settlernents which has already been discussed under the section on comparative decorations. In Kanjaga, even when women who have acquired the skiIls of potting fiom elsewhere marry into the village, the strong social ties in this settlernent usually force the new entrants to conform to the traditional standards. This usually takes the form of social pressures fiom the older potters. Older potters wili nomally tell the new potters that "in this village, this is the way we do things" and in most cases, they insist that the new entrants produce pots that conform to the traditional Kanjaga style. A potter who learned how to make pots in Fumbesi but is now rnarried and living in Kanjaga justifies her willingness to conform to Kanjaga's way of making pots in the following proverb: fi dan cheng jigi are ba ji gnoada, se fi ma ji, which means "if you go to a town and they are using the gnoadi (perforated pot for smoking) to carry water, you should also do the sarne." When the mothers-laws were asked what would happened if their daughters-in- law refuse to make pots in the "Kanjaga way," one of the mothers also replied in a proverb that " samoaning kpeesa nyiini akan Sung chaaba which means "big pots of the size cannot be stacked on top of each other." Bulsa women arrange pots in their rooms for decoration or use in a certain order (Figure 4.10). The largest pots are first put on the ground, and the others are then put on top according to sizes from the largest to the mallest. The implication of the proverb is that people of equai ambitions or influence cannot live together or cooperate. Since the mothers-in-law have been in the village longer and know more than their daughters in-law, new potters in the village must listen to them if they want to be successful since the craft is a CO-operativebusiness. Wornen who refuse to listen to the older potters will either quit the crafl or leave the village, since there cannot be two masters in the sarne house. Despite the pressure to conform, individual differences are tolerated as long as they are not too great to alter the traditional standards. The archaeological implication is that al1 things being equai, an excavation in

Fumbesi will reveal more individual variation of pots than in Kanjaga.

There are minor stylistic variations in the actual production techniques. Potters in both areas generaliy use the "pinch-coil" method in which a potter starts a vesse1 fiom a lump of clay and builds it up with coils. Although potters in both settlements are aware of other metliods such as the mold method, no potter was found using it in Kanjaga. They daim that such methods were never used in the past, and they see no technicai advantage in using methods fiom other areas. However, two potters of Kussasi origin manied into

Fumbesi were observed using both the convex mold (Figure 4.3) and the traditional

BuIsa rnethods of forming. Unlike the Kussasi potters mamied in Fumbesi, potters fiom other ethnic groups married to men into Kanjaga produce their vessels using typical

Kanjaga style. In Kanjaga, vessel decoration and shape is quite uniform, varying only slightly arnong potters within the same type of pots and between the various classes of pots. The relatively slight difference in decoration within the same vessel types and between different vessel classes results largely from the pressure in this society to conform to existing standards. As long as a decorative style and shape innovated by an individual potter does not greatly deviate from the traditional order, it is acceptable and encouraged.

However, the line between what is regarded as confoming to the existing order and what is not is cornplicated and dificult to measure. Because potting is a non-mechanical process there are bound to be differences in decoration and shape as reflected in the differences in decorative style within the sarne type of vessel by the sarne potter.

Decorations on and shapes of pots in Fumbesi Vary tremendousiy arnong potters, within the one type, and between the different classes of vessels. The exception to this variation is ritual vessels which are functionally-specific. Although a relatively "loose society" in tems of social cohesiveness, Fumbesi potters foilow rigid rules with regards to the production of ritual pots. Tt appears that a buyer will question and rnay not buy a ritual pot that deviates drastically from what is traditionally accepted. Large variations in decorations exist arnong non-ritual pots because there are no rigid rules to enforce confonnity. Cornpetition in the market also makes the individual potter in this society to innovate in order to capture more buyers.

Variation in shape and decoration are also influenced by the function of the vessel. Some pots are shaped and decorated in a particu1a.r way for either functional or symbolic reasons. The shape or decorations on ritual pots such as the ma-bage serve as a signal to the buyer or user of the intended purpose of the vessel. The question as to whether most vessels camy messages and to whom these messages are being directed was shown to be problematic by Sterner's (1 989) studies in Cameroon.

Some styles may end up in Bulsa pots through a deliberate imposition of stylistic information ont0 the vessel as a result of a traditional way of designing and manufactunng vessels shared by members of a sociai group (Sacken 1985; 1990). Some styles presented on vessels are "information specific" and convey specific information to rnernbers of the cornmunity about its uses. Pots such as the ma-bage, pook, smoking pot and the fowl trough carry " function-specific information" about their primary uses.

However, the symbolic message contained in some pots, especially ritual vessels, is rarely made explicit or even understood by most mernbers of the cornmunity or the potter herself. Regarding ritual pots most Bulsa wiil not go beyond staternents such as

"this vessel is ma-bage or pook and it is used for fbnerals or sacrifices."

The archaeologist encounters an enormous task when it cornes to the interpretation of multi-purpose vessels in the archaeological record. In Bulsa typology the stylistic differences between storage pots and large and medium size cooking pots are srnall. These vessels are oniy differentiated by the food prepared in or their task.

The multi-purpose fbnctions of these vessels coupied with the minute stylistic difference between these various categories poses a problem in archaeological classification. This is an area where ethnoarchaeology can provide the necessary clues frorn the living context.

The complex nature of style in Bulsa pottery requires that the totality of factors that influence style be considered in context before any tentative conclusions cari be made on the topic. This is what Carr and Neizel (1995) describe as the choice of stylistic attributes being drawn fiom a larger, socially constrained pool of attributes that is the product of historical and contextual factors. AIso Van der Leeuw (1 99 1) argues that it is only through expioring al1 the choices open to a particular potter and the factors that determine these choices that styie could be understood in context. Sackett's (1990:33-43) mode1 of Isochrestic Variation similarly States that the individual choice is guided by historical and social forces acting upon the individual and because these factors are unique to each culture, choices among cultures will Vary, resulting in styiistic difference.

Generally. stylistic variation in Bulsa pottery technoIo= is influenced by a nurnber of factors which include: the degree of interaction among potters, differences in the learning process, residential structure. kinship relations, marriage residential pattern, society's attitude towards conforrnity, the age and skilIs of the potter, and the load of other competing activities. AI1 of these are relevant when analyzing stylistic variation in

Bulsa pottery.

4.7 Technical knowledge and the supernatural

Potters have in-depth practicai knowledge about the crucial factors that influence the production of pots: chemistry of cIay. weather, tree species. firing techniques and market demand conditions. This knowledge is handed down frorn one generation to the other in the form of oral traditions and by watching and practicing. Potters recùgnize technicd problerns such as bad weather and clay which can make pots crack or break during drying and firing. However, such failures are often attributed to spintual forces or agencies, or what one may term "the spintual hand in Afncan traditionai technology." Technical problems are therefore rectified not merely by practical review of the technicd sequences in production but by making sacrifices to various deities. Failures in potting generaily reinforce the ritual and reiigious aspect of the pottery crafi.

4.8 Bulsa pottery technology compared with her neighbors

Comparative studies of the pottery industries of the Kassenas, Kussasi and the Grunni speaking people (Frafras, Nankani and Nabdem) were conducted. Three weeks were spent investigating the similarities and differences in pottery technology between potters in these societies and Bulsaland.

Kussasi potfers

The Kussasi area appears to have the largest concentration of potters in the Upper

East. The settlement of Tinsungu was selected for the comparative study. Tinsungu is a scattered village of about 50-60 compounds located north of Bawku Senior Secondary

Technical school within walking distance fiom Bawku town on the Mogonori road. This viliage is a weil-known potting village. There is at lest one potter in every compound.

Ten cornpounds were visited and in each of them there was at least one potier, although there was no work going on in six of thern. This was probably because it was a f&g season and most potters were busy with the fmwork.

Organization of the pottery industry is similar to the Buisas. Abupoaka fiom

Asumda's compound is one of the most well known potiers in the village. Abupoaka is between 65-70 years and has reduced mobility. She Iearnt potting fiom her mother in-law who is now dead. Abupoaka is no longer a fully active potter. She spends most of her tirne watching her grand children and giving expert advice to the young potters in her

compound. She now specializes in the production of smail and ritual pots. She has four

daughters who are al1 rnarried and potting in a village about 5-1 O kilometers away.

During my visit she was teaching her daughters-in-law and other women in the house.

She said she does not consciously teach these women but any of them interested in the

trade help her and through that they lem. Abupoaka claims that most girls leave home

for marriage between the age of 13-15. If their mothers were potters and they were

interested they would have the opportunity to leam the trade before leaving their paternal

homes. On the other hand, if their mothers are not potters but their husbands' mothers

are, girls will Iearn fiorn their mothers-in-law, asswning they have the interest.

In Tinzungu, two foming techniques are used concurrently by potters: "pinch-

coiled" and moId techniques. The convex mold method appears to be unique to the

Kussasi (Figure 4.3). With the mold technique, after the clay has been kneaded on a

patch of grog in the courtyard, it is rolled into a convenient size bal1 between the hands

and then patted it into a rough disc with the floor beater. The potter then places the disc

on top of an old pot of a slightly smailer size and molds it to the shape of the base. The

disc is moIded on the base and about haif way up, the sides are beaten down with a flat

thick sherd, water is sprinkled on the sides and Merbeaten down, and findly rnolded to

shape on a curved sherd. Once rnolded, the quantity of bases are left to dry until the next

day if it is towards the evening or if it is morning they could be left to dry for a few hom

and then she will return in the afternoon to continue. When she resurnes work, several coils made between the hands are then used to build up the rest of the pot. The building

of the pot folIow the same procedure as the Bulsa potters. By estimation, a potter can make 5-10 of the small food serving pots a day but this number is obviously limited by

the available number of old pots (molds).

Decorations and burnishing on Kussasi pots are more elaborate and pronounced as

compared to Bulsa or Grunni pots (Figure 4.6). In addition to the usual grooves,

incisions and roulette patterns, appliqués and motifs, Kussasi potters paint their pots with

a variety of colours (white, black and red). The most comrnon decoration found on

Kussasi pots are concentric pattern and rouletting fiom the mid-body to the mouth of the

pot (Figure 4.5). The concentric patterns are filled with alternating black, white and red

paintings (Figure 4.6). Unfortunately, it was not feasible to collect information on the

ritual aspects of the crafts and the meaning to the decorative patterns since 1 was not a

Kussasi and 1have not lived in the area long enough to gain the confidence of inf'ormants.

Firing intervals depend on the number of women working. For example, if ody one woman is working, she alone wiII have to make enough pots to fil1 the firing enclosure-like firing enclosure. This takes 2-4 weeks depending on the season. In

Asumda's compound, about five women work and fire their pots together every week or tcn days. One firing observed at Asumda's compound contained about one dozen large water storage pots and beer brewing jars, 20-25 medium and srnall size cooking pots, a similar nurnber of food serving bowls and beer-measures, and 1-2 dawadawa or smoking sieves. The smoking or dawadawa sieves are usually made by request or commission.

Potters agreed that there must be at least 60 pots in each firing. On the day of firing, the pots are taken out from the storage room and put in the sun to heat up during the day.

The firing ground is a group of mrrd-built firing enclosures about 200-400 rneters away fiom the compound (Figure 4.7). in Asumda's compound, there were three: a large one in disrepair, a medium sized one in use and a small one. The large firing enclosure is

a circular mud wall about 107cm high and 185crn in diarneter built by the men in exactly

the sarne way as the living quarters. The women plaster and repair the firing enclosures

when they are cracked. They were decorated with exactly the same designs as found on

the living huts or on the pots. The main difference between firing encIosures and living

rooms is that the former has neither doors nor any roof for protection against the rains.

As a result they normally last only one or two years. Sometimes they cmble in the rainy

season, and at other times they are useful for over two years depending on repairs and the

pattern of rains during particutar years. Each compound has its own firing enclosure.

The small sized fixing enclosure is about 77cm high and I22cm in diameter and is

used when a woman wants to fire a few pots quickly. At the base of the walls of the

firing enclosure wall are semi-circuIar holes about 32cm across and 23cm high. Inside

the firing enclosures there are chocking stones and conical pottery stands made by the

potters. During firing, the Large pots are placed on the chocking stones or conical stands

with their mouths upwards. The smdl vessels are then placed on top of the big pots also with their muuths upwards. This mangement is to ensure free draught and heat dl around the pots. When the pile is completed, it is covered and sealed with old pot sherds of which a large pile is found near each group of firing enclosures. The whole pile ready to be lighted is generally just a few centimeters above the heiglit of the firing enclosure.

After the fire is lighted the women will bring bunches of srnoutdering grasses and poke them through the holes at the base of the firing encIosure. They keep on feeding more and more grasses into the firing enctosure through the circular holes at the base for about one to one and half hours. No wood is used. In view of the scarcity of fielwood in the Bawku area, this is not surprising. The firing is usually finished before dusk and the

firing enclosure is left to cool over night. The pots are taken out by hand the next

morning. Pots on which dye has not been applied still look red. Pots are usually taken to

Bawku and some of the neighboring markets, and some are sold in the houses.

A variety of pots similar to the Bulsas are also found among the Kussasi. The

popular and cornmon wares include: plain buff, decorated and undecorated water fetching

pots, water and beer storage pots, wash bowls, large shallow open bowls, chicken trough

with holes at the neck, dawadawa sieves. food bowls orange-buff that are colour with

grooved lines filled with black, and cooling pots with lids. A few miniature unslipped,

reddish pots, crudely fashioned, were also produced. These were toys for children. The

majority of Kussasi pots are shiny, red-slipped with decorations arranged in a concentric patterns around the mid-portion often filled in black and white paint. The red, black and white clays corne fiom another farnous potters' settlement, Bok-Sapellinga, about 13 kilometers north West of Bawku. The Sapeliga women mine the various coloured clays and sel1 them in the Bawku market.

Other farnous potting communities in Bawku include: Pusiga. 16 kilometers east of Bawku, Sarbugu 5 kilometers in the south east, Barebare 10 kilometers to the north, and Tempelin. Zeuse, Gumbo and Kpaluk al1 within five kilometers radius of Bawku town. Al1 of these potting villages are Kussasi Settlements. Bawku Central itself is predominantly Marnprusi. The Mamprusi do not make pots, they buy their vessels fiom the Kussasi.

Based on firing and decoration, pottery production in Bawku cm be divided into two zones. The first zone is western group which covers the area between the Red and White Volta, and include Zebella with sub-groups in Binaba, Kusinaba and Zangbori, ai1 predominantly Kussasi settlements. The second zone is the large eastern group which lies between the White Volta and Biakuri (the Togo border) and has a mixture of different ethnic groups. The most diagnostic features distinguishing between the two groups are the methods of decoration and firing. In the west, firing is done in open pits and in the east firing enclosures are used. The difference in methods of firing has archaeological implications in terms of tracing the sources of pots or trade contacts. Pots fired in firing enclosures in the east appear to have been fired at higher temperatures as compared to the open bonfire method used by the rest of the ethnic groups in the Upper East region.

Decorations, especially on finer wares are more elaborate in the east than in the west.

Grunni speaking groups

Organization and techniques of production are almost the same as the Bulsas, with the addition of grog prepared frorn sherds among some of the Grunni speakers. Unlike the Bulsas, al1 of the clay is pounded and sieved before use. This results in the production of pots fiom a finer cIay. The Grunni potters, in addition to the usual pots, make a wide variety of funerary pots not found arnong the BuIsas or Kussasi. The most popular wares of the Grunni speakers indude the groundnut storage pot also used for water, brewing and storage, sectional vegetable grinders, large Iiemispherical bowls for processing shea butter, open food sewing bowIs and fiuierq pots. Like the Kussasi, red, white and black colours are used on pots. The red, white and black clays are mined within the Bolgatanga district. Decorations are similar to the Kussasi except arcs, zigzags and concentric lines with band of roulette are put below the rims of most pots. Unique to the Gmispeakers, are the grooved impressions made with the finger tips or other pointed instrument to form bands of lattice, diarnond vertical zigzags and magnificent animai motifs typically the crocodile on most vessels. Although investigations arnong Kussasi and Gninni speakers were prelirninary, there appear to be greater similarities in techniques and organizations of the crafi between the Grunni speakers and the Bulsas than between the Kussasi and the

Bulsa.

Distinction between pots made by various ethnic groups, which may have wider archaeoIogica1 implication. is the type of clay used. Clay appears to Vary in texture, structure and quality fiom one ethnic group to the other. Analysis of the variation in cIay

(type, texture, composition and paste) will be usehl in making distinctions between pots coming fiorn the various ethnic groups. Unfortunately, this was not investigated as there was no laboratory facilities that could used for this purpose.

The differences in forming pots between the Kussasi and the rest of the ethnic groups are equally important in tracing the ox-igins of pots. Patterns of breakage on

Kussasi pots are different fiom pots produced by the coi1 method. In Kussasiland, it was obsewed that most pots, especially the large vessels, break from the point where the mold portion ends and the coils begin.

4.9 Trade and distribution of Pottery Products

Pots are produced for both local consumption and for intra-regional trade. Potters travel to sel1 their wares in the nearby local markets (Figure 4.9). Priddy (1974) and

Garrard (1986)) suggested that long distance trade in pottery could be traced back to the time of the caravan trade. At the Fumbesi market, trucks were seen loaded with ail types of pots waiting to be exported to areas outside the BuIsa district (Bolgatanga, Navrongo,

Tamale and beyond). Pnddy (1 974:49-50) reports that Bulsa pots were seen with retailers in the markets of Walewale, Langbinsi, Kunkwa and Tamale, about 1OOkrns from their point of ongin. The distribution network has irnproved greatly over the last few decades because of more vehicles and accessible roads. Bulsa pots were seen in Bulsa houes in cities such as Accra and Kumasi. GeneralIy. pottery products in the Upper East appear to have a wide distribution.

Inter-intra village trade in pots is well-developed in the Upper East. Medium distance trade (outside the immediate vilIage areas) is also well-developed. Between

Pusiga and Widana, fine large storage pots pass to the east and food bowls and cooking pots to the west. Pots fiom Fumbesi and Kanjaga pass to northern BuIsa and to

Mamprusi settlements fbrther south. Zn the eastern portion of the Upper East pots pass south to fil1 the vacuum dong the Garnbaga scarp. From Bawku, Gam and the surrounding settlements. Marnprusi retailers buy pots and retail them along the scarp at

Nakpanduri. Langbesi, Garnbaga Nakrigu and Curther sourh. In another direction. Bulsa and Grunni wares are bought and retailed in Wdewale. Langbesi. and places further south.

1.10 Pots from systemic to archaeological context

Pots go through different stages and take different routes into the archaeological record. The jomey which pots make from the systemic to the archaeological context has long been recognized as an area where ethnoarchaeology has the potential to contribute to our understanding of the archaeological record. However there is a problem of applying most ethnoarchaeological studies of cerarnics successfùlly to archaeology. As Tani

(1 994) points out, archaeologists and ethnoarchaeologists often ask different questions, and they work in different 'bon-behavioral units." WEle the archaeologist works more with sherds, rather than whole pots, most ethnoarchaeological work focuses on whole pots. To make ethnoarchaeological studies relevant to archaeologists, issues of assemblage formation, including occupational span, cerarnic use life, and disposai practices have received greater attention over the last few years (David 1972; DeBoer and

Lathrap 1979; Longacre 1 985; MiIls 1989; Nelson 1985; Deal 1985;). Understanding issues of assemblage formation and addressing these issues is crucial to archaeologicd interpretation.

Pottery Conszimption and Disposai patterns

In a bid to understand how vessels make their way fiom systemic to archaeologica1 contexts, a survey was conducted on Bulsa compounds (Tables 4.1, 4.2,

4.3 and 4.4). Five compounds in Sandema, three compounds in Kanjaga and tsvo compounds in Fumbesi were examined. Inventory was taken of vessel assembiages in each household within these compounds. This swey compiled information on how different vessels are used, who use them and how they end up in the archaeologicd record. Issues covered in the survey include: a. Number of people in each household b. Emic classification of vessels (local names and functions of vessel) c. Approximate age of each pot

d. History and nature of vesse1 darnage

e. Secondary functions to which vesseIs are put when no longer usefùl

f. At what stage darnaged vessels are discarded and where they are discarded.

Depending on the nature of damage, size and primary function of a pot, Bulsa pots go through a number of intermediary functions before they are discarded (Table 4.2).

Some of these secondary functions as observed are more likeIy to leave traces on sherds than the primary fiinction. The use of broken pots and sherds to burn or boil incense, herbs and other concoctions have the capacity to leave traces or stains on sherds.

The unit for pottery consumption in Bulsa society is the household. A household comprises a husband, his wife or wives, children, aged parents and a varying number of relatives including unrnanied brothers, sisters, uncles and aunts. AIthough men use pots for a number of purposes such as storage, trapping of termites (Cubiterme sp), as spittoons and for rituals, these are purchased by their wives or any other fernale relatives.

Pots are strictly the property of women according to traditiond des. When men need pots for certain purposes, it is the wornan who goes to make the purchase. Buying of pottery products by men is considered as abnormal.

The data from the study on îhe ten compounds shows that only a few men keep pots in their private living rooms (Table 4.4). Men who were found to keep pots were mostly compound heads. Types of pots kept by this category of people are ritual and religious pots, one or two storage pots, damaged soup serving bowls for keeping colanuts, similar pots with ash used as a spittoon, and rarely charnber pots for very old men. Depending on the size and nature of darnage, a pot may be converted into other uses such as grain storage, garbage container, fowl trough and put on roofs before finally being discarded (Figure 4.12 and 4.14). At times, sherds of broken pots are stored and

üsed to starnp the floor of roorns and the courtyard. The list of uses in which damaged pots are put into is infinite. The example given provides an idea of the varied uses to which damaged or broken pots cm be put. Most sherds and other dirt from the courtyards are first discarded in the cattleyard or directly on the garbage dump some few rneters way from the entrance of the compound. Frorn the cattleyard and garbage dump the dirt is collected and distributed in the fieIds. However rny stay in the field was not long enough to allow me to monitor the various transformation processes that a pot goes through before ending up in the soil. The survey on the ten compounds was only intended to give a rough idea of how pots are used and discarded.

The study of household cerarnic assemblages including pot types used by each sex, age group, where pots are stored, their functions, and how they are discarded cari provide dues about the past lifestyle of an excavated compound (Tables 4.1,4.2,4.3 and

4.4). However, the success of the arcliaeologist in using sherds to determine past iife patterns, is influenced by the circurnstances under which the site was abandoned. When a site is voluntarily abandoned, inhabitants are likely to carry most of the valuable property with them. On the other hand, if an abandonment was involuntary, occupants will have littIe time to rernove their property (Schiffer 1976).

Most abnomai (involuntary) abandonrnents in Bulsaland occur in the rainy season and often at night. As such it is possible to find a good number of sherds of food serving pots in living roorns from an excavated abandoned compound. Some abnorrnal abandonments such as those caused by lightening or a Storm are considered a bad omen in

Bulsa society. Sorne clans forbid going back to the site to recover items. Although with some sudden abandonments occupants may return later to recover lost items, only a few vessels in practice will be recovered as most of them will certainly be damaged. Some classes of vessels such as rituai pots, troughs and other assorted pots, even when not badly darnaged, will be lefi behind (Stemer 1989). Under normal voluntary abandonment al1 useful items including pots will be carried to the new settlement.

Bulsas do not generally discard broken pots within the courtyard, but rather in the kraal and garbage dump. The rubbish dump and kraal are dug up annually and the soil distributed into the fields. This also implies that little information cari be obtained fiom normal abandoned compounds excavated in Bulsaland. The best places that give balanced information about former occupants under both voluntary and involuntary abandonment is the dugout (pit) formed during the collection of soil for the building of the compound. In Bulsaiand, this pit is refilled with al1 the waste including sherds from the compound and is less disturbed.

The consumption rate and life span of pots is closely linked in Bulsa. The consumption rate, the frequency of pot use, the general uses of the pot and size of the household are important factors that influence the life span of pots. The consurnption rate of pots is broadly infiuenced by the size and composition of the household, socio- economic conditions, and food preparation techniques. Large households were found to possess more food serving bowls, ritual pots, storage and water pots and large food preparation pots as cornpared to smaller households. In larger households, annual replacement rates of pots are higher as more pots break in larger household than in small households.

A number of factors were identified as being responsible for the high breakage of pots in large households. There are more activities that can cause breakage in larger households. In larger households, there is dso a higher probability of family members accidentally stumbling over and breaking pots. Large households use large pots for food preparation and water storage. The distance between the water source and the cornpound and the fiequency of trips to collect water is another factor responsible for the short life span of pots especially large pots in large households. Similar conclusions were reached by Tani (1 994).)

David and Hennig (1972:20) point out that "the proportional frequency of a types in an assemblage is a function not only of its fiequency relative to others at any given moment, but also of its life span and of the duration of the level in which the assemblage is found." Archaeologists might use this type of information to make informed conclusions about household size and relative occupation span when deaIing with the archaeology of Bulsaland and many of the societies in the Upper East. However? when making conclusions based on these observations researchers must make a number of assumptions including the nature of abandonment of compounds, whether normal or abnormal, wherc discarded pots go (disposa1 practices) and the role played by modem enamel containers. There is a general trend in Bulsa society over the last few years to replace some utilitarian native pots, especially bowls, food preparation, storage and water carrying pots, oil larnps and Wng pans with irnported substitutes. Disposa1 practices in BulsaIand were not scientifically monitored due to the short time spent in the field. However, general observations suggest that a Iow proportion of discarded pots remain within the compound (courtyard). As mentioned earlier, a greater percentage of broken pots are either thrown into the garbage dump, into the kraal, or into the dugout. Most fields within the imrnediate vicinity of compounds are with scattered sherds scattered by either present or previous occupants. This means that disposd practices do not ailow the accumulation of sherds within a compound. A reIiab1e source for observing cu1tural process and change is the excavated pits created by digging to obtain soi1 for building the compound. Unlike the garbage dump and the kraal this is not mined for manure and as such is more likely to provide information on the cultural practices of the former occupants of a compound.

