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NAAM: POLITICAL HISTORY AS STATE IDEOLOGY

Amy Niang

PhD in Politics and International Relations

The University of Edinburgh-2011

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Contents

Acknowledgements:...... 1 Abstract...... 2 Declaration:...... 3 CHAPTER ONE ...... 12 INTRODUCTION ...... 12 1. 1. Objectives and Arguments ...... 12 1. 1. 1. The past in the present ...... 12 1. 1. 2. Objectives and arguments:...... 15 1. 1. 3. Naam, conceptual and historical ...... 19 1. 2. Mossi Historiography and the Pre-colonial State...... 26 1. 2.1. The limits of theoretical assumptions ...... 26 1. 2. 2. Mossi historiography: the empire that never was ...... 34 1. 3. Methodology and its Challenges: on Sources and a Reading Framework ...... 39 1. 3. 1. Theoretical framework: migrants as frontiermen, frontiermen as state-builders. 43 1. 3. 2. Sources and references:...... 45 1. 3. 3. Oral tradition: ...... 46 1. 4. Thesis Structure ...... 49

CHAPTER TWO ...... 54 The Trail of the Horse: the Mossi-Mamprusi-Dagomba System as a Culture-historical Area ...... 54 INTRODUCTION...... 54 Fission, Expansion, Domination...... 56 2. 1. In the Beginning was Naam: Common Origin, Common Principles, Familiar Tales ... 65 2. 1. 1. Chronology: the master version ...... 65 2. 1. 2. Origins of Mossi expansion: the Mamprusi-Dagomba-Nanumba link...... ….68 2. 1. 3. Migrationism: the movement of ideas as mechanism of socio-political transformations ...... 81 2. 2. The Mutation of Naam: the One that Confers to the One that Diverges...... 87 2. 2. 1. Basic structure: dichotomy Naam/Tênga ...... 91 2. 2. Naam in Non-centralised Polities: Statelessness as Escape...... 100 CONCLUSION...... 108

CHAPTER THREE ...... 110 Ideology of Power and Social Authority: Naam or that which Reordered the World .... 110 INTRODUCTION...... 110 3. 1. Conceptualising Naam: Origins of a Peculiar Concept...... 115 3. 2. Two Conceptions of Power...... 122 3. 3. Naam, State and Society-building: Ritual Versus Political Realms...... 130 3. 3. 1. Conceptualising a society for a state...... 130 3. 3. 2. Naam and the tapestry of kinship...... 134 3. 3. 3. Political segmentation and the creation of social categories...... 139

3. 5. Social Categorising: the Creation of Nakombsé and Talsé ...... 145 3. 5. Devolving Power, Shaping Society...... 153 CONCLUSION ...... 156

CHAPTER FOUR ...... 160 Making the State from the Margins: Frontiermen as State-builders ...... 160 INTRODUCTION...... 160 4. 1. The Internal Frontier Model...... 163 4. 1. 1. Mossi-Mamprusi-Dagomba as culture-historical area ...... 163 4. 1. 2. The process of fission and replication as normative principle ...... 166 4. 1. 3. State formation: political interpenetration as shaping sovereignty...... 170 4. 2. Consolidating the State, Specialising Political Practice...... 183 4. 3. State Sovereignty and the Construction of Identity in Moogo...... 195 CONCLUSION ...... 209

CHAPTER FIVE ...... 213 The Paradox of Marginality: Political Centralisation and the Incorporation of the Stranger-kin ...... 213 INTRODUCTION...... 213 5. Naam and Tênga: Political Economy of a Principled Dichotomy...... 217 5. 1. Ideological differentiation Naam and Tênga: two world-views...... 217 5.1. 2. A principle of dichotomy...... 222 5. 3. ‘Autochthonisation’ of Naam as Foundational Requirement...... 225 5. 1. 4. Authochthonisation and social differentiation: ethnicity, class and power ...... 229 5. 2. Between Power and Politics: Pânga or the Conceptualisation of a Third Moment ... 230 5. 2. 1. The Institution of royal captives...... 233 5. 2. 3. Nakombsé vs. Captives (naam vs. pânga)...... 246 5. 3. Citizenship and Sovereignty in Moogo ...... 258 5. 4. Captives: Marginal and Citizens...... 259 CONCLUSIONS...... 264