4.1 1 Archaeological implications

Apart fiom the insight gained into the relationship between technology and system of thought, the most generally applicable contribution of ethnoarchaeo togy of pottery technology of the Bulsas is in the domain of assemblage formation. The study exarnined how vessels in Bulsaland are manufactured. used. stored, broken or damaged, lost, discarded, and subsequently moved around by activities such as collecting of manure from the cattleyard and garbage dump or left in the fields and bushes after the termite trapping season. In addition, issues of ceramic use-life and vesse1 frequencies, including consideration of differential vesse1 breakage rates and stockpiling have been addressed. It must be stressed that the data was collected fiom both forma1 interviews and personal observations. The short field season did not allow for the monitoring of the full range of actual practice. For ethnoarchaeotogy to contribute to our understanding of assemblage formations, a long stay in the field is important because it will enable ethnoarchaeologists to closeiy monitor cultural transformation processes against information obtained fiom intewiews.

A nurnber of relevant studies have examined assemblage formation (David 1972,

Longacre 1985; Mills 1989;). Although these studies have contributed considerably to our knowledge in the area of assemblage formation and many other areas of ceramic production, many critical questions with regards to the systerns of thought behind the production and use of pots remain Iargely unexpioyed. My own experience in the field, as a member of the society that 1 studied has shown that data obtained fiom forma1 interviews on cultural practices and lirnited observations without long term monitoring of actual practices only illustrate ideal situations. This is the main reason wby this study will not use statistical data obtained fiom interviews and observations to generate broad models or conclusions about the pottery industry in Bulsaland. In addition, a comparative study of the cnfi among thc Bulsas' neighbors sliows that the craft is complicated and contingent on a number of interrelated factors that mut be accounted for before observation made on one pottery-using and producing community are applied to an archaeologicai context. Notwithstanding these problems, with knowledge of assemblage formation as a means of understanding taphonomy and sources of anaiogy, ethnoarchaeologists cmtranslate their findings into inferences about ceramic production, distribution, consumption and disposai. This wilI involve not only selecting research questions of interest to more archaeologists (for example, focusing on sherds rather than whoIe pots), but also discussing more explicit factors necessary to consider when evaluating the ethnoarchaeologicai subject as anaiog for prehistoric situations. insights derived from ethnoarchaeology translate inferences about cerarnic production and consurnption in the past through bndging arguments. Linking the ethnoarchaeological observations to the archaeological contexts and questions depend greatly on an in-depth knowiedge of how pots make their way fiom systemic to archaeologicaI contexts and the associated system of though of their makers and users. CHAPTER 5: THE WORK OF SMELTERS AND SMITHS

5.1 Introduction

One of the major landmarks in the history and evolution of African societies is the discovery of iron working technology. The technology brought with it profound structurai changes in al1 spheres of the socio-economic, political and cultural Iife of

African societies (Clark 1970; Oliver and Fagan 1975). The efficient and effective exploitation of the environment (Pole 1982), development of commerce and state formation (Goody 1971) are closely linked to iron working technology. The far reaching revolutionary effectç of this technology on Afncan societies over the last 2000 years have become a major field of research especially since 1960.

Prior to the 1980s. most studies on Afican iron working were characterized by detailed technicd descriptions of the technoloa (Pole 1975; Cline 1937; Tylecote 1975).

Another major issue that dominated iron working studies at the tirne was the question of the dating and the origins of the technology, independent invention within the African continent versus diffusion from outside the continent (Mauny 1952. 1970; Phillipson

1985; Shaw 1969; Andah 1979; Fage 1970; Kense 1983. Keteku 1975). Although these earlier studies contributed considerably to our knowledge of the technology, the socid, ideological and ideational aspects and the cultural matrix within which the technology was done were left out. With the advent of processualism in the 1970s and post- processualism in the 1980s traditional African iron working technology came to be seen in functionalist, systeniic and ideational terms (Rowland and Warnier 1996; van der

Merwe and Avery 1987; Herbert 1989)

This chapter examines the organization of iron working technoIogy focushg on the Bulsa district. 1 wiI1 describe the organization of iron working technology in generaI terms and that of smithing in particular. The srudy is drawn from ethnographie and ethnohistoric data, and f'm observations and inquiries among srniths, former smelters, local historiam. users of iron products and male elders.

5.2 Research methods

1 spent 16 days living at Wiaga-choak with Ajaarla and Anankanbil, who are both rnembers of the Apia cian and my maternal uncles. Ajaarla is about 50 years of age and works with two brothers and three sons. He Ieamt how to srnith from his father who died about twenty years ago. Anankanbil who is 78 years old, is a retired potice officer and works with two of his sons and a grand daughter. His granddaughter helps with some activities such as pumping the bellows and acts as a sales girl.

Anankanbil said his granddaughter goes to purchase the scrap iron from BoIgatanga and also distributes the manufactured products in the local markets at Furnbesi and

Sandema.

My stay with Ajaarla and AnankanbiI offered me the opportun@ to watch and participate in sorne of the rnanufacturing processes and to familiarize myself with the activities of the smith. Although outsiders are excIuded from participating in srnithing, as a son of one of their sisters, 1 was allowed to participate in some aspects of smithing such as purnping the bei~owsand the production of non-ritual objects. 1 was however not allowed to take part in or even watch some of the sacrifices relating to the crafi, or participate in the manufacturing of some ritual tools. Ajaarla suggested that if 1 want to become a smith or to participate in al1 activities of the industry 1 would have to go through some purification rites.

During my stay with Ajaarla, usually after work or when no smithing was done on a panicular day, 1 would go with him or any of the smiths from his compound to social occasions such as funerals, sacrifices or markets where iron products are sold.

On these occasions, Ajaarla was able to provide answers to some questions which he did not initially either feel cornfortable answering or could not give an immediate response under workshop conditions. Through these informal interpersonal relations 1 was able to correlate some of the information on uon technology to other aspects of

Bulsa life. The function of most tools and objects was obsewed in context during some of these social occasions.

Most of the information on the iron working technology was recorded on a cassette which 1 kept with me in my pocket especially because 1 realized that taking down notes during interviews sometirnes intirnidated, scared or distracted informants.

My stay at Ajaarla's house contributed tremendously to refining my field methods and strategies, By staying with the smiths and interacting with them daily, 1 learned not only what type of questions to ask but aIso when, how and to whom 1 should ask questions if 1 wanted honest answers. As a native there are also a lot of disadvanrages as 1 was expected to know

certain things by virtue of my position as a member of the society. Maintaining a

balance between my position as a researcher and as a member of the society was a bit

of problem. Some research questions can be regarded as rude and ignorant. This

meant that when asking relevant research questions 1 had to be careful not to offend rny

interviewee. At the sme tirne when informants detected that 1 was ignorant about

some topics, they attempted to mislead or feed me with al1 sorts of false stories. On the

other hand, if 1 was considered as "too nosy," they becarne suspicious especially

because 1 am an outsider of the smithing clan. Most maIe elders on my fust visit woufd

always remark that "although you are Our son, we can never trust the person with pen

and paper because most of them are thieves." The phrase "people with pens and

papers" refers to people who can read and write. Most of the male eiders are able to

substantiate their fears with examples in which "pen and paper peoplen (karichiebu)

misled or cheated them. It was usually after subsequent visits that such elders began to speak up. My field strategies were therefore flexible to allow me to deal with each peculiar problem in the field.

As already explained in chapter 3, a number of factors infiuenced the choice of

Bulsaland as the focus district for my study. Among the reasons for choosing BuIsa smiths for the study is the existence of both traditional and modern blacksmiths in the same area. One of the blacksmithing clans at Kalijiisa has been transformed into a modem workshop which now uses modem equipment for smithing. The existence of traditional and modem smithing in the same area provided comparative data to explore issues related to technological change and organization. As indicated earlier, at present there is little or no literanire on Bulsa iron working, an important part of the Bulsa cultural heritage, and 1 intended to rnake a contribution to this technology that plays such a significant role in the socio-cultural, ideological and econornic lives of the

Bulsas.

5.3 Iroa smelting

Archaeological evidence (Davies 1970), colonial officers' reports especially from the Geological Survey (GoId Coast Geological Survey 1931-32; 1936-37), and oral traditions from my fieId work attest that in the past iron smelting was widely practiced in many parts of what is the Upper East today. Pole's (1974) pioneering work on the smelting technology which remains the main source of docurnented information on the craft, States that the last smelt in the region was done in the early

1950s. He mentions Jefisi, Chiana, Garu and Tiza (in the Upper East), Jefisi and

Lawra (Upper West) among the last villages where smelting was practiced well into the second half of this century. Pole's work, atthough it paid very little attention to the ritual, symbolic and ideational aspects of the craft, provided considerable information on the organization and techniques of smelting. Garrard (1986) work among Frafra brass casters also made mention of smithing as an important craft in the Upper East

Region.

By the 1960s, the art of iron smelting had virtually died out in the Upper East.

The only evidence of the technology at the present cornes in the form of slag and furnace remains dotted over the Iandscape (Figure 5.1). Although smelting is no longer practiced anywhere in the region, the technology is preserved in the rninds of a rapidly diminishing nurnber of former smelters' family heads, local historia- and village elders. Like most traditional practices, the knowledge of iron working is passed down from one generation to the next. The knowledge of srneking is passed on in the form of stories about the past deeds of families or clan eIders, moraI lessons on taboos such as why smiths are forbidden from eating certain foods and performing certain acts, local gossip and at sacrifices to the anviI. Ofher medium through which traditional knowledge is passed down include proverbs, local histories, and even ordinary conversation arnong family members.

Smiths are proud to tell their sons about how the ancestors used to work iron. It is a comrnon practice in Bulsaland for the men to stay together outside the compounds in the evening waiting for the women to prepare the evening meal. At this tirne men will discuss various topics, including the behavior of the youth and misfortunes and their causes. Elders will sometime use proverbs and stories to teach the youth on various aspects of the Society including the smithing craft. A head smith will make a comment such as "if it was in the past a certain member of the farnily or clan could not smelt iron". He will then advance his reasons to talk about the rituals associated with the occupation and how such a person or clan has violated them. Sometimes young adults and chiIdren will ask questions about certain tools or materials such as the huge grinding Stones lying about at the entrance of the smith compounds or in the forges, the anvil, or the slag kept in the roof of most smiths forges. When questions such as these are asked by the youth, it creates an excellent opportunity for the elders to display their knowledge about the pas&and to teach the youth. After al], it is this special knowledge that earns elders their respected position in Society. The same story or Iesson may be repeated several times by an elder to his children and grand children. When the listeners ask questions which are sometimes beyond the knowledge of the old man, he usually replies with remarks such as "that is why 1 mentioned the rituais and taboos."

An elder will emphasize that the occupation is not just the making of tools; it is ritual activity. These lessons put emphasis on the ritual aspects, so much that even if the correct procedure is forgotten, the ritual aspects wiIl be remembered since violation of them carries serious consequences.

Although it is a comrnon practice for elders to pass on knowIedge, rnost information comes in the form of the statement "this is the way things are done or this has been the same in the past". Elders will Say it is a taboo to eat a particular animal and when an explanation is demanded by a youth, they rarely go beyond the reprimanding answer " if you do, you will die". The explanation for a particular taboo or ritual such as the rule against eating the cricket is explained in detail when adults are the ones present. This means that full explanations of taboos and rituals remain always unknown to the youth until they becorne adults or they have attained the status of elders. During my field work, when 1 asked questions and there were children present, elders would never go beyond the usual statement that it is a tradition and that violation of the tradition would mean death. The same elders when they were alone with other adults and myself would provide longer or fuller answers to the same questions usually in the form of myths, scories or proverb. The reasons for where and when to give fulI explanations for certain areas on the craft such as rituals was summed up in the word of one elder with a proverb; ba kan mobi wauri binbausa sunsunga, "we do not cut open a monitor lizard in the midst of children." Rituals and taboos are secrets of the clan and must not be revealed to children who are not mature enough to keep rituais secret as they can be uicked by outsiders or their mothers to reveal the secrets. Although, there is a general tendency to keep the explanafion of most ritual information secret from the youth, there is great emptiasis placed on teaching the youth the oral history of the family, clan and village. There is a common proverb in Buli which stresses the importance in sharing the knowledge in oral tradition with the youth, ba kan de komm a min biiga, literally translated: "They do not eat the history of the ancestors and refuse to share or tell it to chiIdren." The pr~verbmeans that when the oral histories of the area are discussed, children should be made to listen.

Sacrifice is another major channei through which knowledge is passed on to the next generation. Most mernbers of a compound are usually present at sacrifices. The compound head who rnakes sacrifices usually recites narratives of his family's genealogy and history. In sacrifices to deities such as the anvil, the history of how the family came to possess it and its associated taboos may also be recited. Similarly, at funerals, marriages, purification and naming ceremonies, rituals are mentioned at every stage. Al1 this information is picked up by the youth and put into practice. Through such recitations at sacrifices on the clan's ancestral founders' shrines and through oral histories fiom elders it was possibie to consuuct a genealogical history of the Wiak choak smithing clan (Figure 3.1). This information from Wiak-choak has been cross- checked and confirmed by oral histories from Fumbesi-Vayaasa where the Choak people clairn to have originated. It must be stressed that from my observations, the local people have an impressively sharp and retentive memory. Some of my field assistants or contact people who are illiterate were able to recollect detailed information

from previous interviews in which they were present. Some of their recollections were

even more detailed than 1 could rememkr without referring back to my field notes.

EIders suggest that it is important to pass on the knowledge of iron working to

their children and farnily members for a nurnber of reasons. Iron working in general is

a ritual and religious activity and like al1 rituaI activities it is important to pass on

knowIedge about the crafts to children. The anvil, the main focus of the craft is not

only one of the most powerful shrines in the smith community but also is associated

with traditional medicine and specialized knowkdge used in the treatment of many

illnesses. For this reason it is crucial for family elders to pass on knowledge on the craft to their children. The significance of the craft not only as an econornic but dso a

socioculturd and ideological activity which pIays a crucial role in the life of the

people, is well represented in the fact that non-practising smiths continue to make sacrifices to the anvil. Smithing as emphasized by Anankanbil, is a religious activity and like al1 religious knowledge it is passed down to a person's descendants whether that family still works iron or not. The significance of the craft as an important social and religious institution also explains why people who wimessed the smelting process as young boys and never practiced smelting over the last 70 years are able to give an account of how smelting was done in the past including its associated rituals. The mernories of elders who either smelted or witnessed the process in their youth contributed to the successful reenactment of African iron smelting in many parts of the continent after a 30-50 years hiatus (Childs and Schmidt 1985; David et al 1989; Pole

1974; Herbert and Goucher 1987; David and LeBléis 1988). A number of reasons, among which are the introduction of iron from Europe and the over exploitation of hard wood for fuels, have been put forward to account for the end of smelting (Pole 1982). It is not my intention to delve into this debate, however it is important to note that the introduction of European iron scrap and the subsequent integration of the Upper East into a broader trade network is, more than any other factor, responsible for the sudden end of smelting. Beck 1880 (in Garrard

1986530) States that during the period of the Caravan trade, cheaper bloom and iron products including hoes were irnported into Grunsiland by the Mossis. Oral testirnonies and histories (korurn'a) from male elders confmed the importation of iron products into the Upper East during the Caravan trade (Muksa gerindoaba "Mossi rraders ") and prior to the introduction of European scrap.

Most African traditional crafts face a similar predicament. Crafts such as weaving and smithing are on the decline because of competition from Western, Far

Eastern and even nationally produced factory products. Informants reacted to the decline of smelting by suggesting that the introduction of European iron scrap played a major role in the demise of smelting. The introduction of factory iron products (hoes, knives, and cutlasses) poses the sarne danger to the smithing occupation today.

Although the overexploitation of suitable tree species played a role in the end of smelting, this argument is itot cogent enough to account for such a sudden haIt to a technology that had such a tremendous impact on African societies. Even if the lack of

1°The Bulsa term korum is derived from ko meaning father. The term is used to mean what the ancestor (koba)did, thus deeds and practices of their ancestors. The term is generally used to refer to the oral traditions about the ancestors and the society. For example, Sandema tengka korum-toaga, means the history of Sandema. fuel is accepted as a factor responsible for the end of smelting in the Savannah regions of

Afnca such as the Upper East, it does not account for the dernise of the technology in the forest regions with their abundant supply of hard wood. The forest belt in Ghana where there is archaeological evidence of iron smelting, still contains enough hard wood to support smelting. Yet the technology died out even earlier in the forest areas than the savannah region of Ghana. This suggests that the end of smelting was earlier in the forest regions because they became integrated into the intemationai mercantile systern much earlier than the Savanna regions which rernained cut off fiom European contacts until the last quarter of the ninetieth century. The emphasis on ecologicai factors and the overexploitation of suitable trees species (Pole 1982) as reasons for the abrupt end of smelting is a neo-colonialistic argument which sees Africans as unchanging or incapable of responding positively to environmental stresses.

5.4 SmeEters

My information on smelting is mainly based on oral histories and recollections by former smelters and elders. Almost al1 the smiths' farnilies interviewed said that their ancestors were smelters and the eldest men in these families, who are above 70 years of age, either took part in or witnessed smelting in their youth.

Smelting was strictIy the occupation of men under the guidance of a chief smelter.

Entry into the srnelting occupation was restricted to members of the smithing clans. Al1 the smithing clans visited daim that their ancestors were both smelters and smiths at the same time. And aImost al1 the smiths compounds have pieces of slag to support the claim that their ancestors were smelters. Male elders of both smelting and non-smelting families attest that smelting is not merely an occupation, rather it is a ritual act involving a god and only clan members are naturally born with the imer knowledge associated with its ritual and religious ceremonies. The god (anvil) of smelting is considered a shrine

Wok)similar to that of the soothsayer and oniy rnembers are permitted to take part in activities associated with it. It is a common practice in Bulsaland for specialists such as hunters, musicians, weavers and other craftsmen to associate their occupation to some form of deity or patron god.

Members of former smelters' farnilies suggested that their ancestors first got the shrine through an extraordinary experience with some kind of supernaturd power.

Through this experience ail the instructions of the crafi were given. It is believed that even before a child is born, these instructions are passed on into his or her blood. With the birth of every child in the family the anvil, like any of the ancestral shrines must be informed and sometimes the anvil may ask that a particular child be dedicated to him.

The god of iron (anvil) is never directly ascribed a gender. During sacrifices, however, it is addressed as "father". During smelting when music is provided, the songs used to address an anvil contain references to both its male and feniale attributes. Elders explain that al1 powerful shrines, such as the anvil, are both male and femaie. However, 1 was not able to get elders to substantiate this particular statement.

Eldets attest that there ca.never be any successfui smelting without the ritual and religious aspects of the craft. Although these ritual ceremonies are learnt by members of the smelters' clan as they are born into the society, as indicated earlier, the germ of the occupation is said to be hereditary, it is supposed to be in the man's blood, and is passed down to the child at conception. This means that a child is initiated into the craft before

birth. As long as a child follows the taboos of the craft, especially dietary restrictions,

there is no need for an official initiation. However, sometimes a woman may take a child with her and rernarry into a non-smelting family or rernarry when pregnant. When such a child grows up and returns to his clan, he must be rituaIIy purified before he can srneit or smith, or participate in many of the ritual aspects of the crafi. It is believed that such a child might have been polluted (may have eaten food or performed acts that are forbidden by the god of smelting). The purification rites are performed by making some sacrifices and bathing the chiId with a concoction prepared from herbs and roots of unidentified plant species.

Smelting was an outdoor activity carried out in the bush or at a reasonable distance away from the compound in the fields. Maie elders explain that the dangerous nature of the craft makes it inappropriate to carry out smelting near or within the living habitation since any mistake could easily burn down the house. As an outdoor activity requiring full time concentration, smelting does not fit into the duties of women who are domestic managers and nursing rnothers. The sexuaI division of labour is generaliy defined by the Bulsa concept of male-female space. The outer space extends fiom the cattleyard (kraal) to the outside of the compound and is traditionally the domain of men's activities. Activities within the courtyard are performed by women. This means that activities in which a woman can participate effectively have to be stmctured in such a way that they fit into her domestic activities without any conflicts. Iron smelting, which certainly required long hours of constant work and fiIl attention, conflicted with domestic duties. Although most informants usually gave symboIic reasons for the exclusion of women from iron smelting, my observations suggest that the degree of fernale participation in smelting is at least in part influenced by how domestic duties are defined by Bulsa society.

Rituais and Taboos

A nurnber of elaborate ritual and religious ceremonies permeate the smelting process. The most serious restrictions relate to sexual relations and diet; but it is the rihial component of the crafi that gives the smelter or smith his unique position and that excludes other clans fiom practicing srnelting. The smelter's in-depth knowledge of the supernatural aspects of his craft and the vital services he provides to society earns him not only a respected position; he is also feared by the rest of society. The smelter is believed to be a master medicine man and healer of many illnesses. Smelters claim they are born with supernatural powers and no one can harrn them through medicine (iiim}.

Furthemore, the iron worker provides aII the ingredients a person needs to do hmto others. The ritual bangles, the hoe used to till the land for food, arrows for hunting and dmost al1 items a person needs to make medicine are products of the smith. As such, it is impossible to use the smelter's own products to hmhim. As remarked by some smiths,

"no person can hmus through medicine unIess we ourselves have done something wrong against the gods or ancestors".

Women were strictly forbidden from participating in the actual smelting process.

Notwithstanding, those who were not in their menstruation period, especially daughters of the house, could help in some aspects of smelting such as the transportation of charcoal from the bush to the smelting site. Women were, however, forbidden by traditionai mles to corne near the site of when a smelt was in progress, whether they were menstniating or not. Elders indicate that the taboo of excluding women was only strictly applied to women married into the clan and women still in their productive years. Daughters fiom the smelters farnilies who have passed the age of menopause were allowed to help and some indeed did participate. The rule to allow daughters to participate was based on the

Bulsa conception of women in cuitural rather than biological terms. A daughter, whether married or still living in her father's houe, is considered a member of the house and therefore treated as a "man" in cultural contexts. What this means is that they are treated in a similar way as the men in the house which is different from the treatrnent of wives.

Culture (nyiak nyeka %e way Bulsas do things or organize ttieir society") is used here to mean how Bulsa society is organized including traditions and belief systems. By Bulsa tradition, a daughter, whether rnamied or unmarried, stilI remains a member of her paternal family and as such in most cases she is given similar privileges to the men.

Since a daughter is considered a member of the house, when she dies in her family house, she is accorded fimerd rites similar to those of men, that is, she is buried inside rather than outside the cornpowid. At sorne important sacrifices, daughters who are present usually have a particular part of the sacrificial animals and birds to daim as their share, unlike wives who are not entitIed to a share. The importance attached to daughters is revealed in a number of ceremonial activities in Bulsa society. At funeral performances

(kuurn-ngomsika), it is a daughter of the clan (yeri-lie; yeri "for house" and lie,

"daughter") who performs the starting rituals. Other serious ritual activities, such as the dedication of a child to a shrine (biik-segrika), the announcement of the pregnancy of a woman @oi-nyutika) and the erection of the clan's ancestral shrines (wen seka), also require the service of a daughter. This means that most ritual duties that require the service of a woman are performed by daughters rather than \vives. Older daughters who have passed the age of menopause are even sornetirnes allowed to participate in discussions of important clan issues and sornetimes give advice behind the scenes. The permanent attachment of daughters to their paternal homes suggest that they cm be trusted in a way that wives, who are often regarded as strangers and outsiders, cannot.

The high trust placed in daughters, as opposed to wives, is clearly revealed in their involvement in rnost of the important ritual activities. The fact that daughters, unlike wives, are permanent members of their paternal clans and have the right to return there at any time means that they cari be tnisted with respect to clan secrets. Hence men do not entertain fears of the clan's secrets being leaked to outsiders. The exclusion of wornen, especially wives, From smeking was to make sure that the rituals of the occupation (trade secrets) were not leaked out. which would mean the smelters' social and economic position would be opened to chdlenge and competition by others

The distinction between daughters and wives suggests that. the exclusion of women from smelting was both functiond and syrnboiic. Functionally, the exclusion accords with the traditional division of labour: it rninimizes activity conflicts in terrns of the gender division of space (intenor and exterior). Women as nursing mothers and managers of dornestic activities would find it dificult if not impossible to devote their full attention to smelting when they have to take care of children, prepare family meals and take charge of other domestic duties. Smelting requires hl1 concentration. It takes a whole day or days to carry out a single smelt and this rnakes it expensive for women to participate fully. Related to the functionality, there are moral reasons for excluding women fiom smelting. Elders clah that in the pst women wore only leaves while mer: wore skins. During smelting al1 participants have to become naked at some point because of the heat and because clothmg can easiiy catch fire. It is considered morally indeceni for men and women to be naked and work together on a crucial craft such as smelting.

There is also a synbolic relationship between the transformation process in smelting and hurnan reproduction. Pregnant women are forbidden from seeing or helping other women in labour. As explained by elders, the chances of the effects of what may happen to a woman in labour to the woman still pregnant or in her productive age are great. Exposing pregnant women or women still in their productive years to women in labour increases the risk to women in the latter category. In order to minimize the risk in labour to pregnant or women in their productive years. it is normally the elderly women, who have passed the age of menopause who help women in labour or serve as traditional midwives. For similar reasons women in their productive years are not allowed to watch animals in labour. In the past. women in their productive years were forbidden to even hanrest unripe sheanut fniits because this creates delivery problems when the women become pregnant, psrhaps Izading them to sufler miscarriage.

Women. especially wives of smelters and daughters in their productive years were strictly forbidden fiom participating in smelting. Bulsas do not directly link the exclusion of women fiom smelting to any reproductive parallels between the technology and women. However, Bulsas conceive the smelting process as a fonn of procreation. This means that there is a risk of the dangers associated with smelting to women. The risk is minirnized by making sure that the reproduction in these two domains is not exposed to each other. The symbolic link between human reproduction and iron srnelting is also revealed

in the sirnilarity between the ritual and religious observances connected to a pregnant

woman and iron srnelier. A pregnant woman follows the same rules as srnelters (dietary

prohibition, avoidance of adultery or any other immoral acts, avoidance contact with

medicine people, sick people and corpses) to maintain purity, a prerequisite for safe

delivery.