CHAPTER SIX ...... 269 Bidding Adieu to the Hills: Rituals as Historical References ...... 269 INTRODUCTION...... 269 6. 1. Of the High God and Low Divinities...... 272 6. 1. 1. Withdrawal of the high god as disengagement ...... 272 6. 1. 2. Withdrawal of high god as process of socialisation of belief ...... 274 6. 2. Propositions of Power and Principles...... 278 6. 2. 1. The duality principle...... 278 6. 2. 2. The dual principle structured...... 280 6. 3. Ringu: History Enacted...... 285 6. 4. Sacred Kingship: the Political in the Ritual...... 298 6. 5. Divine Attributes and Historical Perspectives ...... 302 6. 5. The Essence of Mossi Belief ...... 306

6. 5. 1. Belief as Element of Categorical Distinctions...... 306 6. 5. 2. Spirits as agents of change...... 311 6. 5. 3. Rituals, state theory, power: belief as historical experience...... 313 CONCLUSION ...... 318

CHAPTER SEVEN ...... 322 CONCLUSION ...... 322 7. 1. After Ideology: State and Politics...... 322 7. 2. Naam/Tênga: The Unsettled Encounter……………………...……………………………327 7. 3. History as Politics: Creative Migrants as State-uilders…………………….………….….330 7. 4. The Limits of istory…………………………………………………………………..….…….339 Bibliography………………………………………………………………………………...…342 Appendix: List of Interviewees ...... …368 List of Maps and Figures...... …372

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Abstract This thesis argues that the ideology of Naam (principle of power) is an essential and overlooked component in explaining both the logic of state formation, as well as the institutional continuities evident within the Mossi-Mamprusi-Dagomba states system. With reference to Igor Kopytoff’s Internal African Frontier Thesis, it understands this logic as a single, continuous historical process whereby states were formed and dismantled, broken in autonomous entities and (re)created as clones of a constitutive Naam ‘model’. This model also was negatively responsible for the genesis of acephalous non-state formations, composed of frontier men and women who escaped the stifling grip of the state.

Specifically, the thesis argues that the ideology of Naam was the overarching principle that not only informed the expansion of the Mossi-Mamprusi-Dagomba- system, but also enabled the construction of a Mossi identity. Naam was ‘proposed’ in some places, and ‘imposed’ in others, through rituals, family-like associations, and the integration of indigenous groups into the sphere of political rule.

Naam ideology was confronted with a fundamental contradiction: the Mossi ruled (over) people but had no control over the territorial basis of their rule. This contradiction was partly resolved through the extension of the discourse of power to the realm of Tenga (the sphere of rituals and earth-custody), by uniting the Mossi divinity (Wende) to the earth divinity (Tenga) and by tapping into the possibilities of a common belief, in order to buttress state legitimacy but also to articulate ‘Mossi’ culture on the basis of a shared idiom that transcended the dichotomy Naam /Tenga.

This contradiction cannot be explained with reference to the materiality of conquest alone, as most accounts of state formation, within and beyond Africa, have suggested. Yet the process was informed throughout by violence of a different kind. The deployment of Naam in the realm of rituals served to mediate the gap between power and legitimacy; but at the same time, state power as discourse and representation concealed the ontological violence inherent in the Mossi state. It also concealed the limits of discourse in making valid statements on historical experience. In the Mossi case, pânga (a form of travesty/violent version of Naam), intervenes in the disarticulation of power from kinship by isolating the Naaba (king) from all forms of loyalties.

An extended analysis of the consolidation of the Mossi state in the eighteenth century demonstrates how centralisation centred on the twin conditions of the necessary separation between kinship and kingship, and the integration of the stranger-kin as mediating agent at the junction of this divorce. The thesis will contribute to a better understanding of the role of ideology in state formation and society-making in the Voltaic region and West Africa more generally.

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CHAPTER ONE

Introduction

1. 1. Objectives and Arguments

1. 1. 1. The past in the present

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1 See for instance discussions amongst Burkinabé intellectuals; M. Savadogo and H. Ouedraogo. 2010 ‘Cohabitation des Légitimités’ and ‘Les Autorités Traditionnelles à l’Epreuve de la Démocratie Locale,’ Hakili: Esprit, Intelligence , 11: 3-23.