Connections between iron production and human reproduction are aiso revealed

by the ambivalent nature of the haceand the smelting process as described by elders.

Although elders did not directly link the furnace or the smeiting process to a woman

about to give birth, the narnes used for various parts of the hace pipes (choak-yoari, youvi means "penis") as phailuses, bellows (choak-koala, koala "testicles") as testicles

and the vent through which slag passes out as an anus or vagina (biragvik or badiak, the

latter rarely used for moral reasons) suggest the Bulsa conceive of the furnace in human

metaphors. Unfortunately information collected on this aspect of smelting was

insufficient to dernonstrate the link between smelting and human reproduction.

Nevertheless, the similariiies in the attitude of smeiter towards srneking and human

reproduction in other areas of Bulsa cultural practices suggests that smeiting is more than

a mere transformation of material from one natural state to the other; it is a

transformation of materiais frorn a natural to a cultural state.

One last reason for the exclusion of women fiom the srneking process has to do with the concept of power and the place of woman der marriage. Rituais and religious matters in Bulsa society are mainly under the power of men. Maried women are considered as strangers who can leave their husbands any time either to return to their paternai homes or be remarried in another village. The position of the rnarried woman as

stranger who can divorce a man at any time makes it difficdt for the man to share his

ritual and religious secret with her. In Bulsa society a man's ex-wife's husband is an

enemy (dachiak, general term for enerny but aiso used for your ex-wife's husband) and by

tradition a man is forbidden to eat or dnnk water from his enemy's village or clan. If a

man discloses his secrets to a woman or his wife, he nins the nsk that she will Ieak them

out if there is divorce. There are a nurnber of stories in which women are cIaimed to have

stolen trade secrets from their ex-husbands and given these secrets to their new husbands

or members of their paternal homes afier divorce. Elders also mention that when a man

discloses his ntual secrets to his wife, she can easily use them to hmhim when she

wants to divorce him. The elders fear of involving women in smelting was surnmed up in

a Bulsa proverb " Ba kan de iiim ale nipowa" literally meaning, "they cannot eat

medicine with a woman." It means that a man should never tmst his wife with his rituais

and religious knowledge. Most Buisas possess medicine shrines either acquired or

inherited from their ancestors. In the process of acquiring a shrine, whether a person actually eats a material thing or not, the person is said to have gone to eat medicine

(nttruwa ga de tiim, "the man has gone to eat medicine"). There is a popular Bulsa story

(see Chapter 6)told by elders to young men who are fond of spending a lot of their time with their wives or mothers instead of their fellow men. In that story, reasons are given

for why a Bulsa man must not "eat medicine with his wife."

Elders assert that smelting was as dangerous as going to war or hunting. Since women give birth to life they were excluded from participating directly in war which involves the shedding of blood or destruction of life. Women are forbidden fiom killing animals or birds during sacrifices because blood is associated with life. When a woman's personal god or shrine requests livestock the woman will do the talking and the actual slaying of the livestock is done by her son, husband or any male relatives. The belief is that when a woman sheds blood, she is likely to become barren which is considered a curse. The association of blood with life is revealed in the way sacrifices are conducted.

When an animal or bird is to be sacrificed to shrine, it is the blood that is spilled on the object of worship. The blood represents the life and sou1 or spirit of the animal.

Like going to war, hunting, or embarking on any serious enterprise, sexual relations are forbidden to al1 men prior to and during the period of smelting. Similar rules including adultery, incest, menstruation, dietary restrictions or any act regarded as morally wrong or against social purity observed in daily life are extended to those participating in smelting.

The sexual and menstruation taboos used to exclude wornen fiom smelting, and the dietary restriction are linked to the concept of "dirt", to the constant dangers of reproduction, or the conception of blood as life. The idea of social dirt is part of a spbolic system of purity which orders the social structure of society. Any action by members of the society which threatens the social order or structure is "social dirt".

Bulsas believed that sexual relations are desirable and necessary as it is the only way through which children are obtained to ensure the continuity of the society. Further sexual relations are linked to the fertility of the land. However, sexual relations must be properly conducted if they are to promote fertility. An improperly conducted sexual act bring~disaster to the individual parties and also affects the weifare of the whole society and the fertility of the land. The effects of an improper sex act are negated or cancelled through purification rites which vary from one clan to another but essentiaily invoIve sacrifices and rimi bathing or cleansing.

Three concepts are closely linked in Bulsa society regarding sexual conduct: the purity of sexual relation itself, blood, and fire. It is a strong belief that when these three corne into close contact with each other incorrectly, it will result in infertility, illness or even death. Ajaarla and Anankarnbil asserted that since the main airn of sexual relations is reproduction, sexual acts must be approached with purity. During sex, parties becorne

"hot" and it would be against tradition to engage in sex prior to smelting which is also a reproductive act that produces "hotness". In the past, even after properly conducted sexual relations, parties must first have an ordinary bath before they cm approach any serious business such as; preparing the farnily meal, sacrificing to the ancestors or shrines, smelting iron, hunting and wu. These rules do not imply that sex itself is unclean. Mat it means is that properly conducted sex is a "holy enterprise" and should not be brought into contact with something that is counter to it such as hunting or war which involves the shedding of blood (life). Although iron smeIting does not involve shedding blood, the principle involved in iron transformation is similar to human reproduction: both activities produce hotness. It is therefore not appropriate to bt-ing the

"hotness in sex" into contact with the smelting fire which is hot. A person in a condition of "hotness" should not corne near or into contact with fire because that will pollute the fire and make it burn improperly. The belief is that food prepared fiom polluted fire causes illness or death especially among young children and pregnant women. Iron smelting is associated with "hotness" and that explains why sexual relations are strictly forbidden during srneking. Like srnelting, it is forbidden for people who have had sex to

corne near a wornan in labour until they have bathed.

On the other hand, blood is ambiguously associated with life and fertiIity and also

with infertility and coldness. "Coldness" is an ambivalent term with multiple rneanings

as shown in the example below.

The word yogsuk or yogsik is used to mean cold, cool or wet, but it couid also stand for peace or harmony. Yet in another context, the word means timid, fainthearted or coward. Here are a few examples to illustrate the ambivalent nature of the word;

a) Buntoni ta ka nying yogsik, "the toad has a cold or wet body"

b) Mi ta sui-yogsik, ,"I have a peacetùl heart"

c) Atachaabliwen ka bii yogsik, " Atachaabliwen is a timid or fnghtened

child

d) Wu ka nipok yogsik, "she is an unhealthy woman"

e) Wa kan ngobi !am yogsuk, "he or she does not eat wet or fiesh meat"

These many attributes of the word make it quite difficult to pin it down to a specific mcaning. Even Ajaarla rny key informant on the topic could not offer any clear or precise explanation for the term.

Like sexual relations, "coldness" also has the power to pollute fire. Menstniating women are in a state of coldness and unhealthy (see examples a to d) and they must stay out of the way of the gods or ancestors. Menstniating women are not allowed to prepare food for sacrifices to the anvil or any other deity. When sacrifices are made to the anvil, the blood is not shed directly on the anvil but on a medicine shrine (ribiik) erected on the side of the furnace, The menstruation taboo is not directly related to the concept of purity. Ajaari; explained that blood by nature is generally holy (welingsa) and sacred and is associatec with life and thus it must be accorded respect. In a way one may Say that menstruation i: blood that is out of place. Failure to give blood the necessary respect, is a form ol pollution. In addition to the syrnbolic ambiguities expressed by informants about the menstmai taboo, Abunlok surnrnarized the attitude of Bulsa society towards rnenstruai blood and blood in general in a proverb "Badunung kan pie rua akgi ku talim noi zaana an nala literally meaning "the ground hornbill (Bucomus abyssinicris) is not destructive to crops but its presence around or on a farm is ugly". What he implies is that menstnial blood and blood in general may not necessarily be dangerous. Morally and sociaiIy, it not a good thing for menstruating women to come into direct contact with the public.

Abunlok drew an analogy between menstrual blood and a wounded person walking around in a pool of blood: both are unacceptable. Ajaarla stressed that in the past when a person was wounded during the smelting process, he was quickly rushed out in order to avoid spilling blood on the site. A person wounded during the smelting process was always forbidden from participating in rest of the smelting process. Ajaarla suggested that it usually took three days before such a person was allowed to return to the site.

When an accident occurred and blood was shed, the soothsayer was normally consulted to find out the cause and the required sacrifices and purification rites were accordingly performed. Any spiiling of blood during a smelt was considered a serious waming to the smelters that some basic rules had been violated. The blood spilled was an indication that if measures were not taken to rectifi the problem, life would be lost. The reasons given for the prohibition of women fiom certain activities and physical spaces during their menses suggest that the restriction is part of a large constellation of ntud activities which serve an overall organizing purpose in Bulsa sociai life.

Sexual abstinence is one of the major prescriptions that has attracted the attention of researchers of traditional African iron smelting (Childs and Dewey 1996). Childs and

Dewey point out that married iron smelters followed the widespread taboo against sleeping with their regular wives during smelting. Arnong the reasom given by these authors is that the act of sex pnor to or during smelting is considered adultery against the fumace which is regarded as a wife of the smelter in symbolic terms. Although adultery is a grave offense in Bulsa society, the interpretation of the sex deas adultery against the hace was strongly refuted by male elders (Abunlok. Ajaaria and Anankanbil).

Adultery (kabongsa) is defined in Bulsa society as sexual intercourse between a manied or unmanied man and a woman who is or was mamïed to a member of the same clan or lineage. The practice of a man marrying more than one wife and subsequentIy engaging in sex with any of them is not adultery and thus poses no danger. The interpretation of the sex taboo during smelting by Childs and Dewey as aduhery against the fiace does not fit into the socio-cultural maû-ix of Bulsa society since the fumace is considered as but one of the wives of a smelter. "Sleeping with the fumace", like sleeping with any other of the srnelter's wives does not constitute adultery by BuIsa definition. ChiIds and

Deweys' studies were conducted in African societies where polygamy is acceptable. As such, one wonders whether their conclusions were not drawn out of cultural context, udess the societies studied by them defined adultery in different terms.

AI1 members of the smelting clan are forbidden from eating certain foods. Most of these dietary restrictions are centred on totem animals or birds. Al1 the former smelting clans in Bulsaland are forbidden from eating cncket and frog, a mle which when broken can lead to failure in smelting or accidents. Ajaarla told a story to iltustrate why members of Wiak-choakbiisa are forbidden fkom eating cricket. According to him. in the past, the founder of the smelting clan went into the bush to hunt and in the process fell il1 and died there. It is disgraceful for a BuIsa to die and be lefi to rot on the surface of the earth. Since there was no one around to bury this man, a cricket dug around him and spread the soi1 on him, literally giving him a burial. A search party was sent out to look for him. Three days later when the body was found, the search party realized what the cricket had done. The leader of the party then made a vow that fiorn that day al1 his descendants should never eat the cncket. This rule is known and strictly obeyed by al1 adult smiths. The cricket is a cornmon totem species among al1 smelters7 families in

Bulsaland and this suggests that the smith families share a cornmon origin. However it is difficuit to speak with certainty about common origin as some smelting families clairn that they have no kinship relationship with the others.

There are a series of rules or taboos related to the anvil. These include: one must not naik across or sit on the anvil since it iu considered a living being and it is against the rules to walk across or sit on a human being. When a person unknowingly walks across or sits on the anvil, sacrifices are made to appease it. Failure to make the necessary atoning offerings will result in unproductive srnelts or sickness wi11 fa11 on the offender or his relatives. Women, especially wives of the smelters, are strictly forbidden from coming near the anvil just as they are forbidden from sitting on male ancestral shrines.

Any person who sits on the anvil and refuses to perform the required rites is said to run the risk of becoming a leper. In fact the anvil (to be discussed later) is the critical elernent that holds al1 components of the craft together.

Fighting at the smelting site, in the forge or over the proceeds fiom smelting or smithing is an offense against the anvil and could lead to death of the parties involved or failure in production. When people fight over proceeds or in the workshop, sacrifices have to be made to the anvil. This rule is still strictIy observed by al1 the smiths in order to ensure a peacefbi working environnit-nt. It would be dangerous for a fight to break out arnong workers in the shop due to presence of potentially dangerous weapons (hammers,

Stone and other tools) in a workshop. Ajaarla remarked that in the past, any time a fight broke out in the shop, there was a real danger of someone being killed. The de regarding violence avoidance is not limited to only iron production. The success rate of any collective activity such as group hunting, communal fming and gathe~gdepends on cooperation and peace. During any coIlective activity, non-violence is always stressed. Bulsa believe that violence is the work of an enemy, evil spirit, or that it occurs because a member of the society has violated one of the cardinal mies against the gods.

Because of this belief, at the beginning of any collective activity the various gods of the clan are called upon to provide protection in order to ensure that a peaceful atrnosphere prevails. Also when there is a breach of peace, the head of the family or clan mut contact a soothsayer to find out what went wrong.

It also is a rule that if a member of the smelting or smithing clan dies, the shop should be closed for three days for the soul of the dead person to visit the shop. The sou1 of every smith or smelter is believed to be attached to the anvil and every departing soul must visit it to bid farewell. Similarly, when a woman is in labour, the shop is closed until she delivers, since the spirit of the child is connected to the anvil.

When the discourse of iron working is cat into the idiom of reproduction, rules and restrictions that applied to a pregnant woman with regards to violence are also observed in iron working. Pregnant women are forbidden fiom cngaging in any violence

(physicai and psychologicai) during the time of their pregnancy. Any woman who violates this rule may either suffer miscarriage or even die during labor. The application of the same rules on violence towards both human reproduction and iron production suggests that the Bulsa conceptualize the production of iron and human reproduction as metaphors.

Periodicai sacrifices to the anvil are among the most important rules observed by al1 smelters and smiths. The most commonly used animal for sacrifices by most smitiis in the Upper East, including the Bulsas, is the dog. The dog is preferred because of its vigilant or watchful qualities. Smiths and smelters usuaily sacrifice a dog to the god of iron at the begiming of every working season or on the request of the god through the soothsayer or diviner. The dog is used bÿ the god of iron to keep at bay enemies who may attempt to corne into the shop at night to plant any bad medicine.

5.5 Description of smelting process

This section deals with the technical background of smelting including the sources of raw matenal, building of the hace, the tools used and the description of the actual smelting process by elders. i) Raw materials Smelters in Bulsaiand like many other parts of the Upper East obtained their iron from latente. Pole (1974) identified this latente as containing an iron cornpound knom as haernatite. Samples of the Iaterite shown to me were smail shiny and purpiish polished nodules, abundant in many parts of the Upper East. These nodules were mined in the bush by the smelters and their male family members. Mining was done with a hoe and axe in the same way as clay. When the latente was wet, it was spread out in the sun outside the compound on a mat for a day or two to dry. Old slag was broken down and added to the laterite during smelting.

Charcoal was prepared in the bush from selected tree species and transported to the site by the smelter, his relatives and wives who were not in their menses. Normdly, it is hard wood that cm produce quality charcoal for smelting. The hard wood species identified include: the savannah mahogany (Khaya senegalensis). the shea nut tree

(Butyrospermum parkii), poga*' 1 (Prosopis afiicana), pusik* (Terminalia uvicennoides), ebony (Burkea africana) and zaung * (Combretum micranthum). Al1 of these tree species are still cornrnon in sorne parts of the Upper East. The preparation of the charcoaI for smelting was different fiom the preparation of charcoal used in domestic cooking. The major difference is that charcoat for srnelting was prepared from semi-dried logs while charcoal for domestic uses is prepared from dry logs. Smelters preferred charcoal from semi-dried logs because it burns more slowly and produces more heat than charcoal prepared fiom dned logs. It took between a week to ten days, excluding time spent to cut down the trees, to prepare charcoai for one smelt.

'Tree species that could not be identified with any English equivalent, thus Buli narnes are used. ii) Building of the Furnace

The building of the furnace is rnarkeù by a nurnber of sacrifices to the various deities (ancestors, anvil and the earth god) to solicit their help for a successful smelt. Ail men who have cornmitted any act that is capable of polluting the smelting activity were usually warned by the chief smelter to stay away from the site. According to AnankanbiI, the chief smelter would not hesitate to cail upon the gods to curse anyone with bad intentions towards the business at hand.

The description of fmaces given in Bulsaland is similar to Pole's (1974) description of the single type bellows driven hace used by the Kassenas in Chiana, nine kilometers from Bulsaland. The Bulsa furnace, as elders could recollect, was built with clay and soi1 prepared fiom termite rnounds. The furnaces as described by

Anankanbil (with which Ajaarla agrees) were about waist high and conical in shape, and widening at the base. The clay was mixed with dried elephant grasses chopped into pieces. The fumace and other parts such as the tuyeres and the pipes were built by the smelters themselves. The top of the furnace had an opening through which the iron ore, chxcoal and the broken picces of millet stalks were fed. Two other openings at the base were created: one towards the back where the clay tuyere was connected into the fmace.

The second opening made in the fiont of the furnace led into a depression on the ground some few centimeters away fiom the fmace where the slag outflowed. This second opening was usually cIosed until the head smith was sure the laterite was about to melt.

The tuyere was built at the same time as the fumace with the sarne materiais and allowed to dry for about 5-10 days. The bellow pipes were then fixed with one end

(nozzle) directed into the lower end (base) of the furnace via the tuyere. The other ends of the pipes were connected to the pot bellows. The edges around the comecting point between the pipes and pot bellows were then partly closed with clay and allowed to dry.

The comection was important because it ensured that the draft air released by purnping the bellows was directed straight into the furnace. However, a srnall gap between the end of the tuyere and the pipes was left unsealed for air to be drawn into the pots on the up stroke of the skin diaphragm (Figure 5.1 1). A goat or other animal skin was tied around the neck of the pots (bellows) in such a way that it had enough flexibility for the bellow blower to insert his hands into the slit that opened when he pulled up and closed when he pushed down. The altemating pulling and pushing of the bellows released a large draft of air into the fumace via the pipes and tuyere. The belIows were installed with a platform irnmediately behind them which served as a seat for the bellows' man. The set up for the smelting process described by informants is similar to the set-up used in smithing today, except that most smiths now use iron bellow pipes. The Bulsa have the same narne for a firebox and a furnace. Both are called chonk-dok "smithing or smelting room." The only difference 1 could get from informants is that the firebox used in smithing is smailer while the furnace is bigger in size.

Research in Chiana (Kassena) revealed a similar furnace type to that described by the Bulsas. The Bulsa district, and especially the settlernent of Kalijiisa, shares cornmon borders with Chiana. Most people of Kalijiisa are bilingual due to intermamages between the two groups. Oral traditions suggest that the Kalijiisa srnelting clan has some links with "Wieluk." Wieluk is a general tem used for Kassenaiand but it can aiso mean

Burkina Faso. This suggests that there may be some historicai links between the two settlements and that Bulsa traditionai iron smelting was perhaps influenced by the

Kassena area.

Smelting was hard work that required two to three weeks of preparations.

Smelting itself was started at dam and lasted until dusk. On the day of smelting. sacrifices were made to the various shrines (ancestors and the anvil) by the chief smelter.

Then charcoal was put into the sh& of the furnace followed by latente and broken pieces of guinea corn stalks. The purpose for adding the guinea stalks is unclear but L!is was probably done to help start the fire. When the fire was lit and the betlows were being worked handhls of charcoal and ore were occasionally added (Pole 1974:32-33). Pole

(ibid.) States that:

Everywhere but Chiana the additions of iron ore were interspersed with the addition of charcoal. It is made sure that whenever ore is put on top of the shaft, it is covered with smail amount of charcoai in order to reduce the surface exposed to the air.

The interspersing of ore and charcoal was reported by Pole (ibid.) as a mechanism to ensure that the laterite particles were well exposed to the carbon monoxide generated from the carbon in the charcoal. Lnformants were unable to quantifi the amount of charcoal and latente used in each smelt.

Although smelting was hard work. it was characterized by music, drumrning, and dancing. The music and songs used in smelting, although not drastically different from

Bulsa ordinary music, were special and similar to those sung at funerals. The songs were mainly those that extol the virtues (courage and bravery) of the smelting profession, the benevolence and magnanimity of the ancestors and the anvil, and their powers in hurnan life. The songs were also meant to motivate the bellow man who usuaIIy dictates the rh- of the music to go with that of the bellows. At the end of the day, the furnace was left to cool over night and the slag that had flowed out into the depression in fiont of the hacewas coIIected and left on a durnp a few meters away from the site. The remaining ashes from the fire were cleaned off to remove the bloom inside.

The bloorn was crushed into pieces on large rocks which can still be seen lying around in many smiths' and former smelters' compounds. The crushed pieces from the bloom were collected and put into circular crucibles made fiom a mixture of clay and donkey dung and sealed. The crucibles were heated again in a forge until the pieces began to fuse. It was then removed and a Stone was used to knock off the cIay materid leaving the iron. The iron was then welded together.

5.6 Blacksrnitbs

Blacksmiths produce a critical portion of Bulsa material cuIture. Srniths are considered not only producers of tools, they are aiso healers of many illnesses, herbdists, rnedicine men and general consultants on local traditions and customs. The valuable and indispensable services provided by the smiths make them respected and feared figures in

Bulsa society. They are feared by non-smiths because of the special knowledge they possess about rnedicine and traditional customs and other aspects of the matenal culture.

Although smithing is a male occupation, women heIp with some activities such as marketing finished products, and procuring raw materials (charcoal and iron scrap). In the past when smiths smelted their own iron, women were totally forbidden from coming near the site of smelting or entering the forge. However. things have changed since

smiths began to use European iron scrap. At present women participate in working the

bellows (Plate 5.7). In spite of this change, wornen are still forbidden fiom corning into

direct contact with the anvil. Male elders explained that the decision to give women

access to the forge is that tools are now produced from European iron and not iron

produced by "their gods" who forbid women's' involvement.

Social distûnce between blacksrniths and the rest of the socieq is emphasized by

mutuai cooperation and respect, as well as residential pattern. Throughou? Bulsaland

smiths' settlements are designated by the cognate "choak" which means '%on working".

The settlement in Kalijiisa where iron working is done is cailed Kalijiisa-Choabiisa,

Kalijiisa is the settlement and chiobiisa rneans "children of iron working." In Wiaga, the

village of smiths is called Wiak-Choakbiisa. Although srniths live in different

demarcated settlements, they interact freely with the rest of Bulsa society. There are no

restrictions on where they can take wives fiom or where their daughters can marry. Bulsa smiths can take their wives fiom non-srnith clans and their daughters are perrnitted to take husbands fiom both smithing and non-smithing cians. Unlike other Afncan cultures such as the Tuaregs, where smiths fom a caste (Keenan 2977), there is absolutely no caste system in Bulsaland. Although society is not stratified and there is no caste system, many of the attitudes towards smiths, such as fear and differentiai residential pattern, found in sorne caste societies are also found in Bulsa society. Specializarion

Specialization arnong smiths is found in the production of ritual objects. The making of ritual objects not oniy requires special skills but is dso associated with supematural powers, rituals and social purity. Ajaarla suggested that the qualities needed for the production of ritual objects are possessed only by the chief smith of each cornpound, clan or village. The reasons given for forbidding young men fiom the production of ritual objects are sirnilar to those given for the restrictions on young potters from manufacturing ritual vessels discussed in chapter four. Restrictions on young srniths is based on the belief that these objects are used in activities (sacrifices) which invoIve the shedding of blood, and also young men lack the necessary in-depth knowledge of the rituals related to the making of ritual items. The making of ritual bangles, arrows and rings for religious ceremonies is done only by the head smith who is usually the cornpound head. The making of ritual objects for the installation of chiefs is done by the head smith of the village. Ajaarla, however refused to talk about the role of the srnith in the installation of chief. According to him it is only the chief smith who has the authority to discuss such issues. The village chief smith when contacted declined to discuss this issue which he felt is very sensitive.

Learning Process

Until the past five years, smithing was strictly hereditary passing from father to son in the male line. Learning of smithing is restricted to males, although girls who have not reached the age of puberty can sit around and watch when smithing is in progress. At the age of eight to ten years, boys are taught to purnp the bellows (Figure 5.6). They are also encouraged to spend time in the shop in order that îhey cm observe the production of the various tools (Figure 5.3). By the age of fifteen, boys take part in the production of simple tools or the first phase of the hammering process in which the pieces of iron for the various tools are roughly shaped. At this age, boys who are smart may even be allowed to take part in shaping complex tools. Boys classified as not very serious may not be allowed to take part in shaping tools until later, when they are about eighteen years. Like potting, there are no graduation ceremonies and the learning process is a lifelong process. During the learning period, boys are taught the ritual and religious aspects of the crafl. Basically, they are told of the various restrictions and preparations they need to foliow before participating in smithing. It is considered an offense or stubbomness when a boy asks for the reasons for any of the restrictions or rituals. Boys who sornetimes violate this rule and ask for the reasons behind some of the restrictions are usually answered with the îiightening statement " if you vioIate any of these rules you will die."

The basic ethics and rules of the workshop are taught inforrnally. Boys are warned about the dangers of walking across or sitting on the anvil. repercussions from

îïghting within the shop or over proceeds and the use of terms or words that are not acceptable within the shop. Language or the use of terms forms an important part of the leaming process: workers are forbidden to talk about sex and they are not to mention the word "hot or heat". Ajaaria emphasized the importance of the use of proper language, by drawing an analogy between the eficacy of words and intention. He said words are verbal manifestations of a person's inner motives. Bad words or wrong words have the power to interfere with smithing. He explained that, even outside the workshop, some words are never used by smiths. A smith wiiI abandon his food irnmediately der a person says

"this food is hot". Learners rnay not be allowed to work on their own until they are about twenty years old. As observed, even qualified smiths often have their father or an elder member of the family who sits on a log inside the shop to give advice and guidance.

The transmission of skills is the same for adult learners who might have left home to stay with matemal relatives until rnatirrity or been born and raised away From the smithing clan, or has been taken way by their mothers and remarried in non-smithing settlements. In these cases, learners are instmcted to follow exactly what their rnasters do and there is a lot of pressure to conform to the standard way of doing things. As a result of the emphasis on conformity, there exist oniy very minor differences in techniques of smithing within each srnithing clan, among smiths on the same classes of tools and within the same type. Although almost dl smiths interviewed claim they can identity their products from tbose made by others, this to me was quite doubtful. For exarnple, alrnost al1 hoes from Wiaga-Chiok look exactly the same.

Wurkshop and Work habits

The blacksrnith shop is not merely a material entity; it is an embodiment of the socio-cultural, ideological and cosmological relations within the blacksmiths' clan. The conceptuaiization of the workshop in social and ideotogical terms is manifested in the attitude of the smith towards his workshop and the linguistic attributes used to describe its parts and the entire set of apparatus within it. This section wili familiarize the reader with the bodily structure or parts of the smith's shop incIuding the physical layout and construction techniques as both a technical and social process. Workshops vary in size and fonn according to the individual srnith's preference

and number of smiths in a compound. Compounds of large numbers of smiths (4-6) and

Leamers (5-8) tend to have Iage forges in order to accommodate the other members of the

house who are often present to watch or to advise, and customers who bring in work to be

done. AI1 the smithing compounds visited in Bulsaiand share the same forge, except in

one case where there are two forges in one compound. In Bolgatanga (Zaare) large

compounds with rnany smiths usually have about two forges in the same compound.

The size of forges generaily varies between 6-8 square meters of floor area. There are basically two types of forge: The first is a circular structure of wooden posts with a

millet stalk roof. It is very similar in form to the mud circular thatch roofed sleeping rooms except that it has no wall only the wooden supports and it is roofed with rniliet stalks instead of grass (Figure 5.12). The second type of forge has a roof similar to the first but is enclosed with low mud walls to a height of 50-60 centimeters. The walls have two openings. The first opening is directly towards the entrance of the cornpound and this serves as the main gate or door. The second opening is smalter in size (about 30cm wide) at the opposite end. This opening is nrver used as a door, its purpose is to enabie the smith to see any visitors approaching the cornpound fkom that direction and to ailow free circulation of air in the forge. in addition, there are two other smdIer circutar hoIes in the wall opposite the door. These circular holes also serve as watch holes (the smith can see strangers approaching and what goes on outside the shop) and also they allow air in, and smoke and heat out. Despite these openings, parts of the inside of the shop remain dark and intensely hot when smithing is in progress. This second set of holes also has religious functions. Syrnbolically, the two circular openings are portais through which the spirit of the god of iron goes in and out of the shop. Sorne compounds have both

forms of workshop and the explanation is that, in the rainy season when rains are sometimes violent, smithing could be moved into the enclosed walled structure. When smithing is not in progress the shops act as resting places for compound members, places for receiving visitors, places where funeral and sacrifices are planned and other negotiations which require privacy. a) The inside of the forge

The parts of the firebox are akin to human attributes: there is a mouth (noi), a body (nying) and a head (zztk). The inside layout of the forge is partitioned into four quadrants based on the set-up of the smithing equipment (Figure 5.12). 1 divide the inside of the forge into two equal parts with an imaginary line from the middle of the entrance door to the other opening directly opposite at the other end. Another line starts from one of the smdl circular holes and runs across the centre of the forge at a right angle to the first line. The first quadrant on the right on entering the shop is arranged with logs for people waiting to take their tums in smithing activities (pumping bellows or hammcring). The head smith or older men who are not strong enough to take part in smithing usually relax on these logs to watch and supervise the work in the forge.

Visitors and customers waiting for the completion of a piece of work also rest on these logs. These logs are placed in the first quadrant in order to ensure that they are removed

From the heat and flying sparks fiom the anvil (niudi) and the forge when smithing is in progress. In a few shops, the logs are replaced by benches bought in the formal markets.

In the quadrant to the lefi of the first door are the bellows (zuk-biisa) which consist of two medium sized pots covered by skins (Figure 5.11). Immediately behind the bellows is a platform built of clay that has a Stone slab placed on it to serve as seat for the bellow man. Each bellow (pot) is connected to an iron or, more rarely, clay pipe (choa- yuala). The other ends of the iron pipes (noules) are directed or inserted into the firebox via a short tuyere made of clay. This short tuyere has been described by smiths at Wiaga as the "navel" (suik "navel"). The distance between the bellows and the short tuyere or navel projecting fkom the firebox varies between 35-40 cm and depends on whether the pipes are made of iron or clay. The short nave tuyere is a conical shaped structure buih into the firebox and projects 12 cm outwards in the direction towards the bellows.

Generally, pipes made of iron are longer in length than those made of clay (Figures 5.2 and 5.3 versus and 5.10).

The third quadrant is next to the bellows. Midway in this quadrant is the firebox.

This dome-shaped structure is constmcted of clay and has a small opening (choak-siilik) at the top which is usually closed with a ball-shaped piece of clay (Figure 5.11:~). The size and height of forges Vary according to individual preferences and the type of tools the smith produces. Floor diameter and height of firebox varies between 35-40 cm and 40-

45cm respectively. Smiths who produce only small sized hoes ofien tend to build small sized fireboxes as compared to those smiths who manufacture large hoes, ploughs and bicycle parts. In the centre of the firebox directly opposite or away fiom the bellows, a roughly rounded opening is made. This opening is the mouth (choak-noi, noi rneaning

"mouth"). The mouth is where iron scrap and charcoal is fed into the firebox during smithing. The floor or room (choak-daning or dok) of the firebox is cleared of ashes and waste iron afler each smithing. Attached to the right side of the firebox there is a smdl platform (chuok-biik, literally meaning "iron working child"), the s hrine whic h contains the spirit of the anvil. This is where the smiths make sacrifices to the god of iron. In the middIe of the shop is a large tvooden post forming a tripod at the top to support the roof.

On this wooden post hang bundles of skulls and the jaws of animals including dogs, sheep, goat and other animal relics fiom past sacrifices to the anvil.

The anvil (niadi),the most important tool of the smith, is about 70-80 centirneters away directIy opposite the mouth of the firebox (Figure 5.12). It is in the same quadrant as the firebox but towards the end of it. It is a Stone about half way buried into the ground and usually covered with a flat log when no smithing is in progress. On both sides of the anvil there are larger Stones serving as seats for the head smith and a helper who perform the initial hanimering and forging of the hot iron scrap removed fiorn the forge. When the scrap has assumed a workable shape, the final shaping of the tooI is essentially done by the head or leading smith alone while his helper relaxes and watches.

On the sides of both the head smith and the helper, various other items lie around including; tongs, hammers of different sizes, fire forks (curved iron rod), large heavy clubs, chisels, tin shears, pincers, files and cut pieces of scrap iron ready to be used.

In the last quadrant (behind the çmith) there are cut scrap iron pieces. ftnished tooIs and a basket of charcoai from which the head smith occasionally fetches a handful of charcoal to put into the firebox. At the far end of the quadrant there is a large bowl of water in which some of the tools being worked on are occasionally dipped inside.

The construction of the forge and the setup of the smithing apparatus is a more than technical process; it is a social process that articulates the socio-cultural and cosmologicaf relations among Bulsa smiths. When a forge is about to be constmcted the head smith or compound head will brew beer and then go around the compounds of other black smiths to ask them to come and help him find a house for his anvil. This is an important request and ail smiths will assemble in his compound the next morning.

Sacrifices are made with libations of beer and flour-water and sometimes animal sacrifices are made to the ancestors, earth god and the anvit to bless the work about to be undertaken. The chief builder, in consultation with the owner of the forge will corne out with the proposed plans of the shop. In building the forge, care is taken to ensure that the orientation of the main entrance and the placement of other openings follow the traditional practice. The door of the forge must be in the direction of the compound gate.

No explanation was however given this practice except the usual statement "it is a tradition." In addition, steps are taken to ensure that the forge is constructed at a suscient distance from the compound. Ajaarla expIained that the distance between the forge and the compound minimizes the dangers of destruction by fire should the forge accidentally catch fire. It takes between two to three days for the forge to be complcted.

During the building process, men considered socially unclean are advised to stay away from the consmction site. if the forge is to have a mud wall buiit around it, speciai attention is given to the creation of two round holes in the wall. Whcn the forge is completed a big sacrificial meal is prepared that includes a second batch of beer for the official opening of the shop

Smithing is a year round activity but most smiths function actively only in the rainy season or a few months before the start of the farming season as the bulk of the smith's products are used in the agricultural sector. Over the dry season, when farming activities finished, rnost smiths tum to manufacture other tools including knives, arrow heads, spears, musical instruments (gongs), bells, and bangles and rings for ritual and ornamental purposes. The volume of production is af3ected by the seasonaI shift. There

are no full-time smiths in Bulsaland: al1 smiths are also fanners. In the past, when their

ancestors had to smelt iron themselves and produce the tools, iron working was full-time occupation for some families.

5.7 Ritual preparations

Smithing is more than the mastery of mechanical or technicai processes, it is part and parce1 of a wider system of ritual and religious beliefs. The dangerous nature of the crafi requires that ritual and sacrificial observances are followed. A BuIsa smith will not enter his forge until he has performed al1 the necessq ritual and religious ceremonies.

The ritual ceremonies associated with smithing are the same as those encountered in smelting with a few modifications. For example rules regarding the exclusion of women are more relaxed. Today. women who are not in their menses rnay participate in pumping the beliows. In the past when smiths smelted their own iron it was sacrilegious for a woman to come near or to enter the shop. The rule has changed because tools are now produced fiom European scrap. At the same tirne, AnankanbiI points out that although the rule exchding women has been relaxed, any time they are making rituai objects or discussing ntuals or making sacrifices to the anvil, the women are sent out. Women are still forbidden to listen to or participate in such activities.

Except the relaxation on the rule on the exclusion of women. almost al1 the rituals and religious preparations associated with smelting in the past are strictly observed by rnost Bulsa smiths today. Social purity including abstinence fiom sex. adultery, incest, rule on violence, dietary prohibition and required sacrifices are al1 observed during the production of rituai items. Success and protection against hmand evil, as we1I as the continued good health of the srnith, depends on how welI he follows these rules. Even, non-pmctising smithing compounds strictly continue to maintain these rules and make periodic sacrifices to the anvil. In the non-practising smithing cornpounds the anvil is highly treasured as the rnost important asset of the clan and is often transferred to the house of the eldest man in the clan. When one elder dies, the next to assume power at the handing over ceremony will demand the anvil as the first property of the compound or clan.

At both Wiaga-C hio k and Kalijiisa-Chiokbiisa, sacrifices are regularly made to anvils. The observance of these various desis said to give the smith rernarkable powers of endurance and resistance against the extreme fire and heat. A smith who foIlows ail the rules of his crafi can pick up glowing or coal red-hot iron fiom the fire without ill- effects. When fire burns a smith or an accident occurs in his forge, it is taken as a sign that some rituals and rules have been violated.

5.8 SociaI and technological change

A number of profound changes have taken place within the smithing crafi since the end of smelting. The first and major change occurred in the first part of the 1900s.

European iron scrap gradually came to repIace the localiy smelted iron (kufuk-tai) produced by srniths or iron bloom and hoes imported from the neighboring Mossi country. Iron bloom from Mossi country is still fresh in the rninds of many older smiths. Elders claimed that the bloom fiom MossiIand was so cheap that rnany smelters stopped srnehg iron even before the introduction of European iron scrap. Most srniths use the

Mossi term for iron blooms (Moasa Kura, which means "Mossi iron"). The term kutuk

"iron" has a wide distribution with comate forms arnong the Bulsa, Mampmsi and

Grunni groups. The point is that changes were gradually taking place as Bulsaland and many of the neighboring ethnic groups becarne integrated into the caravan ttade, but at a slower Pace in the iron working industry prior to the introduction of European scrap. As iron bloom and other finished iron products such as hoes, axes and arrows were imported into the Upper East from MossiIand the iron working industry began to change. Tauxier

(1912:209 in Garrard 1986:64) states that smelting became uneconomicai as less expensive hoes fiom MossiIand began to enter "Grunsiland" leading to a downward trend in the price for hoes.

At the time of the second world war, major changes began to take place in iron working as vehicles began reaching the Upper East. Iron scrap fiom [orries and railways were imported into the region to make hoes and other implements. The cost of local bloom rose fiom four to six pence while the price for hoes made from iron scrap fell

(Tauxier 1912 in Garrard 1986:69). It then becarne unviable economicaily to continue smelting since the price of hoes produced fiom local iron could not compete with those from iron scrap. Only a few smelters continued to smelt during the 1940s.

Other major changes occurred in the iron working industry during the 1960s and again during the last few years. First, there has been an intensification of Christian evangelism and second, there has been an introduction of "appropriate technological transfer." These two developments contributed to the relaxation of some of the rules and rituals associated with the craft. With the appropriate technological transfer program, entry into the industry became less rigid. The first batch of people of non-smith background from BulsaIand was trained in the 1990s by a program jointly initiated by the

Presbyterian and the Ghana-German agricultural projects. According to Johnson

Atikinla, he was the onty partially successful member of a ten-person group that undenvent the first training. In other words, he is the only one who actually put the training into practice at least for a while. Atikinla is in his early forties and a native of

Sandema. With the assistance of the German non-governmental organization with French sponsorship (Terres des Hommes), Atikinla established a modem workshop called

Modem Choakbiisa Shop, about a kilometer out of Sandema market square. He specializes in the production of ploughs, donkey carts and bicycle parts and showed littre interest in the production of hoes, cutlasses, or ritual objects. He uses modem equipment and machinery for the greater part of his work: he has no traditional forge or Stone anvil.

His shop has no been functioning for the last two years, and in this time he has taken up a governrnent job with the local senior secondary school as a farm assistant. He cornplained that he has to stop smithing because most of his equipment was broken or worn out and he finds it difficult to get the spare parts because the machines were

Germari made and did not corne with parts. He said, however, that he wili remto his job when he is able to obtain the parts for his machines.

In the last five years, the single smithing clan in Sandema at Kalijisa-chiokbiisa, has been reorganized into a cooperative society and supplied with equipment to replace the local forge with funding fiom United States International Development Agency

(USID). The local forge, although still rnaintained as a shrine and a highly treasured property of the clan, is never used or even visited except perhaps during sacrifices or when a researcher or a tourist requests to see it. Young men fiom within and outside the smith clan have been trained in the production of a wide variety of implements including, plough parts, iron windows and doors with burglar proof mes. beds, carts and aluminum pots. Although the cooperative society is viable and seems to doing very well, some older smiths in Kalijiisa complained that they have lefi out in the new arrangement.

The older smiths who used to control the smithing occupation have little control over the operation of the cooperative society and as such felt they have been marginalized. The young people on the other hand denied this allegation, and explained that money has been invested in the shop, and must be paid back in the future. For the youth, the shop must be run as a business venture if they are to pay back the load and break even. The young men further explained that if the shop is run entirely on traditional rules, it would not possible to pay back the Ioans. Generally, there appears to be a conflicting in interest between the young and old smiths: the youth versus the elders. Planners failed to recognize the dynarnic nature of the craft as a social and ritual activity that plays a cmcial role in the overall social structure. Thc craft is not solely an econornic venture. The Kalijiisa case presents one of the classic probiems of development prograrns, by not taking into consideration the social cost of the new arrangement of the craft.

In spite of the various developments since the Second World War, the ritual and religious aspects of the crafi are still very strong. As was claimed by informants, even members of non-smithing clans who learned smithing in modern institutions such as at

Appropriate Technological Transfer centres, normally go back to the traditional smiths to be purified or rituatized with " iron medicine." This purification or the ritual bath involves bathing the person with a concoction made fiom unidentified herbs and roots, and many sacrifices to the god of iron. This act, which is very important to any outside person entering the srnithing crafî, is done at a minimum fee. As pointed out by most head smiths, a successful smith must have remarkable powers of endurance against fire, heat and the foresight to keep evil spirits at bay fiom his shop. These powers to withstand the dangers of smithing are only made available to a person who has not been born into the smithing clan through formal ritual initiation. Informants claimed that this kind of initiation is not new in the iron working profession. in the past when a person who was not a rnember of the farnily such as a son of the daughter or sisters of a smith came to stay permanently with his mother's relative for some rasons, he would go through similar rituais when he decided to become a smith. When an outsider has been initiated through this special rituai, Bulsa Say such as a person has eaten the iron medicine

()va ga de kutuk tiim). This suggests that even though the smithing profession is in principle restricted to only male members of the smiths' clans, there is the possibility of entering the occupation from another non-smithing clan. In practice, smiths' daughters' or sisters' sons who came to stay with their maternai uncles could be smiths but they must go through the necessary purification rites.

5.9 The smithing process.

The first part of this section covers the materials used by the smith including his tool kit. The later part describes the actuai technical process of smithing and other related rituals observed during the smithing process. Muferial source

Bulsa smiths use scrap iron and iron girder bought from the regional capital

Bolgatanga to manufacture their products. Modem blacksrnith shops such as that of

Atikinla or the Kalijiisa smithing shop go to the big cities such as Kumasi or Accra to

purchase iron scrap in large quantities. Smith are very selective in the use of iron scrap

and girders. They have good knowledge of what type of iron is suitable for what type of

tool. Most smiths prefer iron scrap because springs and wheels of vehicle are expensive

and diEcult to obtain, although they acknowledge that these are harder than ordinary iron scrap. The Mesare often used for making hoes, ploughs, donkey cart parts, swords and arrows, while the scrap iron is generally used for manufacturing knives, bangles and cutlasses.

Charcoal fiom hard wood species used in the past for smelting is preferred as fuel for smithing. Although ordinary charcoal used for food preparation can be used by the smith, it burns faster and produces less heat. Some smiths prefer to bum their own charcoal since most charcoal sent to the market for sale is produced from sofi trees and generaliy meant for ordinary cooking. il Tools and appliances used by the smirh.

All major tools except the stone anvils and some grinding stones are rnanufactured by the srnith. The main tools and appliances are: the anvils, adzes, hammers, axes, tin shears, pincers, files, chisels, tongs, knives, iron socket celts and logs with a hollow in the middle for shaping hoes (Figure 5.13). i) The stone anvil (Figure 5.9) The stone anvil is the rnost important tool and considered the main source of the smith7spowers. Almost every shop has at least one stone anvil, in addition to one to two iron anvils which have been acquired during the 1st couple of years. The stone anvil is made of granite or heavy quartzite and comes in different sizes. The height of the anvil is difficult to measure as half of it is usuaIly buried, besides stranger are not dlowed to touch the anvil. This made it difficult to obtain precise rneasurements of the anvil. Most anvils are elliptical in shape when viewed fiom above. Their surfaces are so smooth that they appear to be water-worn. The anvil has a dual purpose: practical and syrnbolic. In practical terms, al1 harnrnering of heated iron into tools is done on the anvil.

Symbolically, the anvil represents the spirit or god of iron (Okoro 1990:1).

The highly respected and fearful position enjoyed by the smith can be viewed fiom a western perspective in terms of his significant contributions to and control over the suppiy of essential tools for other crafts and occupations. It is the mythical aspects that give the smith his unique position in Bulsa society. The mythical aspects of smithing are overwhelmingly manifest in the anvil. The anvil's powers are so essential and enduring that no smith is without one, even though modern anvils made from iron are available and cheaper to obtain. It must be emphasized that although the Bulsas acknowledge the status of the smelter on the basis of his powers to transform laterite in to iron, blacksmiths are feared by the rest of Bulsa society because of the anvil. The symbolic importance of the anvit is unveiled in the tales of its cultural origins, its rimals, the smith's attitude to itt and in its human character which is emphasized in songs, sacrifices and other cultural practices. The origins of the Stone anvil are very obscure and there are many superstitions surrounding the issue. Although there are nurnber of conflicting views on how the anvil is discovered or acquired, smiths are unanirnous that an anvil falls from the sky and as such represents the sky or sun god. The anvil usudly lands on the earth in a river or on a tree between the space at which the main branches spread (fork-shaped portion of trees).

When it falls into a river, most of the fish die. After some time the anvil moves to the bank of the river. Should a bird pass over the anvil, it pulls the bird down, eats it and keeps the bones its surface. Only people, usually fishermen with speciai powers, cm identify and bring it out of the water after making some sacrifices. People without these special powers even if they see an anvil uill not rnake the least attempt to take the anviI out of the water because it will talk to them in a human voice. If it taiks to the person making the attempt he will die if he has no special power to counteract the powers of the anvil. Another version holds that when the anvil falls into the river it turns into a fish or crocodiIe and lives among the other aquatic species. A fisherman with special powers cmcatch the anvil once it is turned into a fish, but for fishermen without these powers the anvil tears the net and escapes capture. When the anvil is taken home by a fishennan and afier the required sacrifices is performed, it becomes the fisherman's god (jardok a shrine a man erects and worships when he encounters something extraordinary and supematural). However the fisherman can sel1 it to the smith. in the past an anvit cost between two and three cows, or three to four thousand cowries. Almost al1 anvils in

Bulsa smith shops were purchased with cows but nobody interviewed had any knowledge about the age of these anvils. Another belief holds that the anvil falls on a tree. When that happens the tree dies within two to three days der which the stone falls ont0 the ground. Once again, only those who have special powers can identiQ the anvil. As rnentioned earlier, there are many taboos and rituals swounding the anvil in the forge. A violation of these des without making the necessary sacrifices will result in: failure in smithing, il1 fortune in other activities such as chiId bearing or sickness and death for the offender or his relatives. Cardina1 (1920:36) noted the importance of the stone anvil among the

Grunshies (Kassena) in the following statement:

"The stone anvil, the most powerful tool in the black smith shop, has a piece of wood placed beneath it to prevent it fÏom magically disappearing into the earth when it is stmck."

The anvil is regarded as a god in the sarne way as an earth or sky god and as such, it is treated in the same rnanner and with the sarne respect. Periodic sacrifices are made to it and it is inherited in the same way as any other shrine or clan propcrty. Bulsas conceptualize the anvil as a representation of the sky or sun god which cm oniy be approached in a state of social purity. It is believed that both smelting and smithing are productive because of the relationship between the earth and sky gods as noted in Bulsa creation mythology in chapter four. Although Bulsa do consider the male and femaie attributes of the furnace, they do not speak directly of either smithing or smelting in gender terms. However the ritual preparations. creation mythology and terminologies associated with iron working suggest a symbolic link between technology and human reproduction. For example, the furnace or firebox represents the earth god while the anvil represents the sky or smgod. Sexual relationships between the sky god and the earth god result in the pregnancy of the earth god, represented by the fùmace or fire box.

Inforrnants stressed that the sexual taboos and purity associated with iron working is not only directed to the furnace or firebox per se, it is directed towards the anvil which to some degree is an embodiment of the earth and sky god. The fimace or firebox is a ternporary structure which cm be destroyed at any time and the earth god represented by it will have to return and dwell within the anvil. Although it is not clear as to whether al1 smeIters in the past had anvils, al1 the srniths who clahthat their ancestors were srnelters and smiths at the sarne time, own anvils. Smiths who ciaim that their ancestors were smelters Say that anvils were kept in the house and sacrifices were made to them before the commencement of any smelting. Anvils were never carried to the site of smelting, nomaily done some distance from the cornpound or in the bush. ii) Oiher appliances

Other tools include different kinds of hamrners, adzes, axes, tin shears, pincers, files, chisels, tongs, knives and European-inspired sledge hamrners of different sizes and forms.

A log with a hollow in the middle was used for shaping hoes. Usually a shop has two to three granite stones also in several sizes used for different types of jobs including as anvils for certain purposes. These stones some of which were suggested to have been used for grinding by women, have deep hoIlows in them from continuous use over the years (Figure 5.8). Sorne of the holIows are so deep that instead of the smith having a bowl of water beside hirn durkg smithing, the water is stored in the hollows of these rocks. Other large stones similar to the ones in the forges were found lying under trees in some smiths' compounds. These are the stones on which the iron scrap is cut into the desired shape for the manufacture of tools such as hoes and axes. In the past, the same stones were used as harnmers to break iron bloom into pieces for weIding in the forge.

The iron socket celt is hafled on a 30cm wood shaft. It is a multi-purpose tool used to cut iron scrap and to perform other activities which involve heavy harnrnering.

Smithing Process and Techniques.

On the day of smithing, if it is the first srnithing of the season, sacrifices are made to the ancestral shrines and the anvils to bless the upcoming season's work. After the sacrifices, the head smith and his assistants, usually his relatives (sons, brothers and nephews), cut the iron scrap bought fiom the market into the desired pieces. They have no standard measuring device yet they have a perfect judgment of the dimensions for each piece. Half way through the cutting, which is a tedious job, the head smith will leave his assistants and enter the shop to clear al1 debris, test al1 the equiprnent and ensure that everything is in order. The cut pieces are taken into the shop and the fire is set so that smithing may commence. Prior to setting the fire, the head smith will spit saliva into his palm and tap at the anvil thrice and the firebox four times. In Bulsa cosmology the numbers three and four symbolize man and woman respectively. This suggests that the firebox and the anvil are woman and man by associating thern with these numbers. The tapping of the anvil and forge is followed by incantations which are basicaily a mixture of cornrnands and pleas to the gods to bless the job at hand, grant good health for the shop members and bring more jobs in the future. The gods are also charged to destroy any evil that may attempt to influence the operation in a negative uray. The whde operation is fui1 of excitement. Music, whistling and jokes go with the rhythm of the bellows to create a vibrant working atrnosphere. The music helps make the operation run smoothly. Ironically, Bulsas use a different metaphor. For exarnple, the

Bulsa will Say the music makes it rough for work in the shop (mye fi ku zagsa, zagsa

Iiterally meaning "to make rough or coarse"). When a Bulsa says that an activity is smooth, it means that it is boring and rough when it is exciting. The head smith and one of the assistants take their seats in fiont of the forge with the anvil in-between them. Two or three pieces of the scrap iron are put into the firebox as the bellows' man pumps. In about 8-12 minutes the first piece is brought out with a pair of tongs and placed on the anvil. Sitting facing one another, the smith and his assistant attack the hot iron piece vigorously, striking aitemate bIows on it with heavy metal hamrners (segla) in a musical fashion until the metal becomes cool (Figures 5.4 and 5.5). The blows dirninish in rapidity and force as the metal cools and the piece is then put back into the fire. This process is repeated many times (5-10 times) before a hoe is manufactured or the shapeless lump of iron is transformed into the desired tool. When the tool is completed, the head srnith tests it by knocking it with a long thin iron bar. The sound of the contact is used to determine if the tool is properly done. A smith and bvo assistants can produce 17-20 hoes in a day. There are a nurnber of other relatives, including wives when they are less busy, who take turns to pump the bellows. The smith as a master of the supematural and physical aspects of his crafi, knows how long a particular tool needs to be fired, how it shouId be hammered into shape, and which surface of the tool must be subjected to heavy or Iight hammering. At certain stages in the manufacturing process, the smith must be satisfied with only a gentle tapping of the metal instead of vigorous and heavy harnrnering. At this stage, the assistants relax and watch what their master does.

Occasionaily, the smith will add more charcoal from the pile beside him into the firebox.

When he is finished making a particular tool, he taps it again with the long thin iron bar,

listens to the sound and when satisfied, puts it aside. Sometimes, a finished tool is dipped

into a pot of water set beside the smith before being put aside as finished. 1 could not find

any explmation for this action. As obsei-ved, smithing does not simply consist of heating

and hamrnering metals into shape. It involves mastery of the supernaturd world and the

application of tremendous knowledge in physics and chernistry. These wonderful skills

along with rich experience were displayed by almost al1 the smiths 1 visited. As remarked

by infamants, a good and successful smith must posses a rich store of skills and

experience since every tool and piece of scrap requires different treatment, The head

smith controls all the activities in the shop including the rate at which the bellows are

pumped. Almost dl his senses must be put to full use when smithing is in progress. He

must listen carefully to determine the sound of a piece of iron getting coId and carefully

inspect the tools while hammering at the required portion of the metai. In addition, he

must have a good sense of srneIl to detect any foreign materiai burning in the tirebox or in

the shop.

Almost al1 srniths Say they can identifjt their products from those made by others.

Frorn my observation there were no decoration except shape and forrn. Even then

variation in shapes and forms were minor arnong the same classes of tools. Farmers

made similar remarks but in their case, they could only identify the smith ctan that a tool came from and not the individual smith. The farmers' assessment is reasonable as the

weight of hoes differ arnong the various smithing clans. The farmers' assessment suggests that each smith clan may have a particular measurernent for cutting their tools

but this 1 did not observe with every smith.

5.10 Tools produced by the blacksmith

The blacksrnith produces a wide variety of tools which can be broadly classified into three main categories. These are 1) tools for other crafts and occupations such as fming, hunting, fishing; 2) ritual and religious objects; and 3) items for body ornamentation. Objects meant for rituals and ornarnentation sometimes overlap, especially in the case of objects such as bangles and rings.

Toolsfor other crafts and occupations i) Tools for agriculture.

The bulk of fming tools, including a wide variety of hoes. cutlasses, axes and knives are supplied by the Iocal blacksmiths (Figures 5.14 and 5.1 15). There are four basic types of hoes: 1) a narrow shouldered hoe with a socket used for the first weediag

(Figure 5.15:a), 2) a medium size hoe with a broader shoulder and a socket used for the second weeding; and 3) a iarge hoe with a much broader shoulder and body with a for making mounds and for doing the last weeding. The third type is of two varieties, the one with a socket and the other with a tang (Figure 5.15:~). Al1 the hoe types are usually hafied into wooden handles. The fourth category is comprised of different types of small hoes with narrow bodies, that are made fiom special hard iron scrap. These are used for digging up termites, cIearing farms for the next sseason, and used for mining clay. Hoes are narned after their tasks rather than their functions. The first weeding is poorik and the hoe is called poorik-hi (himeans hoe), the hoe for the second weeding is wuutulik kui and the hoe for the third weeding is chaung hi. Within each iype differences may exist but users and srniths rely on overail form and fùnction to make distinctions between various tools. For instance, within the chaung ha,a distinction is made between hoes with tangs (hi-yoari "penis hoes") and those with sockets (hi-wuuk).

Various cutlasses, knives and axes used for cutting wood, clearing farms, digging, cutting the millet fiom the staik, harvesting grasses and performing other domestic activities are also produced.

Over the last 5-10 years, the manufacture and repair of plough, bicycle parts and donkey carts has become an important part of the blacksmith's job. Some smiths, usuaily the younger men who have taken short term training with the appropriate technological centres, specialize in the production and repair of ploughs, bicycles and donkey cart parts.

The repair of fming implements is one of the general jobs of the local smith.

Hoes are not made purposely for ritual and religious purposes such as grave digging, the buming of herbs or marriage rites, and any of the hoes can be used for these activities. At almost al1 Bulsa fkierals, sacrifices. marriages and land acquisitions, a hoe is required as payent. Hoes used on such occasions are usually those meant for the second and third weeding.

In addition to farming tools, arrow heads, spears and heavy iron clubs hafted into wooden shafts are produced for hunting. Net sinkers, fish hooks and wire grills for smoking fish are produced for the frshing industry. However, fming tools fom the largest proportion of metal objects produced by the Bulsa blacksmith. The small proportion of hunting and fishing tools illustrates the greater importance of fming versus other occupations in the Bulsa district and the Upper East region in general. ii) Toolsfor ofher crafs

Tools produced by the local blacksmith are used in almost every craft in the area: potters, cobblers, weavers and builders. Musicians use iron musical instruments such as gongs and bells.

Others items include: seats for riding horses (wusuma kiada. wusuma "horse" and kiadi "seat"), bells. light strikers (chiasik), spears. arrowheads and fetish stands of varying lengths. Some of the objects in this category are produced from brass and copper and are essentially ornamental in function. Older Bulsa smiths are also excellent casters who have mastered the techniques of lost-wax casting as part of their job.

Rituai and religious r001s and ornaments

Ceremonial and ritual objects are also important items that the smith manufactures. They include bangles, rings, pendants. anklets and bracelets worn on various parts of the body or put on shrines and a number of metal pieces used by the soothsayer. Ritual objects that are produced by the smith cm be broadly classified into two main, yet overlapping categories. These are objects containing magical medicine for the protection of the wearer and those for personal gods, shrines and other deities. As a result of the distinct and yet similar nature of these ritual objects, and for the purpose of keeping an emic classification, the discussion here will be more or less unsystematic.

Like their neighbors the Kassena, Tallensi, Kussasi and the other Grunni speakers,

Bulsas believe in the destructive powers of evil spirits and people. As such, they Wear a lot of protective omarnents and jewelry. They believe that wearing ornaments in the image and nme of the ancestors and other powerîul deities elicits their power and facilitates communication between the Living and the dead. It is also the belief that

wraring objects such as bangles, rings, anklets and bracelets with the portrait of toternic

animais on hem serve as magical safeguards against sickness, disease and other

misfortunes caused by malevolent spirits.

Omaments represent animals such as chameleons and snakes. Bells, pendants,

and anklets are wom both for protection and adornrnent. The knobbed and twisted

bangles worn on the left wnsts of men protect against them witchcraft and ghosts (spirit

of the dead). Ornaments with animais such as the crocodile, lion or elephant on them are

worn by hunters and warriors for both protective reasons and as a mark of one's status.

By putting the portrait of an animal on an ornament the Bukas believe that they will

acquire some of the powers of the animal and be better able to deal with the problems and

dangers of everyday life. The type and style of a bracelet or bangle also identifies a

person's status in society. Medicine men. chiefs, soothsayers, hunters. local mlers or land

pnests Wear bangles as a syrnbol of status or as a mark of profession. The bel1 is used by

diviners at funerais and sacrifices to represent the vigilant spirits of the dead and other

deities. Other specidized bangles and rituai objects produced by the Buisa blacksmiths

include:

a) The double-twisted bangle (bang-gbina).

This is worn on the ieg or hand of a chiId who resembles his or her parents. When

a new-born child physicaily resembles (look like the parents) or behaves like the parents

or grand parents, the father's sister will secretly steal an arrow head from the man's arrow container and send it to the locai smith for this type of bangle to be produced for the child. This bangle is normally cdled biik ale ka kwo, literally meaning "child and father". This bangle provides protection for both the child and parents. Without this bangle, either the child or one of the parents will die. depending on who has a weaker soul. It is also believed that a child who beha~resor physicai resernbles his or her dead grand parents is an indication that it is the grand parent who has corne back. As a result such child is given a special bangle (bangafuk)as recognition of respect for elders who usually wear such bangles. b) The hollow bangle (bang-yoala)

This is a hollow bangle filled with protective medicines (herbs and clay). It is wom by men or put on shrines to promote fertility. c) Moon or crescent-shaped pendant (chiik)

When a child's birth coincides with the new moon, this pendant is produced and given to the child. It is worn around the neck to protect the child against fdling sick with the first appearance of the moon. Similar pendants (nariak-bangsa) are worn by girls around the waist for the sarne reasons.

Innovation

Over the past few years srniths have brought a number of innovations into the iron working industry to enable to them to compete with modern factory products.

Innovations include the diversification of products and jobs, the adaptation of some modem equipment and tools and the relaxation of some of the rituais and rules especially those connected with the total excIusion of women fiom smithing.

Most of the traditional shops have also replaced the clay pipes in the forge with iron pipes which they claim last longer. In addition to the Stone anvils, a few smiths have acquired metal horseshoe-shaped anvils but the latter are not accorded the same attributes as the stone anvil. At present, a bulk of the traditional smith's job in Bulsaiand consists of bending, shaping and beating which are done on the metal anvil. In other parts of the

Upper East, bellows have been replaced with a bicycle wheels whose rim is attached by a rope to hub of a motor, enclosed in a sheet of metal. However, no Bulsa srnith was found using the bicycle wheel method. ïhey claini their traditional method is as efficient as the wheel method. Modem tools inciuding hamrners, chisels, saws for cutting metals, pincers, and drillers purchased fiorn the formal markets are used dong side their traditional equivalents in some of the shops.

Smiths have made modifications in the shape and form of most products especially fming and hunting tools. The traditional hoe with its broad shoulders and large blade is gradually being replaced with shoulderless and narrow-bladed hoes.

Ajaarla claimed that the production of hoes with broad blades and wide shoulders not only takes a lot of energy and material but requires a lot of experience. Since iron scrap is very expensive, smiths try to rninimize cost and rnaximize profit by producing hoes with narrow shoulders and blades. Farmers now prefer the narrow and shoulderless hoes because they realized that these are easy to use. Ajaarla, one of the first to start with the production of the narrow shouldered hoes said it ail started by a trial and error method. It was immediately realized that the new product sold very fast. Other smiths started changing gradually and today it is the most popular hoe. Many factors including the introduction of the plough and tractors which are better for making ridges and mounds, the high prices for iron scrap, and less energy required to work with the shoulderless are responsible for the innovation in the form and size of hoes. For example, the broad shouldered hoes were useful for making ridges and heavy farming which can now by

done by tractors and ploughs. Women who have become more involved in farming

activities in the last few years prefer the light hoes because they are more suitable for the

type of farming women do.

5.11 Sîyiistic variation in Bulsa iron working technology

In generaf, there are minimal variations in almost al1 aspects of iron working

arnong Bulsa smiths. For exarnple, organization, style of forges, firebox set and

techniques of srnithing are al1 almost the sarne. Site and orientation of forges and method

of production may Vary slightly, but such variations are essentially due to individual

preference and have no fundamental effects or importance on the craft. However, in one

smith house at Wiaga-Chiok, the same man built two different types of forges in different

styles. One was purely a Bulsa style and the other a Grunni. According to the owner of

these forges, the one with the typical Bulsa style was inherited from his father's line and

the other from his mother's line. He said that al1 his maternai uncles or relatives fiom her

mother lined died and the anvil as god requested him to build a forge for the god to

reside. The wishes of his rnaternal god (anvil) to come to him were revealed through a

soothsayer. The soothsayer had been consulted afler the man encountered a nurnber of

misfortunes, such the death of his children, his own constant sickness and unsuccessfid

farming. He claimed that he would have died if he had refused or failed to build a forge

for his materna1 god. He reiterated that his rnaternal god (anvil) would not go to other cousins who are not smiths. The basic difference between the two forges is in their fom and shape. The frrebox with Grunni style has wide opening which is left uncovered at the

top. The owner of these forges gave no reason for this difference , except "we have

different traditional ways of doing things."

Stylistic variations in forrn and size among the different classes of toois are

influenced by the function. For instance, hoes with large blades and wide shoulders are

rneant for a particutar type of weeding such as making ridges, mounds or generalIy heavy

weeding. Hoes with slightly smaller blades and narrow shoulders are designed for iight

weeding. The same applies to Rtual objects, the shape and form of a bangle is an

indicator of its function. Stylistic differences within the sarne type of tools are more or

Iess due to individud preference and this difference is difficult to rneasure fiom the

observer's perspective. According to informants, each smith harnrners his tooIs in a

different way and this leaves different grooves on the product beside the differences in the

shape of the socket of boes which is never the sarne for any two smith. For example, 1 observed that the shape of the neck of hoes from Wiaga is thicker than those produced from Fumbesi or Sanderna. This seems to me the most diagnostic difference between the different settlements but not among different smiths witliin each settlement. The grooves as pointed out to me may ody be useful for the identification of newly produced hoes because as hoes are used, these grooves are wom off and the entire hoe becomes smooth.

This means that the grooves may not serve any usefùl purpose in the ciassification of iron tools from the archaeological record, since the bulk of hoes that enter the archaeological record are those that have been used extensively and discarded. 5.12 Bulsa smithing as compared with her neighbors

Kussena

The construction of workshops and the inside set up is almost the same as the

Bulsa, except that almost al1 smiths visited in Kasenaland especially Chiana still use clay pipes. The fireboxes in Chiana are large in size and open at the top with no cover at the top as seen in Bulsaland. Most of the smiths in Chiana were only doing repairs as they claimed that smithing is a hard work with little profits. Factory produced hoes are cheaper and lighter and most farmers, including the smiths themselves, prefer these factory hoes. However, the local smiths still remain the main suppliers of ritual iron objects which are not produced by any of the factories. Elders in Kassenaland claimed that in the past their ancestors smelted and were the major supplier of iron bloom to many ethnic groups in the area including the Frafias and Bulsas. Unfortunately it was not possible to obtain information on the smelting aspects as most of the elderly members of the families were out in the bush on their farms.

Gruiziti Speakers

Except for those blacksmiths who have been reorganized into a cooperative societies and equipped with machines, the Grunni people of Bolgatanga in the settlements of Zaumgu, Zaare and Soa are the largest producers of iron products in the Upper East.

Although the techniques used by the Grunni speakers remain traditional with few additions of modem equipment such as harnrners, saws and metal pipes, they are very versatile and expert blacksmiths and produce a wide variety of tools. They manufacture farming, hunting, fishing tools and ritual objects. Parts of bicycles, ploughs and doors locks and frames also fom a major part of their work. The craft is more or Iess a full time occupation for a few blacksmiths. Most of the srniths in addition are excellent casters of brass.

Most Grunni smithing families have two forges, the fmt usualIy constnicted into the wail at the entrance of the compound. This forge which is considered the ancestrai one is built and roofed with mud in the same way like any of the sleeping quarters. The set up inside is very traditional with a pot on tripod at one of the extreme ends. Above the pot are the skull, jaws and bodies of animais that have been sacrificed to the iron shnne. Strangers cannot enter this shop without the express permission of the compound head. Informants claim that it is only the elderly and compound heads who work in these forges. People who wish to become smiths are also initiated in the ancestral forge. In most them, there is more than one anvil for which no explanation was given. About 30 rneters away from the entrance of the compound is the second work forge built in a similar way as way the first one but with a wider entrance and two circular holes which serve as windows for air and entrantes for the spirit of iron. In this second forge, there is no stone anvil but two horse-shoe shaped metal anvils. The young men in the compound do their smithing in the second forge. According to the elders, some of the young men do not strictly follow the desof the smithing profession and if they are ailowed to work in the ancestral forge they will hurt themselves or pollute it. Elders claim most of the young men eat indiscriminately and do some acts (which they refuse to mention) that are dangerous to working with iron.

The major difference between the Bulsas and the Grunni speakers is in the shape of the forge and tools produced, especially hoes. Fireboxes in the Bolgatanga area are larger in diameter and height than those in Bulsaland. The fire boxes are almost straight with an opening at the top which is uncovered (Figures 5.2 and 5.3). Occasionally, wire grills are put across the opening and meat or millet is roasted on it while srnithing is in progress (Figure 5.3). The size and height of the firebox accommodates the large volume of work and dlows the smiths to put large pieces of iron needed for the making of plough

"mouths" or a nurnber of pieces into the forge at the same time. The smiths in

Bolgatanga produce different type of hoes to meet the taste of al1 the ethnic groups in the

Upper East. They produce traditional Bulsa, Kassena, Kussasi and Marnprusi hoes. They have studied the speciai needs of each of the ethnic groups and the terrain across the region and they produce hoes that compete well with hoes from al1 the other groups.

Their hoes are found in ali the local markets in the region and are said to be cheaper than hoes from the other groups.

BuIsa iron working as compared with her neighbours (Kassena, Kussasi, Grunni speakers and other groups) shows that major parts of the iron working setup and products, and most of the core words used in iron working have a wide distribution with cognates from the various ethnic groups. (Tables 5.1 and 5.2).

5.13 Distribution and trade

Most smiths distribute their products in the local markets, for example, Bulsa smiths in the markets within Bulsa district, Kassenas in the Kassena area and in that fashion. Information from market surveys shows that the smiths' products fiom

Bolgatanga were found in almost al1 the local markets to take care of the extra demand which could not be supplied by the smiths in the various settlements. Frafia hoes from

Bolgatanga are retailed everywhere across the region, for example in Bawku, BuIsa and

Kassena-Nankani districts and even far south in Marnprusi and Dagornba lands. In the past when smith were srnelters, most of the iron requirements including implements such as hoes, came across the border from Mossiland. Oral traditions anest that the trade in iron between the comrnunities in the Upper East and Mossiland was an important part of the caravan trade. The traditions daim iron and hoes coming fiom the North in

Mossiland and sorne fiorn the North East in Togo continued until the introduction of iron scrap from Europe in the first half the 1900s.

5.14 Consumption and disposal habits

The consumption rate and life span of iron products is influenced by the type of iron used to produce the tool or irnplement, the fiequency of the use of the tool, its price and the number of household mernbers. Inforniants daim that tools produced fiom local iron have a longer life span than those manufactured from European iron scrap. hankanbil claimed that one hoe made from local iron could Iast a whole season, but with the hoes made fiom European iron one needs three for a season. Factors such as, how serious he is as a farmer, the size of fmholdings and number of relatives who work with him greatly influence the number of hoes and other farm implements needed for a given season. Normally, it is the duty of the father of the household head to purchase farrn tools for his members and the more the farm hands in a household, the greater the demand for tools. Every BuIsa male adult possesses about 4-5 hoes. 2-3 axes and one of other types of fmtools.

Although women use hoes and other ritual iron products, their acquisition is e?iclusively done by men. Even women who are widows and own their own farms will usually give the money to a man to go and purchase a tool for her. Like women who can identie the best pots in the market, it is believed that it is only the men who can identifi the best hoes. ïhere are no taboo or ruIe that forbids women fiom purchasing farm tools but no woman wiil agree to shop for tools and no woman was found doing it, although women were found selling the products of their smith husbands.

In the past when tools were made out of [ocai smelted iron, iron objects and tools were never discarded unless they were lost. Almost al1 fmning tools were recycled when they were no longer useful. Recycling was popular in the past becairse iron was scarce and dificult to smelt. However, in recent years recycling of tools is no longer a cornrnon practice, although a few smiths still do recycle. Smiths daim the European iron is not suitable for recycling. Most smiths have experimented with the European iron and realized the different types of iron do not weld together well. Smiths suggested that most

European iron which is probably welded together from different irons and what they termed "different mixture" will never adhere to each other when rewelded fiom used tools. Most discarded iron tools especidly those used in fming and other activities, are

Ieft on the farms under trees or thrown into the fowIs coop in the cattleyard. As for ritual objects such as bangles and other forms of omaments, they are never thrown away. When a person dies, his ritual bangIes are removed and put on his person shrïne (wen) before he is buried. Some of the bangles may sometimes finally 5nd their way into the ground and get lost. Excavation around the site of shrines is likely to produce different types of ritual iron objects.

5.15 Archaeologicat implications

A lot can be said about the economy and social life of Bulsa through a critical examination of iron materials produced and used. Similady, iron products and workshop foundations provide dues into the past life style of the people who produce and use these objects. For example, type of tools and objects produced provide information on the type of economic activities (fming, hunting and fishing tools) and social life (ritual, religion and status). However, there are a nurnber of difficulties when using iron objects and tools in the ethnographie record as a reflection of the local economy, taste and social life.

These difficulties arise especiaily in cases where production is geared towards regional distribution rather than local consumption. For exarnple, whereas most local Bulsa and

Kassena smiths produce for local consumption, the Gmispeakers (Zaare and Soe), manufactured their tools and objects to satisfy the demands of ail the ethnic groups. For occupation, the concept of space in gender terms and the social position of wornen. It must be noted that the emphasis on these factors especially on the social position of women throughout this chapter may appear to be repetitive. This is a reflection of their importance as perceived by informants. These factors form a centrai theme around which the entire social network and organization revolves.

Abunlok suggested that highly ritualized activities usually fa11 within the domain of men. He explained that the wives or wornen in general are always strangers and have less stable affiliation to either their paternal and matemal compounds or clans. A daughter can Ieave the house for marriage upon the age of maturit., and a married woman cmdivorce to remarry elsewhere. Thus, the unstable of women to a particular houseliold generally forbids them fiom participating in occupations such as iron working. CHAPTER 6: POTTERY AND IRON WORKING COMPARED

6.1 Elements compared

The two technologies will be compared in terms of the division of labour by gender, entry into the occupations, transmission of skills, residential pattern ~atrilocaiityand matrilocality), ritual and belief systems, marketing and distribution of products, continuity in technological traditions, social interaction, and prestige differences.

Technologicai production differences, recycling, male versus femaie creativity, symbolic domains for design sources and comparison to other domains of plastics arts (mural decorations, designs on clothing, mats, hats baskets and facial scarification) will dso be exarnined. The elements chosen for the comparison were those that were fiequently mentioned by informants and have also been observed to feature prominentiy in both crafts but in different ways. The discussion on these elements follows an outline simi1a.r to that used in chapters four and five.

6.2 Gender division of labour

In Bulsa society, most tasks are assigned differently to males and fernales.

However, in some occupations this division is unclear and appears to overlap. Generally jobs that are done inside the cornpound in the courtyards such as cooking, chiId care, potting, and weaving of mats and baskets are traditionaily considered female occupations. On the other hand, tasks executed outside the courtyards or away fiom the compound and which require more physical efforts and many hours of absence from the compound, such as hunting and iron working, are regarded as men's jobs. Reasons suggested by informants for the division of labour by gender includes: the ritual content of the only considered vital for the survival of the group but is also highly ritualized. As indicated in earlier chapters, ritual and religious knowledge is considered as vital importance to the survival of the group and must be kept confidentid from members outside the ch.

Since women are never fully incorporated either into their paternal or husbands' clans afier mmiage they cannot be tnisted with the clan's or village's secrets. The belief arnong Buka is that women stand a high chance of Ieaking the clan's religious secrets easily when they many or remany. Consequently, they are denied entry into occupations with elaborate religious ceremonies. Iron working is considered as one of those occupations which are both dangerous and highly rituaiized. The crafi has one of the most powerfui shrines in the iron working cornrnunities. Allowing women to participate directly in an occupation such as iron working is tantamount to asking women to conduct the sacrifices of the clan's earth god which would be sacrilegious. Abunlok, who aiways demonstrates the relevance of most belief systerns with either a proverb or a story, justified the exchsion of women fiom heavily ritualized activities with the following story :

Once there lived a woman who was barren and because of that her other co- wives laughed and ridiculed her. The barren woman became miserable and wanted to end her life. One day when she went to the river to fetch water she sat down there and began to weep. The river then asked her why she cned and she gave the reason. The river then gave her a fish to send home, put into a pot and cover for three days. The woman did as she was told and on the third day when she opened the pot, the fish had tumed into a baby boy. The child grew up to be wealthy and had a Iot of cattle, wives and children. Meanwhile, one of the instructions given by the river was that none of his farnily shouid mention the narne "silver fish" in the compound. Any time a new wife was brought into the compound, he would wmher against this rule. Among al1 his wives, there was one he loved best. One day when the man was helping tiiis favorite wife, he was interrupted with a cal1 from one of his other \vives to come and give a helping hand in some job. The man ignored her cd1 and she becarne angry and said, "Silver fish 1 need your help." The man thereupon set out and plunged himself into the nearby river and turned into a fish.

AbunIok concluded the story with this warning "this is why it is said a man should never disclose his religious secrets to his wife or woman."

When 1 reminded Abunlok that 1 had come across women doing jobs such as helping with smithing, he replied with a proverb "daayiila meena are ba siak waan-ya"

"Not a11 songs end with the choms waan-ya." Waan-ya is a chorus that goes with many songs especiaily those Sung at funerai. What he implied in this proverb is that to every ruIe there are exceptions, but he again qualified this with the proverb "kudugsa meean ata haan hma" literdly msaning "Ail farm plots have demarcations." In Bulsa society al1 the farm pIots have clear demarcations and these are rigidly recognized. What this proverb means is that in every society there are rules to ensure social order. If there were no boundaries to plots or peo$e failed to recognize these boundaries, society would degenerate into anarchy. The proverb "daa yiila meena are ba siak waan-ya " suggests that although women are traditionally excluded from certain heavily ritualized activities, in practice there are some exceptions. This is perhaps one of the reasons why wives who are older and have little chance of divorcing and remarrying elsewhere participate in some important rituais of their husbands' clans.

The level of risk in an occupation influences the allocation of tasks to each gender. Generally, activities that are dangerous both physically and socially are done by men. Atongnaam suggested that occupations such as iron working, hunting or warfare are not only connected to the shedding of blood, but also that these activities are permeated with elaborate ritual and religious cerernonies, which traditionally can be perforrned by men only. Atongnaam emphasized that these occupations require greater physicai, and spiritual or psychological strength in which men are superior. The term used by Atongnarn for physical and psychological strength is nidueni which means

"bravery or courage." Abunlok again surnrnarized the exclusion of wornen fiorn occupations which he considers to be of vital importance and yet dangerous with the proverb nipok kan ko waab a gebi zuk-wa, literally meaning "A woman does not kill a snake and cut off the head." The rneaning of the proverb is that not onIy do women lack the necessary courage to kill snakes, which are generally dangerous and associated with bad spirits, but also a wornan stands a hi& chance that the bad spirit would inhabit her and thus affect her ability to bear chiidren. What this proverb also conveys is that ritual and religious ceremonies are associated with both good and evii spirits and it is sometirnes difficult to isolate the two. The evil spirits are particularly dangerous to reproduction and women have to be excluded fiom crafts that are characterized by rlaborate ritual ceremonies. Even fming, in which women participate relatively fully, is stil1 classified as a man's job because it is associated with elaborate rituais which can only be performed by men according to traditionai rules. Women are believed to be the producers of life, and as such their invo!vement in activities such as iron working or

warfare is forbidden. Their participation would reduce their fertility and increase the

chances of the dangers in these activities af3ecting their ability to bear children.

The reasons given for the exclusion of women from some tasks such as warfare, hunting and iron working on the basis of strength and reproduction can be partly explained using a number of models. The explanations given for the gender division of labour in general and for the exclusion of women fiom some activities in Bulsa society may be examined in terms of the expendability and strength models (Murdock and

Provost 1973; Mukhopadhyay and Higgins 1988). The expendability model suggests that men generaily tend to perform dangerous tasks because they are not as necessary for reproduction. Hunting, warfare or iron working besides being closely linked to shedding of bIood, Bulsas believe that the nsk for the loss of life is higher in these activities. By restricting these activities to men, reproduction will not suffer much when there is loss of life in a preeminently polygynous BuIsa society. Ajaarla explained that although iron working may not be as physically dangerous as war, in the social and ritual context the dangers in both activities are almost the sanie, especiaiiy when smiths smelted their own i ron.

The strength model (Murdock and Provost 1973; Mukhopadhyay and Higgins

1988) in particular emphasizes that activities that require heavy lifting, harnmering, throwing of weapons, running with greater speed, or quick bursts of energy are best performed by men. Although both the expendability and strength models can account for certain patterns in the gender division of labour, they fail to explain the exclusion of women from activities such as the making of musical instruments, trapping animals, and collecting honey, al1 of which require less physicai strength. The argument that men tend

to do the most dangerous activities because they are physically stronger than women is

not always true in practice as counter argued by some wornen inforrnants. Some fernale

tasks such as shea butter processing, gathering of fuelwood and potting are as equally as

tedious and require a Iot of physicd strength in the same way as working iron. The only

difference between iron working and activities such as shea butter processing or cutting

fuelwood is not energy expenditure but the level of risk and danger both ritual and

physical.

The assigning of tasks in Bulsa society has to be compatible with primary outside-

domestic duties. Wornen's tasks have to be compatible particularly with child care and

other domestic activities. In Bulsa society, breast feeding traditionally takes 2-3 years,

and in the first six months &er birth mothers are resûicted fiom taking infants with them

into the open or outside the compound. It is considered bad for infants to be intempted

when they need attention or are being fed. This implies that fiom the tirne of conception

and for three years der a woman delivers she has to spend much of her the inside the

compound to caler for the child. To niinimize time and energy spent in scheduling

between outside activities and nursing an infant, women have to concentrate on tasks that

do not conflict with their chiId care responsibiIities.

Women may in part are forbidden fiom crafls such as iron working in order to reduce the risk of exposing a pregnant woman, a nursing rnother and baby, to the dangers

(physical and supematural) associated with such occupations. Most of the tasks dlocated to women in Bulsa society tend to be those which do not conflict with child care responsibility and are also Iess dangerous in the supernaturai sense.

from certain physical spaces. For exarnple, activities such as woodwork or weaving of

local cloth cm easily be interrupted without problems, but yet these duties are restricted

to men in Bulsa society. Most of the unresolved problems, especially those that prohibit

women fiom physical space, are accounted for by the socio-cultural beIief system of the

Bulsas as revealed throughout this thesis.

Space is a significant factor in assigning tasks to the two sexes in Buisa society.

As noted earlier, the inside of the compound is the female domain and the outside the

male. This sexual division of space tends to influence the type of tasks that can be done

effectively by either sex. Tasks such as iron working which is more efficiently and

conveniently done outside the house, is considered a male occupation, while potting is a

fernale activity because it fits we1I with other competing activities of the wornan within

the house. The notion of male-female space is so important and strong that it cuts across

al1 aspects of Bulsa life. Erection of ancestral shrines, burials and funeral performances,

and the construction of Iiving quarters and ordinary places to relax after work are al1

stmctured according to the Bulsa concept of space in gender tems.

It is considered improper and rude for a man or a wornan to engage in a job which

traditionaily falls within the domain of the opposite sex. A woman will find it offensive

if her husband interferes with activities in the kitchen, and even worse if he is found

cooking. Men who are fond of doing jobs that are traditionally classified as female duties

are often looked down upon and teased by their fellow men and women. The Bulsa term

used to described such men is kayaluk, (pl) kayaluta, which means "a person who behaves abnormally, or unusually and does not play the attributed roles assigned to him or her by society." This derogatory term is used for both sexes who behave abnormally but is more comrnonly applied to men. A male who does a women's job is nidoa kuyaluk

(nidoa "man") and woman who behaves like a man is nipok kayahk (nipok "woman"). It

is a serious insult to the individuai, or to his or her farnily, to be labeled as a kayaluk.

Abunlok mentioned that in the past men who were afiaid to go war, hunt, or who could

not generaily stand blood, or were not brave were ail ciassified as kayalufa. There is a

even a belief that men or women who are fond of doing tasks assigned to the opposite sex

are likely to lose fertility. A man who is fond of spending most of his time indoors is aiso

regarded as kayaluk unless he is sick or too old to come out. The distinction between

male and female space in Bulsa society suggests that even when making with rational

cost-benefit analyses on the gender division of labour, social considerations still play a

major role. This emphasizes that social and cultural factors serve as internai

psychological processes in defining each sex category.

The idea of kzzyaluk is even extended to the marketing of finished products of the

smiths and the potters. Until quite recently it was not even possible to come across

women selling iron products on behalf of their husbands in the formal markets. Although

this rule is no longer rigidly followed by women, men stiIl find it embarrassing to

purchase or seIl pots directly on behalf of their wives because they will be ridiculed by

other men as kqdufa.

6.3 Transmission of skills

The transmission of skills or apprenticeship in both crafts is very similar.

However, as a result of the elaborate rituals and religious content of iron working there is more pressure for Iearners to conform to the traditional way of doing things. Unlike potting, where there are more frequent breaks in the learning process, in iron working such interruptions are rninimized. The often frequent breaks in leaming potting as a result of marriages make it more likely that a wornan leaming to becorne a potter receives her training fiom different potters such as age mates, CO-wivesand mothers-in-law. This means that by the time a woman becornes a qualified potter she may have been influenced by quite a nurnber of qualified potters. A girl starts the Iearning process between the ages of 7- 10; by the age of 13- 15 she manies and rnay continue learning under a mother-in-law or CO-wives. The fact that potters are often influenced by a nurnber of different qualified potters during their training affects style. The wide styiistic variation at the individual level within the sarne village is in part due to differences in training. Udike potting, there are fewer chances of a new style being introduced into smithing as a result of the learning process. Almost al1 smiths receive their training fiorn one liead smith. When 1 asked the why some women in the sarne compound in Fumbesi make pots quite differently, 1 was told by informants that these women learned the crafi eIsewhere and came to the present village as adults. Since these women were already adults, it was difficult to teach them to producc pots in Fumbesi style. Potters who have had their training elsewhere and are now manied in Fumbesi claimed that although there is no pressure on them to conform to the Furnbesi's way of making pots, they feel that if one goes to a place and they are using the perforated pot to carry water, one rnust also do the sarne thing. Which means that in the absence of pressure to conform, potters who marry into a potting village will sometimes voluntarily by to adopt the techniques of potting that is used in the cornrnunity. David and Hennig (1972) identified a similar pattern in

Carneroon where new potters change voluntarily in order to be identified as members of the village. In Kanjaga where there is pressure to conform, there are difficulties in training adult potters who have learned potting elsetvhere. The difficulties in training an adult potter to change style, as discussed earlier in chapter four, were emphasized in a proverb by an older potter from Kanjaga, "ba kan teeti kpaikorigu" literally meaning

"They cannot straighten a dried or old hoe haft." Branches of trees are usually cut and used to make handles for hoes or axes. When hoe handles are fieshly cut fiom the tree and are still moist, it is easy to straighten them to suit the desired shape, but once they dry out it becomes difficult to bend them into shape without breaking them. The point stressed in the proverb is that it is impossible or much more difficult to correct a person who has acquired certain habits over a long time.

Style in the smithing craft is iduenced by ngid traditional rules of conformity and in the case of fming tools by the nature of soils. A head smith wiil ofien insist that his trainee follows exactly what he does. The insistence for learners to conform to the standard way of doing things is usually enforced through the rinial aspects of the crafl.

Smiths will tell their apprentices that any deviations are against the traditional rules of the crafi are taboo, and a head smith may not hesitate to Iink conformity to some ritual aspects of the craft.

Bulsa hoes are much smaller and Iighter than Frafia hoes because of the terrain.

Soils in Bulsaland are generally sandy which requires the use of light hoes as compared to the heavy soils further south that demand heavy and larger hoes. For exarnple, in

Dagombaland where the soi1 is heavy and fming involves a Iot of rnound making, larger hoes are produced. The type of fming practice is another factor that appears to influence the type of hoes produce. Bulsa fming requires less moud making as compared to people Mersouth who cultivate yarns, a crop which does well on mounds.

Consequentiy, the nature of soils and methods of farming have some influence on the forms of tools, especially hoes of made by local srniths. On the other hand, styIe in potting is generally much more flexible especially in the area of non-ritual vessels. As discussed in chapter four, buyers will not buy or will be in doubt if a ritual pot deviates fiom what is known and acceptable to the society. Because of this, rituai pots are quite standardized. Although variation in both crafls is influenced by many factors including social organization and traditions, these factors appear to exert more pressure in smithing than potting. The differences in conformity to tradition in the two crafts are partly the result of the social organization (presence or absence of a focal point of unity). Smiths' societies can be called "closed societies" to some degree, for there are fewer movements in and out of the group. With the mvil as the focus of smithing activities and a symbolic representation of each smithing clan or village, conformity as well as sociai ties are strengthened during rituals. Potting on the other hand, lacks a strong unifying deity such as the anvil. This kind of mechanism or central point of group identity is either lacking or weak among potters.

Pottery products generally have a wider distribution than iron products. This is partly due to the fact that terrain is not an important factor in the use of pots unlike iron products such as hoes and other farrn implements. in some cases where smiths such as those fiom Zaare in Bolgatanga who produce hoes and distribute them in local markets in the Bulsa and Kussasi areas. care is taken to ensure that hoes produced for these other ethnic groups confonn to the style of hoes produced by Bulsa or Kussasi smiths. The smiths at Zaare explained that if they produce Frafia hoes for the Bulsa or Kussasi markets they will not be patronized since every ethnic group has its ideas about what a proper hoe should look like based on the system of fming, terrain and other cultural beliefs. Unlike the FhBuisa smiths produce mainly for the Bulsa market, and rarely have their products, especially hoes, going outside the confines of the Bulsa district. in contrast, a greater proportion of Bulsa pots are distributed to areas over IOOkm outside

Bulsaland since terrain and other social factors do not strongly influence the use of ceramic products except rituai pots. In the area of rinial objects and containers, the works of both smiths and potters have limited geographical distribution. Few religious objects such as Bulsa bangles or ritual pots are found outside Bulsa district. Even when these are found in non-Bulsa settlements, they are either acquired with local medicine obtained from the Buisa people or the owners of such rituai objects have Bulsa social connections.

6.4 Prestige differences

There is some prestige differences between potters and smiths. The term prestige is used here loosely to mean the way Bulsa perceive the two crafts in terms of importance. Prestige is dificu1t to measure but male elders suggest that a craft is considered prestigious if it brings more money, is difficult for other people to copy, has a rituai and religious component, and if the service of the crafi specialist is vital and indispensable for the swival of the society. Although both are respected crafts, smithing is regarded as more prestigious than potting frorn the perspective of male elders because it meets most of the criteria used to measure prestige in Bulsa society. The position of male elders was however contested by potters who said that "A person does not put sand into his own grain" and "One does not point at his maternai uncle's house with one's left hand." The two proverbs irnply that men are always ready to make claims that whatever is performed by them is superior to or more important than women. Although high respect is enjoyed by both craft speciaiists, smiths are also feared, because they are believed to possess the secrets of traditionai medicines and are healers. The generai difference in prestige between potters and smiths was aiso explained in terms of the idea of the "stranger, foreigner or irnrnigrant"(nichaano). Although some smiths claim they are strangers because tfiey origindly corne fiom somewhere outside Bulsaland and maintain separate settlements, they have been incorporated into the mainstream of Bulsa society. A woman on the other hand may many and live her whole life in her husband's village but she wiIl always be regarded as a stranger by her husband's village. Abunlok explained that in the past any stranger who entered a settlement was usuaIly given an inferior occupation for the fear that if he or she had a prestigious occupation, he or she might usurp power. This rnay partiy explain why women, who are always regarded as strangers, have to be potters, a craft considered by men to be inferior, less prestigious, with lower economic returns and fewer rituai and religious ceremonies. Although men acknowledge the importance of pots and suggest that no serious ritual or religious cerernony in the society can be accomplished without a pot. they stiIl maintain that potting is not as prestigious and dangerous as working with iron. 6.5 Social interaction

Social interaction is higher among potters than mong smiths. For example, a potter fiom a different house or househoid is allowed to finish a pot started by another potter if that potter is too busy or engaged in another activity such as attending to an infant or cooking. It is rare among smiths to aiIow a fellow smith from a different clan or house to continue and finish a tool started by another smith. Even in the same compound or arnong brothers, it is a mle that when a smith starts a tool he must finish it before another smith takes over to make a new tool, unlike potting where the decoration on a vesse1 may sometime be done by more than one potter. This means the style of tools produced by a smith is more likely to be unifonn than in the case of pots.

Pottery and iron working are both collective activities in the sense that the activities of the crafts require the services of other farnily members. Smith can never operate without the assistance of other people. Except mining and firing which are carried out with the assistance of farnily members, most of the other activities such as forming and the preparation of the clay are ofien an individual affair.

6.6 Technological production differences

Technological production differencss exist between potting and smithing in a nurnber of stages in the production process. Potters work directly with raw clay mined from the area while smiths rely on iron scrap fkom the formal markets. Potters therefore have more control over the supply of their major raw material than smiths do. Control over the supply of the basic raw materials by the craft specialists tends to influence the price of final products. The price of iron products is af3ected by the price of the raw

material (iron scrap), whereas the price of vessels is more under the influence of demand

and supply of pots. in terrns of manufacturing techniques, smiths have adopted a wide

range of modem methods such as the replacement of day bellows pipes with iron ones, acquisition of factory-made hamrners, iron anvils, tongs, pincers and iron saws and drills.

In contrast potters still rely heavily on traditionai tools with small additions of products from the formai sector in their toolkit (tooth brushes, nails. coins and plastic scrapers).

6.7 Male versus female creativity

In the area of artistic creativity and especiaIly decorative style, potters are more creative than smiths. Both men and women eiders agreed that women are more creative in decorative style and the reason given by men for this is that it is much easier to control clay than iron. Besides. one of the hallmarks of a traditional BuIsa woman is to have a sense of beauty. This is manifested in most activities such as basketry and plastering of compounds which are done by women. Ajaaria, the chief smith of the Akpiok clan in

Wiaga, suggests that women are generally known to have patience when it comes to decorative style which is very important in a craft such as potting. in addition, much attention is paid to decorative creativity when some pots are manufactured for sociotechnic reasons such as those used to decorate rooms. in iron working, a tool is judged mainly by its shape and its ability to accomplish the job for which it is produced.

Unlike pot users, fmers do not buy hoes and other iron implements for the sake of art or admiration. Ajaarla indicates that in the past when casting formed a significant part of the smith's job, more attention was paid to decorative style since some products including bangles produced by the caster are either meant for body adornrnent or rituai purposes and as such must be made to satisfi the artistic needs of society. Although both potters and srniths are very adaptive to changes and seem to copy styles from other groups or factory-made tools and containers, potters appear to be more flexible in this area. For example, decorative style on clothing, plastic and enamel bowls are transferred ont0 pots by potters.

UnIike pots, where recyding has never been important, elders claimed that in the past when iron was scarce and smelting was a very tedious activity, every broken or worn-out iron implement was recycled. However, recycIing of iron is no longer necessary because iron is easily available, and partly because it is difficult to weld together used tools produced from European iron scrap. The tendency to recycle iron tools in the past which appears to have been a common practice will result in fewer iron artifacts as compared to pots in the archaeology of Bulsaland,

The syrnbolic domain sources for both crafts are similar, especially in the area of tabvos and other restrictions on social purity as a condition for successful practice. The narnes given to the parts of the blacksrnith's forge, working tools and products, and parts of pots bear narnes used to describe the hurnan body. For example, a pot has a mouth

(nui), neck (gneri) and body (nying). The firebox has sirnilar attributes such as choak- nangsa (nanga "legs") used for the clay or iron pipes, chaok nui (the opening on the firebox where charcoal and scrap iron are fed and choak bitagfiik (bitagfiik "anus"), the opening on the furnace where sIag flows out or the top of the opening at the top of the firebox where smoke escapes. Some smiths described the "anus" as choak-sifik or window of the firebox. AnankanbiI suggested that when iron was smelted in a funiace, the choak-silik where laterite and charcoai is fed through was cailed the mouth of the fùrnace. Although neither specialist directly linked their craft to human reproduction, the similarities in rituals, taboos and other traditional belief systems between the two crafts and human reproduction suggests close pardlels between the two domains in metaphoric terrns.

6.8 Contiuuity in traditions

Despite the intensity of European and Arab influence, as well as Christian and

Moslem proselytizing efforts which have affected rnany aspects of Bulsa life including their technological complexes, traditional crafts such as iron working and potting continue to manifest vitality in every sphere of life in the Upper East. This is seen in the area of rituais and religious belief systems that characterize specialist occupations such as smithing and potting. Although there are growing efforts by govemmental and non- governrnental agencies and by Christian missions to make traditionai societies adopt modem techniques in some areas of smithing and potting, there seems to be Iittle or no evidence to support the thinking that the religious aspects of these crafis will shortly and inevitably disappear. informants' accounts and observations suggest that whereas pureIy utilitarian products from both technologies are being gradually replaced by foreign and local manufactured substitutes or used side by side with them, ritual and religious items remain largely unaffected. En the area of smithing, the religious component is still strictly maintained, since the crafl is regarded as ritual activity rather than just a production of implements or objects. 6.9 Iron and pottery products compared with other plastic arts

With the exception of rituai bangles and the structure and form of forge, there are few similarities between iron products in terms of style and other domains of plastic art.

However, motifs such as snakes, crocodiies and other animal species found on compounds, local clothing, tattoos on humans, and pots are also found on both ritual and non-ritual bangles, spears and arrow heads and bear similar meanings. Like the appearance of these motifs and other anthropomorphic designs on pots and compound, their appearance on ritual iron bangles, spears and arrow heads serve prophylactic functions. As indicated in chapter four, rnost decorations found on pots or pottery products are found on local clothing, hurnan bodies, compounds. baskets and mats. The meaning of some of these decorations on other domains of plastic arts has not been fully investigated, but it appears that they serve sirnilar fünctions as observed on pots.

In conclusion, the differences and sirnilarities between the two crafts on one hand and on another between these crah and other dornains of plastic arts are al1 structured along the socio-cultural and ideological belief systems of the Bulsas. It appears that some of the rit~alsin both crafts are helps to rninimize the amount of deviation fiom production techniques. CHAPTER 7: IDEOLOGY AND TECHNOLOGY

7.1 Introduction

Technology is married to culture, therefore it would be incomplete to discuss pottery and iron working without reference to Bulsa belief systems. This chapter's main focus is the religion and syrnbolism which are central to dmost al1 spheres of Bulsa life. 1 should emphasize that the main purpose of the chapter is not to provide complete detailed information on Bulsa belief systerns or thought. Bulsa thought is a large subject which requires a broader research approach. This chapter brings out only those elements of

Bulsa thought which reIate directly to pottery and iron working technologies.

7.2 Religious thought

Bulsas believe in the existence of one supreme deity ((nab-iven, nab "chief" and wen "god") who is greater than any other being. In BuIsa thought, this chief god is magnanimous, holy, a hater of evil (sitaana "bad, wicked or destructive person or spirit), and the creator of life and death, success or misfortune. The concept of evil as part of

Bulsa thought finds expression in this cornmon saying, nabwen kan ya sitaana "God does not like evil." The chief god often acts through numerous lesser agents who mediate between him and the living world. The chef god is addressed in the same way as a father

(ri kwo nabwen, "our father chef god"). There are no priests nor altars built for him, for he is omnipresent, omniscient, omnipotent and is thought to be at the centre of everything in Bulsa society. The greatness of the chief god is expressed in a number of attributes such as wen ka nab "god is chief", wenkperik "mysterious god", wen-nanya " god is al1 seeing", wenkayega " god is great", and akankpeiwen "nothing is greater than god".

The chef god is usually associated with the sky and thunder and is perceived as up in the sky where he keeps a watchfùl eye over the society. This location gives hirn the attribute of ornnipresence (Wena-nya). He sometimes temporardy assumes human fonn and interacts with hurnans as revealed in a number of Bulsa stories. Abuniok gave a

Bulsa story to illustrate one of the many natures of the chief god.

There once lived two brothers, Ayam and Apola. who resided in different compounds in the sarne village. They were both very tich. One day, a leper came to Ayarn's compound to beg for food. Instead of giving hirn food, Ayam chased the leper away for fear that he and his family would become infected with such a contagious disease. The leper next went to Apola's house and was warmly welcomed by Apola and his family. Apola even made a feast for the Ieper and asked hirn to stay for the night. The next day, before the leper set out to go, he said his name was Awenkperik The leper asked Apola to see him off. Halfway into the bush, the Ieper asked Apola to wait at a spot and he will return later. The leper came back as a healthy human being. The leper then said to Apola "1 am god who has become a leper to test your kindness". Apola was therefore blessed by the leper with more riches while Ayam becarne poorer and poorer. This is the reason why beggars and strangers should not be maltreated, for they might be god or the ancestors or any of the divinities who have turned into human form.

This story reveals not only the many forrns of god, but also his attitude towards social conduct. For exarnple, the wicked are punished by taking whatever they have away while the kind is rewarded with material prosperity. In addition to the chief god, Bulsas believe in a number of lesser divinities or

deities'z (bogluta), who range from the great village, clan or lineage gods to individual

private deities. Bulsa believe in the divine nature of these deities who are created by god.

There are countless representations in the form of shrines of these lesser deities, in wood,

clay, iron and Stone, but images of the chief god are non-existent in Bulsa society. Al1 of

the lesser gods have one generic name bogluta (pl) bolgluk, rneaning shrk or sacred

object that receives sacrifices. These lesser gods take many forms, but for the purpose of

this discussion, 1 will place them into five. These are:

1) Parental ancestral shrines: (kwo wen, hvo rven-nn (pl), "father god" ma-wen-na

ma-wen (pl), "mother god."

2) Persona1 destiny shrine (tintueru wen. "saliva god"). It is the personal shrine of an

individuai who is still living or is dead but his wen has not been transferred to the

outside.

3) Divinatory shrines (jadok-bogluk, the shrine of a spirit that ofien materializes in an

animal, plant or any encounter with the supernaturai.

3) Earth sluines (îang-gbui or teng bogluk, rang-gbana (pl), rang is derived from the

word tcng meaning "earth", and gbai literally meaning "skin" but here it means god)

5) Medicine shrine (tiim-bogluk, tiim means medicine).

The relationship between the chief god and these lesser deities in Bulsa cosmology is analogous to a der with representatives who perform specific tasks and carry out the wishes of the master. The chief god is believed to act in conjunction with the various l2The terms deity and divinity are used interchangeably in the thesis. 1 prefer these terms because they are the ones used in the literature of the region. Elsewhere in Afnca such deities and ancestors to maintain religious sanctions, social and politicai order, and economic prosperiw. However, on another level, the relationship is more than that of a derand his representatives, for these deities are believed to have the power sometimes to act independently of the chief god. Such powers suggest that these entities are not passive intermediaries between god and human, nor are they "children of god," they are partners to god in fulfilling the needs of the living world. Also important is the fact that the powers of these deities are localized within a clan or a geographical area.

Among the Bulsas, the lesser gods together with the chief god are the supreme arbiters of social life. Rules, taboos, noms, traditions and rituals of Bulsa society are maintained and enforced through these deities. Fur example, the rules that govern economic, political, and social life of the Bulsa are inextricably interwoven with the peoples' religious thought. The belief in these lesser deities and their relationship with the chief god as controIling agents in al1 domains of life is the foundation of Bulsa religious life.

Ancestral shines (iSlilima)

hcestors, in Bulsa terminology, are the invisibie spirits (chiisa) of dead men and women who, during their life time, must have fulfilled some conditions, including high social, economic and political statu. After death, their spirits continue to have influence over the living in al1 spheres of life, including farming, fertility of land and humans and the general welfare of the society. It is believed that a person who has lived a good life will have a good spint after death, and through constant contact with the living relatives the spirits of the dead can bless and protect them. AduIts who have Iived to advanced age supernaturd beings would be referred to mainly as spirits. and have occupied a recognized position in the household, clan or lineage are the ones usuaily recognized in the hierarchy of ancestors.

In the Bulsa concept of a human being, a person is composed of both spiritual and material elements. The materiai part cornes fiom the parents and is the physical body.

The spirituai component cornes fiom the chief god and is embodied in the sou1 called chiik or wen (chiik literally meaning the moon). The distinction between the individual chiik and the wen in Bulsa cosmology is quite arnbiguous. The chiik is believed to be the small particle of the chief god infused into the hurnan at conception; and this contains the breath of life. The chiik leaves the person after death but still dwells in the living world until the last funeral rites are performed, then it migrates to the world of the dead or ancestors. The physical manifestation of the wen is a smail pebble which syrnbolizes the sun god. This pebble is collected with the first beam of the sun at ceremony performed by the soothsayer. The mal1 pebble represents part of the sky god and the mud, the earth god. The mud-bal1 forming a conical structure with the pebble pressed into it at the top is erected in the courtyard of the child's mother. The person then makes sacrifices to his or her physical wen throughout life; after death, this wen then becomes an ancestral shrïne.

After the last performance of the füneral, in consultation with the soothsayer, the wen of a male is brought out and erected at the entrance of the compound where it can monitor the activities in and out of the cornpound. This ritua1 of bringing out the wen (wen tanyika) formally marks the beginning of the dead person's elevation to the status of ancestor.

The positions of various shrines reflect the spatial segregation based on sex in

Bulsa society. All male ancestral shrines are found at the outer space at the entrance of the compound while the female counterparts are located within the compound (inside rooms) or the paths in the direction of their paternal homes. This expresses the Bulsa

concept of the woman as being in charge of domestic affairs or a stranger to her

husband's compound.

Bulsa make a distinction between the chiik and the wen in ordinary usage,

however this distinction is blurred when it cornes to worship. It is the physical wen which

is the object of worship but it is linked to with the spirituai chiik of the person during life

and after death. Both the chiik and the wen are believed to have everlasting life and will

continue to influence the living worId after a person is dead. The speciai position

occupied by a person's chiik and wen after death explains why a Bulsa approaches his

ancestral shrine or any deity in a state of purity and respect, and will never undertake any

venture such as fming, iron working or hunting without forrnally asking the ancestors

and his or her persona1 shrine for their blessing and approval. In the sarne way, any

misfortune in life including a failure in iron working, potting, sickness, fming or

infertility is attributed to a violation of the rules of the society. A violation of the rules

produces sociai dirP which cm either cause the ancestors or any of the deities to send

punishment to the affected person, his or her relatives, or the entire clan or even village.

The power of the lesser divinities to punish offenders is a bit arnbiguous. On one level, it

believed that instead of sending punislunent on behalf of the chief god, the deities will

simply withdraw their protection from the living world, thus giving the evil the chance to

inflict hami on the society. This belief suggests that although Bulsas attribute al1 il1

fortunes to the work of evii spirits, the underlying principle is that the evil forces are able

-- - p~ 13The concept of dirt is used in Bulsa society in both the physical and social or spirituai sense. The social or spiritual side is usually glossed in English as "pollution". to operate successfully because the ancestors have been wronged and have subsequently withdrawn their protection. On another level, the lesser divinities inflict punishrnent independentiy of the chief god on people who disobey the social customs or desof the society. The desof the society are believed to have been given by the chief god through their ancestors. It should be stressed that it difficult to make a clear distinction between a person's wen and his chiik after death. The belief is that after death, the person's wen and chiik appear to be merged into one (invisible spirit) watching over what goes on in the living world.

The relationship between the ancestors and the living world in Bulsa cosmology encornpasses the pst, the present, and the future, al1 conceived as one inseparable unit.

In this way, Bulsa live for and through their ancestors, who are believed to be present arnong the living. In daily life and in everyday language, the ancestors are constantly rnentioned in proverbs and stories. In times of iI1 fortune, festive occasions, when embarking upon a journey, or tasks such as ironworking, potting and hunting, the ancestors are consutted and informed.

Personal destiny shrines

The personal god belongs uniquely to individuals. as opposed to the chief god

who is concemed with al1 mankind. It is not exact clear why it is called fintuefa, but

it probably due to the way in which the individual acquires it. When a person is

receiving his or her personal god which usually take place at dawn fiom the

soothsayer at the wen-periiku ceremony, he or she has to spit three or four time into

the wet clay from which the shrine is buiit. The term wen-periika is derived fiom two words: wen "god" and piiri " to celebrate the wcn ritual". Piiri is also related to pigi

"to form clay ball." Although the individual personal wen is believed tu have come

into existence from the day of birth, it remained in the heavens or sky until the day of

wen-periika when it descends down from god. Bulsas will Say a person's wen wants

to come down (wu wen alu yu di sing "the person wen wants descend down")).

The persona1 shrine represents the individuality that differentiates each person from everyone else. The persona1 god of the individual determines a person's life pattern.

Like ancestral shrines, a Bulsa will not embark on any enterprise without soliciting, through sacrifice and libation the blessing of his personal god. When a srnith says that the craft is in his blood, what he actually means is that the act of smithing is in his persona1 destiny which came down with hirn at birth from the chief god. This partly explains why the smith has to contact his personal god, the ancestors and other deities of the clan, before he commences smithing. Occasionally and on request, sacrifices are made to the individual persona1 god to avert any evil force in the person7slife.

A jadok-bogluk is a shrine erected by a person who has an extraordinary encounter with supernaturai forces or an unusual experience. For example, an animal or plant talking to a person in a hurnan voice, or a person who was lost in the bush for a considerable length of time (months to years) before returning to his people. There are certain things in the living world which Bulsa are not perrnitted to witness, such as the mating of chameleons. When a Bulsa cornes across such an experience accidentally, through the advice of a soothsayer he may either become a soothsayer or erect a shrine as a symbol of his experience. This shrine is similar in function to an ancestral or personal shrine and is accredited with extraordinary powers which either help to improve the Iife of the person when its rules are followed, or it rnay destroy him if he violates the rules of the jadok. Every jadok has its own desand it wili be impossible give a list of these rules.

Almost ail leading crafl specialists such as smiths, hunters and fishermen, or farnilies or clans noted for a particular occupation Say that their ancestors first received their special skills and powers of the crafi through encounters with a d~varf,animai, plant or some other supematural experience. AI1 leading specialists such as potters, builders, smiths, hunters, fishermen have patron deities. Although, an individual craft person may have an additionai patron deity, in occupations such as smithing, hunting or fishing clans, there is usually a central deity which al1 members occasionally worship as a group. For example, in Wiak-chiok, every smith keeps an anvil as his or family deity, yet there is a central anvil which al1 srnitlis occasionally worship as group. This anvil is normally in the custody of the eldest male head of the clan. In Wiak-chiok, this elder is not a practising srnith but he still keeps al1 the rituais associated with the crafi. The belief in the power of these deities to control the operations of the craft is strongly upheld. No craft specialist will venture to start work without asking for the explicit permission and blessing of his or her patron deity. The anvil, the central focus of the smith to some degree, is like a jadok bogluk, though more powefil and ail embracing than any ordinary jadok bogluk. Smiths equate the powers of the anvil to that of the earth or sky god. The elders from non-smith clans agreed that the anvii is power, but they disagree with the daim of smith to put the earth and iron god on the same level. It should be emphasized that totem animals and plants of rnost Bulsa clans have corne into existence tfirough similar processes as jardok bogluta.

Eurth god

The earth god has two components: the material and the spiritual. The material aspect of the land that is thought of as sornething to be worked on, owned and divided up according to laid down rules and the spiritual or ritual aspect as an active, living and controlling agency in Iife. It is the spiritual component of the land that is responsible for the retribution for sin or sacrilege against the earth. Although the earth is ofien personified in Bulsa thought, it is not directly associated with any sex. In Bulsa mythology the earth is sometimes regarded as female and at other times such as during sacrifices it is addressed as male. Abunlok, emphasized that al1 fang-gbana are both male and female in one, which appears to contradict his earlier claim in the mythical origin of the human being that a relationship between the sky god (male) and earth god (female) produced the first hurnans. In Abunlok's view, there are no contradictions, because al1 deities have the power to change into any sex depending on the situation, and these entities are not like hurnans in that a particular sex cm be attached to thern.

The oarth god is usually represented at a sacred spot or spots in the Iocality in different forms ranging fiom a single tree, groove of trees, pool, Stream, river, or pile of boulders, to bare unusual patches in the fields. It is a belief that the spirit of the earth resides in these sacred spots. The earth god usually has a land priest as custodian. The earth god is one of the most powerful shrines in Bulsa society and the least offense against it can easily lead to a disaster of fdly or clan. It is a tradition in Bulsaland to make sacrifices to the earth before it is cultivated or mined for clay or laterite. The earth god sûictly abhors human blood and it must be appeased when human blood is shed on it, for the earth must be pure if it is to be productive. The sacredness attached to the earth in terms of purity and blood avoidance are paralle1 to what is observed in the smelting and potting industries. The sacredness of the earth is evident in the hi& penalty and concem of every clan in Bulsaland when the rules or taboos with regards to the earth are broken.

The specid respect attached to the earth god as next to the chief god explains why land is never sold or exchanged for rnonetq consideration. Since the chief god is heid by Bulsa to be either too high or too remote to meddle in the daily life of the people, the daily activities and the individual destinies are shaped or influenced by the earth god, ancestors and the other lesser deities.

Tiim-Bogluta

It is a cornmon practice for Bulsas to acquire additional medicine for self protection and that of the family. In Bulsa usage, people will Say such a person has gone to eat medicine (wa ga de riim}. This means that a person has gone to acquire a special medicine in the form of leather or iron bangle, pot, hom. talisman. and stone to enable him to have more children or become prosperous in life. In most cases, a shrine in the form of a pot with herbs and water inside. or a horn filled with clay may be erected in his compound and sacrifices made to it in a rnanner similar to other shrines. This shrine rnay be incorporated into a person's persona1 shrine and form part of an ancestrai shrine after a person's death. in addition to the anvil, al1 smith Say that they have iron medicine (kutuk- riim) which can be used to treat or give people irnmunity fiom the effects of iron cuts. However, no information could be collected on these aspects, as srniths were not prepared to diçcuss the details of this iron medicine. The onIy information given was that in the pst, during ethnic conflicts, people would come to smiths to "eat the iron medicine" which wouId neutralize the effects of arrow wounds. I was told that today hunters, soldiers and dnvers still come to the smiths to eat the iron medicine for protection against the effects of iron.

7.3 Symbolism and Bulsa thought

Syrnbolism is crucial to the study of Bulsa traditional society in general and pottery and iron working technologies in particular. BuIsa ways of thinking about the world are often in symbolic rather than scientific terms. This makes it dificult to translate these syrnbolic thoughts into western terms without either misrepresenting their thought or crudely representing these thoughts in western idioms. As a result of this dilernma, rnost of the terms to be used here will be in Buli followed by their literal translation. 1 wouid like to stress that most Bulsa symbolic reasoning does not necessarily conform to the niles of Western logic.

As indicated in chapters four and five, the technologies of potting and iron working in Bulsa society are not simple transformations of natural material into containers and tools, they are transformations which involve the conversion of the naturai into the cultural. It may not be difficult to understand how the potter or srnith sets out to begin his or her work, for example, the acquisition of raw material and the actual manufacturing process. However, it may be more difficdt to understand why a potter or smith undergoes certain rituals and observes various religious rules in preparation for his or her craft. To the Bulsa, it is natural for a smith or potter to seek success in his or her occupation through the supematural in the sarne manner as any productive or reproductive venture. For example, any productive enterprise must be conducted in a state of purity. It is believed that dangta, in both its social and physical form, is a pollutant and has the power to cause the failure of any work. Physicai dirt brings sickness and so does social dirt. Thus any action that is done at the wrong place or time has the same effect as physical dirt. Dangta, in its social context, is used not only to mean something is polluted or stained but also in a moral or ritual sense, it means enrage or make angry. 1 will give examples to illustrate the concept of dirt in Bulsa thought: a) Nipok fouluk daaning ka daan-dangtik; meaning a careless woman's cooking spot is dirty. The implication here is that food prcpared fiom a dirty woman's kitchen is Iikely to be polluted and will cause sickness. b) Wu dang kan sui, '-A person has dirtied my heart," which implies that he or she has been enraged or made angry. The word sui means mood, mind, heart or temper. A person's sui is bnght, clear and light (sui pietik) when he is happy or in a good mood and sui dangtik (dirty heart) when he is polluted or angered.

These three examples illustrate the effects of dangfa at both the physicai and moral or ritud Ievel. As physical dirt cm pollute or stain food or any other thing such as clothing, it must be avoided during the production of iron or pots. In the ritual sense, a person becomes enraged or angry when his or her heart becornes dirty through the use of certain words or actions which are unacceptable to the society. Dangta in its social form is forbidden in potting and smithing because, it not only pollutes the business at hand but it angers the gods who are supposed to bless and make the operations successful. It is believed that when the various deities who control the operation of these technologies are moody because they have been angered, they will often withdraw their blessing and the evil which perforrns at its best in a polluted or stained environment, wiil take control and destroy whatever efforts people make. As Douglas (1994) points out, dirt is matter out of place and the Bulsa appear to extend this forcefully to behavior and symbolism.

In Bulsa society, words also have their own power to make things likely to happen or not to happen. The belief in the eficacy of words is clearly demonstrated in a popufar proverb, Nuroa-biik noai ton kama, alegi masa me literally meaning "the human being's mouth is both bitter and sweet". This rneans the bitter mouth is associated with bad words, hurts other people and has negative effects on human &airs, whereas sweet words have the opposite effects. The apprentice smith or potter is taught the type of words that are acceptable or unacceptable to the craft. For example, in the smith shop, it is forbidden to mention words such as "hot," the name of the totem animal of the clan, or to discuss sex or anything that is capable of staining or polluting the shop. It is believed that words have power to make things happen. For example. if a person should dream of engaging in sex with a manied woman of the clan or of the death of someone, he is forbidden from recounting his experience as this is considered equal to making it happen.

Rituals, magical activities and objects used in pottery and iron production are selected because they are deemed to be symbolically appropriate, not necessarily because they have been known through experiments to possess any kind of causal effectiveness.

Blood, sex, the exclusion of women, and totem animals are examples of features which figure prominently in iron working rituals. Blood (ziim) is something that contains the germ of life and anything that has life has soul or spirit. Blood is in Bulsa cosmology is sometimes ambiguous in the same sense as the chiik of a person, but it was difficult to get informants to clarify the difference or substantiate this issue. When a deity requests livestock for sacrifice, the blood spilled on the object of worship represents the bird or animal. Blood is used to represent the part of man, usually a small particle of his spirit or soul passed down to the child at conception. This part of the man in the child is ofien referred to as the man's blood of life. The Bulsa will Say that wa km ndek ziim, literally meaning "he or she is rny own blood". What this implies is that, he or she is related him or through blood or united by ties of consanguinity (ziim yeng, one blood). For exarnple children are said to be related to their parents through blood. A newly boni baby is also often referred to as bi-ziim (meaning child blood). Here blood is used to represent something hoIy and unblemished, and rituals that relate to purity are extended to such newiy boni babies. The Bulsa conception of blood in general, including mensmal blood, suggests that blood by itself is not necessarily si pollutant or dirt but tliat it is so special in

Bulsa cosmology that it should not be brought into contact with most other productive activities. Blood is considered sacred and scary, and as such when brought into contact incorrectly with other activities it has the capacity to induce negative effects. For example, the Bulsa word used to described a scare, fear, heartbeat, palpitation or terror is

@a-ziim-nagsuk, (kpai "the occiput"; ziim "blood"; nagsuk "fear or heart beat)). This again suggests that blood by nature creates fear and terror, which can cause negative consequences in any serious activity.

Sex, on the other hand, is conceptualized as the exchange of blood between two parties which creates life. The essence of sex in Bulsa society is reproduction and this is clearly dernonstrateci in a number of Bulsa proverbs, for example bu gberi badiak kan chum nying "people have sex because of tomorrow," that is people have sex because of children. This suggests that to bring together activities which are symbolically comected in the procreational paradigm cmbe dangerous.

Most animals used for Bulsa sacrifices and as totem and personai gods are those that exhibit certain qualities that are cherished by the society. For example, the fowl and dog are sacrificed to most deities inchding the anvils in Bulsa society. The fowl is regarded as a humble bird and this quality is important in sacrifices where the gods have been angered by the violation of a taboo. The humble qualities of the fowl are crucial to the mediation between the living and the ancestral world in many delicate cases. Men someone swears, says something bad, or gets involved in an act which social unacceptable to the society, a fowl is killed to carry away the intended bad effects @a noi,

"take away the person's mouth"). This ritual of noi-paka is thus performed generalIy to cleanse a person of his or her social deeds or acts. Fowls are also considered to be protective of their young ones and are used in sacrifices to maintain a doser link between the living and the world of the deities. The egg of the chicken has similar effects in purification rites. The egg also symbolizes caimness, peace and delicateness besides having cleansing powers (holiness). The laying of eggs is considered to be peaceful and easy, and symbolizes easy Iabor and fecundity. These qualities of the egg riiake it very important in many purification and pacification rites. In the past, when laterite or clay mines had been polluted, in addition to the prescribed sacrifices, an egg would be broken to cany away al1 the dirt. As indicated in chapter three, it is a taboo for any one to break an egg near the cIay mining site unless specially engaged in purification. The fragile nature of the egg aiso signifies carefilness and prudence. Eggs are only used in sacrifices

and rituals which are delicate and require careful handling. Potters will never mine cIay

on a spot where an egg has been broken because of the special respect attached to eggs in

BuIsa society. The importance of the fowl in the religious life of the Bulsa is clearly

brought out in the following proverb; nuribiik alabiiri ka kiak kung-kobita po, "humans

take rehge in the feather of a fowl." The dog, on the contrary has the qualities of

unfkendliness or hostility, and is offered to deities such as the anvil for protection against

enemies.

Objects, plants and other creatures either have names or qualities related to the

symbolic meaning. Some creatures with certain qualities are believed to posses good

spirits. Portraits of these species are often erected in mud sculpture for sacrifice, incised

or cast on bangles or other ornaments and worn on the body for protection. For exarnple,

most clans have praise names (buseina) derived from animais such leopards, lions and

elephants. Smiths sometimes described themselves as sons of fire, iron and water. Fire,

iron and water stand for the importance of their profession. Water in particular is

important because it is used to mediate in most rituais in Bulsa society. A person who

goes to "eat medicine" may actually end up with a bath from water mixed with a herbal concoction. When a person says something bad or evil, he takes a mouthful of water

(three times for men and four for women) and spits it out. The water is believed to carry away the evil thought. Pepper is associated with hotness and painfulness and is forbidden

in al1 Bulsa sacrifices. Food prepared for sacrifices to the ancestors and the god of iron is strictly pepper-free. Like the rule which forbids the bringing of the hotness of sex into

iron working, al1 sacrifices to the god of iron must not contain pepper. 7.4 Myths

There are a numerous sacred stories among the Bulsa which relate to creation and

the supernaturd powers of the chief god in hurnan activities, family descent and other

adventures. For exarnple, there are stories about the origin of death, the gift of fire,

institution of customs, and heroes of the society who have championed the course of the

society. These stories are so nurnerous that a discussion on them wouId require

volurninous treatises, which is outside the range of this thesis. As such, 1 will only recap a few of these stones which are directly related to the technologies under discussion.

Unlike fables or taies, which are regarded as untrue and may be told for entertainment or mord tessons, myttis are presented as true with unfeigned seriousness.

In chapter page one, Abunlok mentioned a rnyth of the creation of the human race which contains much of Bulsa thought of the world. This myth not only suggests that the

Bulsas conceptualize human beings as products of the earth god and the sky or chief god, but also that they regard the emth and the sky as mother and father. As such, when a

Bulsa transfoms material from the earth into objects or containers, he is aware that those materials (clay and laterite) as part of the earth must contain life. Because of these qualities, potters and iron workers ensure that during the transformation process, purity is maintained out of respect for the earth goddess and the sky god. Another myth associated with potting is the belief that clay grows like a child conceived in a woman's wornb and only surfaces when it is matured. The clay becomes fully matured when it is transformed into containers and has gone through firing. 7.5 Pregnancy and traditional technologies

Child bearing is one of the major reasons for sexuai relations after mariage.

Although pregnancy is considered a happy moment in the life of a family, it is paradoxicaily associated with warfâre because of the dangers invoived. f regnant women are easy victims of witchcraft and other forms of dangers. To minimize or ward off any hazards to ensure easy chiidbirth, a pregnant woman takes many precautions for protection. Some of these precautions include food restrictions, the use of certain herbs to fortify herself against witchcrafl, people with evil eyes and any socidly polluted environment or situation. After birth, the nursing mother and the uninitiated baby are given special care and protection. For example, protection for the newIy born baby may corne fiom talismans, bangles and other arnulets wom on the body or hung on the door- post of the room of the woman and her baby. The mother and baby are forbidden to bath or drink ordinary water. Instead, water mixed with herbs and roots is prepared for such purposes. Right fiom the day of the pregnancy of the woman is made oficially known, sacrifices are made to the ancestors and other deities of the family or clan to solicit their protection for the woman and the "blood" or child inside her. When the woman is in labor and after birth the various deities of the family must be constantly informed.

Almost all of the rules and restrictions obsenled by pregnant women and for the protection for a newly born baby and its mother have some parailels in potting and iron working. These similarities have aiready been demonstrated in chapters four and five.

However, it is necessary to recap a few examples of these similarities. The potter observes rules and taboos to puri@ herself before the acquisition of clay, and during the forming and firing. Similady, the iron worker observes the same rules of purity and makes constant sacrifices to the anvil for protection against evil forces and the effects of fire. in both crafts, strangers are not pecmitted to participate. For example, strangers are prevented from setting eyes on unfired pots just k they are restricted fiom coming into contact with newly bom babies or a woman in labor. Potters and srniths attitude toward failures is similar to the BuIsa conception of failure in the birth of a child. It is considered a frightfd calarnity for a woman to die at birth and when such an event occurs, it is attributed to some heinous crime committed by the woman such as adultery or a violation of taboos or rules. which made it possible for the enemy and other evil forces to sow the seed of destruction. A woman who dies during labor must first have the child removed from her womb before she is buried. Abunlok explains that when a wornan in labor dies and she is buried with the child inside her, the god will become angry and will send down calamities such as drought, famine. death or epidemic. It was not clear why the child must be removed fiorn its dead mother.

7.6 Magic, witchcraft and sorcery

Magic, witchcrafl and sorcery fom a very important part of Bulsa belief systems.

In Bulsa society, any person who is identified as being a witch is generally given social distance by the rest of the comrnunity. Although a distinction is made between white and black witches (sakpak-pialuk and sakpak-sobluk), the former being less hdland the latter destructive, witches are generdly associated with destruction. The sakpakpialuk is believed to use his or her powers to protect members of his family, clan or village, and to

acquire weaith and children, whereas the sakpak-sobluk is generally out to do hm. A

person in Bulsa society becomes a witch through two main way: transfers to a chifd by

one of the parents during conception or by buying it fiom a witch doctor (sapkaning-

riim). Becoming a witch is more complicated than as presented here. Most misfortunes

and accidents including, sickness, infertility, famine, failure in life, mass breakage of pots

or accidents in iron working arc sometimes attributed to the work of the sakpak-sobluk.

Like witches, there are both good and bad sorcerers (sampriporik, pl

sampuporisa). Sampuporisa. unlike witches, do not eat the flesh of their victims

spiritualIy, but use both visible and invisible objects in order to magically attain their

goals. The good sampuporisa usually act in the same way as soothsayers and diviners by

identifjhg people with evil intentions or the cause of a particular misfortune and remedy

to sickness. Because of the belief in the destructive activities of some witches and

rnagicians, Bulsa Wear a lot of protective objects on their bodies or hang them on the

door-posts of their compounds and rooms. Most of these protective objects take the fom

of iron or leaùler bangles, arnulets and other foms of charms. The materials used to

prepare these charms are always well chosen. A person may fil1 a horn with a clay (bagi)

or request for a special iron or leather bangle with the portrait of an animal specie and he

or she will either Wear this on his body or place it on his or her persona1 or family shrine.

By wearing a bagi or placing a medicine object on a shrine is to signify that the owner of

the medicine has placed himself and his family members under the protection of that particular deity or medicine which he believes is more powerful than any evil force. A horn containing cIay worn by a particular farnily member syrnbolizes that the members have themselves have put themselves under the protection of a particular earth shrine.

The contrast between magic and witchcraft on one hand, and pottery and iron working on the other is that both make use of symbols that appear to possess causal effectiveness. When a sorcerer sticks a needle or puts poison into food and recites words by calling the name of a victim, he is acting in order that when the enemy eats that particular type of food his heart will be pierced by the needIe and he will die. In a similar way, most of the rituals and taboos of social puriiy associated with potting and iron work, such as rules of blood, violence avoidance, and sex are basically instrumental. For exarnple, blood is associated with both life and war, and the blood ban in the shop serves to minimize potential dangers and of loss of life. Both physicai and social dirt is believed to be the major cause of sickness to the individual, cornmunity, and failure of any activity.

As such, introducing measures that will ensure social purity in the srnith's shop is to reduce potential dangers associated with dirt. The restrictions of productive women in particular from going near smelting site in the past also suggests the syrnbolic parallel between human reproduction and smelting, and the chances of the dangers of smelting affecting a productive women.

7.7 Music

Bulsas spontaneously resort to music on any occasion, in any mood and at any tirne during activities such as garnes, potting, iron working fming, festive celebrations, installation of titles, when a child is born, and funerals. Music is very significant in the social life of the people. On formai occasions a number of instruments are employed to play with the music. These include: idiophones (gongs, clappers, bells and ratties), membranophones (a variety of drums), aerophones (flutes, horns, and pipes) and chordophones. These musical instruments may be played alone or in combination with others, accompanied by songs or recitations. Although most music and dnunming is used for dancing, it is used for other purposes such as to provide rhythm for walking, working, conveying messages in the form of proverbs, and "wise sayings" about the society or an individual. Music may be classifieci into two main groups: formal and informai. Formal music is used only on special occasions. For example funeral, marriage, or war songs are

Sung only on such occasions. Informat songs are those Song by anyone on most ordinary occasions for the main purpose of entertainment.

The iron work operation is usuaily characterized by formal songs in praise of the god of iron and the ancestors who brought the technology to the family or clan. The narnes of the ancestors are mentioned ofien in the songs Sung in the shop and appeals are made to them to bless the job and drive away evil. One of the songs recorded at Wiak- choak was full of praises for the ancestors and for the anvil, which was addressed as both male and femaie. The bellows are pumped to match the rhythm of the music. According to Ajaarla, music is like a prayer and rnakes the gods happy. The music aiso provides motivation and makes the workers less tired.

Although, 1 have only skimed through some of the basic aspects of Bulsa thought, it is evident that these concepts fom part of the philosophy of life of the people.

The belief system no doubt provides some sort of solution to the problem of evil and is also an important sociai sanction for behavior and conduct. An examination of the belief system of the Bulsa and the rituals practices associated with the potting and smithing cr& suggest that Bulsa thought is expressed in their technologies.

CHAPTER 8: SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION

8.1 Thesis summary

Central to this thesis has been the investigation of the extent to which the technologies of potting and iron working articulate with systems of thought, and how these interrelationships heIp to increase our understanding of how pots and iron objects are produced and used.

The study of Bulsa potting and iron working technologies has show that these crafts are more than economic activities, they are social and collective activities carried out within the general belief system of Bulsa society. Both are comrnunity activities based on kinship ties and marital association. From the study it would not be incorrect to

Say that the technologies are embodiments of BuIsa thought in materiai terms. On the other side of the equation it is equdly tme to Say that the Bulsa system of thought is expressed through their technology.

The transmission of skills in both crafts, like al1 other leaming processes or the acquisition of other forms of traditional knowledge, is informai and usually passes down from adults to young rnembers through observation, practice and verbal instructions.

Technological knowledge like other forms of Bulsa traditional institutions (religious, social, cultural and political) is preserved in clan and family histories, and told to young adult through proverbs, stories, myths, customs, rituals, sacrifice and other ceremonies such as festivals and fimerais. The rnethods through which traditional knowledge is transmitted suggests that style in terms of the individuai output in these two crafis is predicated upon a nurnber of factors as mentioned in earlier chapters.

The study also revealed that production sequences in the two crafts are standardized and rigidly followed, especialIy in the case of iron work. Despite this standardization, individual preferences are tolerated as long as these do not radically aiter the standard traditional rules and style. This impIies that changes in the style of the individual crafl specialist are mostly under the influence of tradition, and therefore it takes a considerable length of time for one style to replace the other, especially in the case of items used for ritual ceremonies. To identiQ such gradua1 changes in the archaeological record and the reasons for such changes may not be an easy task in

Bulsaiand. The reasons being that learning processes Vary arnong potters and because of competitior, every craft specialist tries to innovate.

The study of two technologies indicates that craft specialists are respected members of the society because of the important roles they perform. Smittis and potters have played a significant rofe in the development of BuIsa society and continue to do so in the contemporary times.

Smiths in particular are respected and feared by the rest of Bulsa society not because of the essential econornic services they provide but on account of their role in the socio-cultural, cosmological and ideologicai life of society. The smith's identity is based on his mythical origin. Smiths' settlernents are isolated fiom the rest of Bulsa society and smiths are regarded as strangers who have migrated into the present area fiom elsewhere.

People believe that the ancestors of blacksmitfis provided the tools (iron) to confhnt nature in a more efficient way. Smiths as healers and rnedicine men are believed to possess most secret powers and knowledge, and they mediate either personally or through their products in most important rituals in Bulsa society, inciuding the initiation of people into political and religious office. The importance of the smith is aiso revealed in the fact that knowledge available to him about his craft cannot be obtained from other members of the society, as knowledge of smithing is known only to smiths. It should be mentioned that the smith's ancestor plays much the sarne role in Bulsa myth as Prometheus did in

Greek mythology. Prometheus brought fire to hurnans and was punished for it by the gods. In the sarne way the ancestors of the smiths brought iron and in a way were punished by isolating their settlement from the rest of the community.

In rnany other parts of Afnca smiths took up ambivalent positions (respect, fear, glorified, and shunned or despised) in relation to the rest of society. This ambiguous position of the Afican smith is what has been described by Makarius (1 965:25). as the

"blacksmith complex which presents a mass of contradictions." It appears that in many parts of Africa, this arnbiguous position was in part forced ont0 the smith by externai forces. A number of models have therefore been used by researchers to explain the position of smiths in Africa (Dieterlen 1973). These include the restricted endogamy and the outcast rnodels. With the restricted endogamy model, smiths are restricted to take up wives fiom only other smiths' clans. The outcaste model says that because smith are considered unclean or a despised group, they can only take wives form other smiths or groups with similar status as them. In the case of Bulsa smiths, both modes have faiIed to account for the complex position of the smith. It appears that the unique position of the

Bulsa smith can be attributed to the belief that the smiths are rnythically conceived of as the "bringers of life and repositories of culture" and that it is through the smiths that human existence is made complete. As such, smiths are integrated into Bulsa society rather than outcast. Endogamy is the rule in Bulsa society and as such smiths take their tvives from other clans. And because the smiths develop wedth through the sale of the products and other services, they share a common identity which forces them to establish solidarity arnong themselves. Because smiths are relatively iicher than most other groups, girIs from these other groups are motivated to rnarry into smiths' families. It should be emphasized that even when a smith becomes rich, he still practices the craft because the social and ritual aspect is important. This may explain why non-practising smiths families still perform the rituals associated with smithing though these fmilies no longer work iron.

Some fundamental aspects of Bulsa belief systems are expressed through their technologies. For exarnple, the rituals performed by smiths or potters are expressions of the socio-cultural beliefs about attitudes, values and cosmology of the Bulsa. It is the ritual aspect of the crafts that serve as an antidote to modem influences that appear to threaten the industries. And because most of the rituals associated with these crafi and their products express fundamental Bulsa systems of thought and have long histories, they provide the best analogs for archaeologists working in Bulsaland.

8.2 Possible archaeological correlates

This study has shown that the Bulsa system of thought is inextricably intenvoven with the material culture. The question then is whether these thought processes cm be identified in the archaeological record. To this question, 1 would Say with caution, perhaps. By understanding not only how material culture in traditionai societies is produced, used and discarded, but aiso the system of thought behind their production, the archaeologist may be able to present a clearer and objective picture of the past. For the archaeologist to achieve this goai there is the need for him or her to work backward and forward between the archaeologicai record and the ethnographie present. Mer ail, the task of the archaeologist goes beyond the identification of artifacts, their functions, how their were produced, distributed, used and disposed, to the investigation of how these artifacts shaped the social and ideologicai lives of their users and makers. This study has demonstrated that by examining technology fiom both the inside and outside, the archaeologists may be in a better position to identify sirnilar changes in the archaeological record. This is of criticai importance because this study suggests that while changes in production techniques may occur at a faster rate depending on the impact of extemal factors and influences, the belief systems associated with a technolow may change at slower rate. Even when changes occur in technology. some of the ritual cerernonies of technolom which are fundamental to society and are also expressed in many other aspects of life can be reinterpreted in the light of the beliefs. Iron smelting is no long practised any where in the Upper East but the beliefs associated with the craft are still maintained because these beliefs are supported by a network of other beliefs which are expressed in other areas of life.

The general philosophy of life in Bulsa society is the system of thought which incorporates every aspect of Bulsa life including its technological achievements. The historical evidence of the different clans and settlements, inchding those of crafl specialists, are encoded in the thought of the people in the form of oral traditions, stories,

proverbs and other sociai institutions. Therefore to identi& population movements,

histories of the people, culturai practices, and the location of archaeological sites, the

richest avenue of exploration will be their system of thought. Similarities in belief

systems and other thought process combined with production techniques, style of

products and their uses may also provide clues on the ethnicity and historical origins of

the various groups in the Upper East. It must be stressed that if archaeologists have to

rely on analogical inferences about the use and meaning of artifacts, they must go beyond

the observation of how similx artifacts in the living context are produced and used to the

domains of their producers' and users' thoughts. For exarnple, this thesis has shown that

meaning of Bulsa syrnbolism on material culture is not manifested in every day Ianguage but in the form of proverbs, stories, myths and religious practices.

The study has also shown through the description of the production and use of products fiom the two crafts, how production sites cm be identified. Societies that used to smelt iron are recognized through material remains. It will therefore be interesting to compare some of the observations made from the study against with the archaeology of the area. Unfortunately, no archaeology has been done in the area (Upper East) in terms of excavation.

8.3 Future direction of research

Although one major concIusion of this study is that traditional technology is married to Bulsa system of thought, there is still a need to investigate this issue further by broadening the scope to cover the religious practices of the society in more detail. This is because religion appears to be the foundation of Bulsa thought. Within the tirne limitation of the research, 1 only examined those aspects of religion that relate directly to my thesis.

Future research will therefore be useful to devote much attention to this issue.

II was observed that the amount and variety of vessels owned by a household varies depending on the economic position and size of the household. Consequently, breakage and replacement rates are likely to be higher in large households. However, it was not possible to make any definite inferences as to whether similar patterns can be reveaied in the archaeological record for a number of reasons. First, the sample size chosen for the survey was not large enough, and disposal practices varied fiom one household to household and this was not scientifically monitored due to the short time spent in the field. Most of the information on these issues was obtained from informants and it was not cIem whether these practice are carried out as statements. A longer stay in the field the future is important for a more care monitoring of information obtained fiom informants against actual practice in the area of disposai practices of pots and iron products. If possible this should be followed by test excavation on recently abandoned compounds whose histories are still known. This kind of suggestions may appear to be trivia1 and difficult considering the financial support given to researchers. Nevertheless fiom my experience it would be worth it for archaeologists who want to make conclusions on household size on the basis of quantity of sherds recovered fiom a site.

With regards to potting, the research was conducted in the fanning season when most potters were less active. This made it difficult to observe the production of some pots which are produced only in the dry season. Also some vessels such as funeral and other ritual vesse1 are manufactured in dry season when such ceremonies usually take place. 1 suggest that any future research into the pottery industry in the Upper East should be planned for the dry season and should be long enough to monitor the disposal practice of pots, and to allow direct observation on the production and use some of the important vessels. A longer stay in the field will aiso aliow for inter-ethnic comparison of pottery manufacturing and permit the researcher to examine stylistic variations.

It would be usehl that in the future women be directly involved in the study of

Bulsa pottery production as women potters often feel intimidated when they are being observed or questioned by male researchers, especially under formai fieldwork procedures.

As indicated in the introduction, the Upper East lacked a coherent general history until the period of colonial rule. What is known about the region cornes from early ethnographers such as (Cardinal 1925; Rattray 1932) but most of these older accounts are either impregnated with biases or were based on casual observations. Post-colonial work in the area also tended to concentrate on sociai and political histones, and although usehl they contribute little towards the understanding of material culture. The other alternative which can provide usefui insights into the early history and other aspects of material culture is archaeology. Unfortunately, except with the limited reconnaissance survey conducted by Davies (19701, no archaeological research has been conducted in the area.

The most suitable place Co start archaeologicai excavation in the region should be the

Pusiga area where oral traditionai and linguistic (Naden 1988) suggest to be the ancestral home of the Mole-Dagbani speakers. Excavations in this area will help to improve the understanding of the organization of traditiona1 technoiogical complexes such as potting, trade and contact and stylistic variation.

The field work in which this data was coIIected is part of Dr Nicholas David's

Mandara Archaeological project. This project which stresses colIaborative team work between local researchers and people. and foreign researchers sent two Canadians together with me into the field. Although we worked on different aspects of the culture of the Upper East region, the two Canadian researchers and 1 had some time set aside to work as a tearn from time to time. This strategy was very usefuI and fruithl and provided each of us with information that would be impossibIe to obtain through individual efforts.

1 would suggest that future research in cultures by researchers should be as collaborative as possible because it appears to produce good results. BIBLIOGRAPHY

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1966d Ghana Map Sheet 1002B4 (Kassena Kankani District and Bulsa District, Upper Region) (Scale 150 000). Survey of Ghana, Accra. Compound No. of Women Men Children Total # # households people/ compd A 3 5 4 13 22 B 4 7 5 t 5 27 C 7 1 O 4 18 32 D 5 4 2 12 18 E 2 2 -3 4 8 F 4 4 3 6 13 G 2 3 3 5 11 H 4 4 3 6 13 1 6 7 5 9 2 1 J 8 9 6 16 3 1 Tota1 46 55 37 104 196 Avenigelco 4.6 5.5 3.7 10.4 20 mpound - Table 4.1 Compound statistics (selected Bulsa compounds). Key

A. Houschold B. Pottcry Ckr; small sizc food prcparation bar bming Drc raom dccomion C&T colanui storagc W women Ch medium food prcp-ion FY frying vc.scls ,d spittoon M men pj CM large six food prcpantion -ing Rit religious pars Hld household WS watcr storage S smoking meal cp chamber Pop populafion BS bnrstorage SB shea butter preparation

Table 4.2 Consumption of pots per household in selected Bulsa compounds Pot type 1 Frequency of use I Life span Food serving vessels daiiy 2 yrs Large cooking daily 1 yr Medium cooking dailv 2 vrs Pots fixed in the house for water storage very often 5 yrs Pot use to carry water fiom water source very often 1 yr Pots for brewing beer (pito) O ften 1 yr Pot for pito storage often -7 ~c Pito measures 1 often 1 2 vrs Grain storage not ofien 6 yrs Frying vessels occasionally 10 yrs Smoking and dawadawa 1 occasionalty ( 8 yrs Shea butter processing often 5 yrs Shea butter storage very often 6 yrs Decoration of rooms 1 rarelv used 1 20 vrs or more Cola nut storage and tobacco saliva very often 2 yrs Puuk (women funeral pot) occasionally broken at woman's fimeral Ma-bagi (mother's horn or god) occasionally 50 yrs or more

Tibiisa (pots on ancestral shrine, personal- occasionally 12Oyïs gods and other types of shrines Burial pots 1 occasionally 1 undetennined

Table 4.3. Estimation of frequency of use and Iife spao of pots by type (Bulsa) - - -.. - Vessel type Location of vesse1 Users or owners

Small cooking pots 1 kitchen women Medium cooking pots kitchen wornen kitchen women Often stored in women living room and women for funeraIs, festivals, big occasionally brought when needed

often in the kitchen and occasionally left women, men and in living room when meals are served chiIdren inside Water storage pot Kitchen and occasionally in the women courtyard against corners of the wall with mmats erected over them. those not in use are stored among piles of pots in the woman living room Pito (beer) storage Woman's living room when not in use or women afier use Pito brewing Most often permanently fixed in the a wornen structure for the purpose as in the case of commercial brewers. In the case of occasional brewing for funerals, sacrifices or communal fming, vessels in this category are oflen stored in the woman room when not in use or afler use Cake frying girdle In women's room imrnediately afier use women or when not in use Stored in woman, room when not in use women or aîler used. However those use to boil the shea-butter are permanently leîl in the kitchen. In the woman's room women In the kitchen and woman's room on the ancestral shrines of women in men who sacrifice to women's room or side of paths leading to thesc shrines materna1 homes Ritual pots (Puuk) stored in women's room and broken women 1during the final funeral rite of wornen. Ritual pots (Tiibiik) located on male ancestral shrines outside Mostly men and male Ithe house, persona1 gods in corners children. against the walls in the court yard, in Iboth mens' and womens' rooms

Table 3.4: Distribution of vesse1 type and users in systemic context. -- -- pp Systemic context Intermediary 1 Archaeological context pot type T.Z serving bowls Covers to other pots, burning incense and Rubbish dump in fiont of compound other traditional herbs or kraal and final collected with manual into the fields Soup serving Termite traps, tray for tobacco saliva and Rubbish dump and kraal bowls colanut Large cooking Grain storage, covers, bovook (upper part put Rubbish dump, kraal or put over PO& over the pointed top of straw roof) or as young plants in the field tiame for circular window and as rubbisti or ash containers and drinking troughs for Iivestock Large pots faed in Same as large cooking pots Floor stamping, rubbish durnp, kraal the house for and the fields water storage Water carrying Same as large cooking pots Floor stamping, rubbish dump, kraal pots and the fields Pots for brewing Sarne as large cooking pots Rubbish dump, kraal and fields beer Pot for beer 1 Same as large cooking pois 1 Rubbish dump, kraal and fields I storaee Beer rneasures No intermediaty use ~ubbishdum~.kraal and fieIds Grain storage Bovook (upper part put over the pointed top Rubbish dump, kraal, in the fields of straw roof) or as hefor circular and floor starnping to form patterns window and as mbbish or ash containers in rooms, courtyards and kitchens Frying vessels No intermediary use Rubbish dump, kraal and fields Smoking and No intermediary use Rubbish dump, kraal and fields dawadawa Shea butter Covers to other pots Rubbish durnp, kraal and fields processing l Shea buiter Termite traps, tray for tobacco saliva and / Rubbish dump, kraal and sometime storage colanut, covers to other pots, burning incense l lefi in the bush when termite trapping and other traditionai herbs season is over Decoration of Put to primary function in times of ' Rubbish durnp or kraal or use to beat rooms ernergency. They could be put into any other into the floor to form patterns around function depending of the size, darnage and door post, kitchens and middle of the type of pot court yard or even inside living

1 Broken on the last day of a woman fùneral Sherds are thrown away immediately into the fields Ma-bagi (rnother's Use to collect one's mother personal god Likely to enter into the hom or god) which after deaths rems to her matemal archaeological record at the point home. Always put besides the personal god where it is put beside one's mother's of one mother. personal god shrine. Burial pots ' Any of the pots use for shea butter cmbe use End up the fields (women grave). for~thispurpose as Bulsa women will not kraal (ken) and the courty&d normally buy pots and designate them for (landlord) as cover for graves

Table 4.5 Disposa1 of broken pots ( from systemic to archaeological context) English Buli Grunni (Bolga) Kassem Kusaal Mossi Diallect Ironworking Kuta-tuima smelter chebisa kutaba kudugu Blacksmith forge choak kusung soodeo, soadeto, mg duo Blacksmith or choak-biik, kudua kutuba, yorodiga saa, saya, kudugu smelter 1 1 nyorka 1 1 nyoaka 1 stone anvil 1 niadi 1 Samg& 1 naale, 1 saiaahe, neere, satahe naare 1 sataase 1 kisega, iron anvil felik (whiteman) ke'rega 1 mngbia 1 kutoa, kut 1 kuibedere niadi satang Firebox choak-dok, ctioak kuduga, bukuri kudugu opening at the top choak-silik of the firebox mouth or inlet of choak-noi the firebox Furnace or fire zugta bukuri (fowl boazuguboa, zuko jugu mg& boose, coop) sayabogam boaga bellows zukbiisa (children nika-mk chia, chiu, mguboa zugu, nrku, of the hem), chobo mka (pl), zuzugta (heart) ~gudu, zugusi chuvwei, d mg-duk clay pipes nyiak (traditional) mgulanama, mgu noore choak nangsa zugul-noba iron pipes felik choak- chuvwei zugusi tuyere 1 choak-yoala 1 1 1 1 ~ebega, peebega Blacksmith iron sengli, pl sengla zaare,zaaya segli, seila za'ant zaare (PI), club zeya tongs rniie, pl miiga mikoa. migero, rnako, rnik, migoro, yiugoa (pl), migihi moakoa magoro yiido hammer filik (whitemwn) hama hama, harna saahabega hama marto slag chiila siile, siila, kiila, gWaare 1 1 seeba 1 1 1 iron 1 k~mk 1 kumgu, kutu 1 luu, lugu 1 kumg, kut ( kwiugu

Table 5.1 Word List: General blackmith terminology. Note:The that major parts of the forge or furnace and most of the core words used in iron working have a wide distribution with cognates from the various ethnic groups. Tables 5.1 and 5.2 were obtained from Dictionaries and directly from informant. English 1 Buli 1 Grunni [ Kassem ] Kusaal ( Function (Bolga) hoe kunkuri, kui hure, agriculture kuuya, kua cutlass gebik- sokoabega multi- chiang purpos fishing pien-goatisa fishing hocks plough parts niiga-kui nii- hure agriculture ganta axe liak, kpaini molia cutiing, Iiunting and scupturïng sickle gouhik seerehe agriculture and other crafts knife jenta gebik domestic and agriculture arrow pein peema hunting and rituals light strike chesik sebere bangle bang, banga bangea, bea bang, ban ritual and bang sa cereminial knob bang-gbina banginea bangkagela, bangbwin rituals bracelet bangkada (protection) twisted bang- bang- bang-jujuga bangweele rituals bangles rnelima mealega, (protection) pot-shaped nataasa bangdokoa korowie bangzeduk rituals ankelets (protection finger-ring nifilini nutua jefùle nugubiga rituals Moon- chiik gmkga chana namboa ntuals shaped pendant clapper bel1 logi luma longdi lumre rituals pellet belt long-fiik lernbugula nejulu lumbil rituals (protection finger bel1 chiang pitiga pera perik rituals

Table 5.2 Word List: Products of the black smith

LEGEND - District Boundary O District Capital Town or Villages

t Tankunsa + Historlc and UAAmE SANDEMA Ritual Sites Cham + * Aluga-Pusik

Scale l:t 25,000 BACHUNSA O OONINGA + Gbedem

GBEDEMA i

Kanlagplung KANJAGA

Sisaala Dislrici FUMBESO Figure 2.4 Sketch of Bulsa compound. Adapted trom Kroger 1992:397 Figure 3.1. Genealogical Diagram of one of the clans of Wiaga-choak.

ANANGLA , a'

AFOA AKPIOK AKUDU A A I A

ALENG I A

ANYULIBASI ACHOANMNG AZANYBIOK ADAYI A A A A

AJAARA ANkNKABIL ABUJONG AYIEPALA A '4 A A

Figure 3.1. Genealogical Diagram of one of the clans of Wiaga-choak: 4- Female

ancestors. A-~aleancestors. A-living Males.

Nok: The foundcr of Wiakchiok is a woman (Anangla) who got niarricd to a rnan in Fumbesi Vayaasa and had thfcc sons. After the dcath of hcr husband she remto Wiaga. hcr paternal home with hcr three sons. Anangla and hcr son wcrc given the prcscnt land io settlc and the place is today called Wiakchiok (Wiaga- iron workers' scidcment. Tlic diagram only tnccs thc linc of Ajaarla and Amnkanbil, my key informants. ïl~cclans of the othcr two sans and dcsccndanis of Anangia who are also iron workers arc nor considcred in ihc diagram. Figure 4.1. Toof kit of a Kussasi pottcr.

Figure 4.2. A Kussasi potter beats the ciay into shape with floor beater Figure 4.3. A Kussasi potter molds a pot over a sherd.

Figure 4.4. A Kussasi potter scrapes a vessef duri112forrning. Figure 4.5. A Kussasi potier rouletting a vessel.

Fipiire 4.6. A Kussasi girl burnishing the pots of her mother, Figure 4.7. Finng enclosure used by Kussasi potters.

Figure 4.8. The floor of a firing enclosure. Note the chocking Stones and sherds on the floor used to hold vesse1 from rolling over during firing. Fiym 4.9. Potters with their wares at the Fumbesi market.

Figure 4.10. Pots stacked in a Kussasi wornan's room. Figure 4.1 1. Pots in the courtyard and kitchen of a Kussasi woman.

Figure 4.12. Water troughs for fowls in Sandema. Figure 4.13. Rituai pots on a shrine at Sandema. Figure 4.15. Potters working in the courtyard at Fumbesi.

Figure 4.16. Firing pots in an open pit at Kanjarga. Figure 4.17. Dying pots fier firing in Fumbesi.

Figure 4.18. Small pots dipped directly into a dye at Kanjarga.

Incision

4. A ' 4 ' Tooth Impression

L 4 C. L. 4 A 0' A A

Channeling Grooving

Figure 4.21. Decorative patterns used by potters in the East Region. Figure 4.22. Range of Bulsa vessels ami i:ie;r iiunctions: A. Shca butter pmcessing bowl. I Valuable storage pot. C. Food preparation. D. E.F. H. Pots for water and beer storagl and brewing. G Bowl for making malt. Figure 4.23. Range of Bulsa vessels and their fùnction: 1. Gridde. J, L-R Food serving. M. Fool-thief pot. S-T.Slorage (grains).U-X Ritual pot. Figure 5.1. The rernains of a Kassena smith fbmace at Chiana. Figure 5.2. A forge at Zaare (Bolgatanga}. Note that the top of the firebox is open, and aiso long bellow pipes made of iron.

Figure 5.3. A Zaare forge: boys sit in to watch when smithing is in progress. Figure 5.4. Ajaarla and his brother working. Figure 5.5. A srnith at Zaare working with bis son. Figure 5.6. Ajaarla's sons working on the bellows.

Figure 5.7. Anankanbil's wife working on the bellows. Figure 5.8. Large rocks used to shape tools (Wiaga). Figure 5.10. A forge at Kanjarga. Note that the bellows pipes are made of clay and are also short.

1. Doorway 2. 0pening 3. Windows 4. Wooden posts 5. Log seats 6. Rock seats 7. Blowe!'s seat 8. Pot bellows (zuuk-biisa) 9. Bellow pipes (choak-nangsa) 10. Tuyere (choak-yuala) 1 1. Firebox (choak-dok) 12. choak-siilik 13. Shrine (choak-biik) 14. Mauth (choak-noi) 15. Anvil (niadi) 16. Head srnith's seat 17. Assistant's seat 18. Water bowl 19. Charcoal basket 20. Finished tools 21. Thatched roof 22. Bones from past sacrifices

Figure 5.12. Layout of a Bulsa smith forge Figure 5.13. Bulsa srnith's working tools: A. Tong; B-F. Chiwls; G. Knife; H-1.Iron ban. J-L Iron bar hammen; M.Iron hammen of European type. Figure 5.14. Roducts of Bulsa smiths: A-B. Musical illstnrments; C. Arrowbeadr: D. Single- ha<;bangle; E. Triangle bangk; F. Multiple-kwb bangl+ G.Twind bangte. Figure 5.15.

Products of Bulsa smith: A. Hoc wiui raslet; B. Wdenhndle for hue with tang (cl; D.wouden handle for the socket hoe (E). IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (QA-3)

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