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2 French administrative strategies in the colony of Upper-Volta were a combination of elements of indirect rule and the assimilationist model, but they were to become more firmly ‘associationist’ in the 1920s as they made Mossi rulers ‘chiefs’ whose task it was to enforce stringent colonial policies (forced labour, head taxation, conscription); if some rulers profited from this system (commission levied on taxes, extended administrative responsibilities ), the ‘productive relationship’ between Mossi aristocracy and the colonial regime was paid a high price. The dismantling of the chiefly structure in post-colonial Burkina reflected the desire of its governants to confine ‘traditional’ forces to symbolic roles. 3 R. H. Jackson. 1990. Quasi States: Sovereignty, International Relations and the Third World . Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, p. 67. Hobsbawn argues along the same lines in E. J. Hobsbawn. 1987. The Age of Empire, 1875-1914. 1. London: Weidenfield and

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Nicolson, p. 3. In J. I. Herbst. 2000. States and Power in Africa: Comparative Lessons in Authority and Control. Princeton: Princeton University Press, pp. 36-7. If Herbts makes a cogent critique of Jackson’s theses, his own arguments on the ‘pathology’ of the African state as unable to extend authority beyond political centres and therefore unviable partly fails to tackle the paradoxes social and institutional configurations of the African state from African perspectives. He reifies a certain type of state but leaves untreated the issue of African agency in dealing with particular geographical, historical and social conditions. 4 See K. Nkrumah. 1965. Le Consciencisme . Paris: Payot, p. 99. 5 B. Barry. 1985. Le Royaume du Waalo: Le Sénégal avant la Conquête. Paris: Karthala, p. 35.

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1. 1. 2. Objectives and arguments:

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6 My first question to Mossi I spoke to was about the things the traditional system evoked in their minds. Most interviewees mentioned the relevance of the traditional system in their everyday life although they felt elements of it did not quite fit with the structure of the Burkinabé state. 7 See M. Weber. 1978. Economy and Society: An Outline of Interpretive Sociology . Berkeley: UCP, pp. 995-8; 1968. Economy and Society . New York: Bedminster, pp. 901-2, 1142.

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8 Anthropologists have uncritically used the term society for this type of organisation 9 If Moogo is the territorial basis of the Mossi states system; moaga is singular of Moose/Mossi; see Glossary of Mooré terms on page 10 This approach does pose a number of problems and these are dealt with in chapter 3 and 4 within the treatment of historical data in the reconstruction of the state along with migratory trends around the Volta Basin. The difficulty is in the hazardous endeavour involved in (really) understanding and explicating the ideational framework that went hand in hand with the material construction of state and communities. Scattered historical sources are sometimes reticent about Moose reflections on Moose identity, the meaning of ideology in social stratification and the constitution of citizenship.

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13 S. Mahir. 2007. “Méthodes en Histoire Orale Genèse de l’Autorité Politique au Moogo,” l’Homme, 2(182): 215-232. 14 P. Skalník. 1978. “Early States in the Voltaic Basin,” In The Early State . H. J. M. Claessen and P. Skalník (eds.). The Hague, Mouton : 469-94, p. 484.

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15 As Koselleck put it, the past is accessible to us, not through ‘traces’ in the various source, “but rather in our theories”; see R. Koselleck. 2002. The Practice of Conceptual History: Timing, History, Spacing Concepts . Stanford: SUP, pp-39-40. 16 R. Koselleck. 2004. Futures Past: On the Semantics of Historical Time . New York: Columbia University Press, p. 270.

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17 A. Appadurai. 1981. “The Past as a Scarce Resource,” Man , 6 (2): 201-19. p. 218 18 I. Wilks. 1993. Forests of Gold: Essays on the Akan and the Kingdom of Asante. Athens: Ohio University Press.

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19 If, in pre-colonial times, future chiefs were given appropriate training within the structure of chiefly compounds and on the basis of existing methods of ruling, in colonial and postcolonial times, Mossi chiefs re-appropriated instruments of ‘modernity’ in subscribing to technologies of ruling that tapped into formal competence derived from a western tradition of political administration; see B. Beucher. 2008. "Une Royauté Africaine à l’Heure de la Mondialisation : le Royaume de Ouagadougou et la Question du Développement au Burkina Faso." Fasopo, Revue Européenne d’Analyse des Sociétés Politiques, 6: 1-104, p. 44.

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20 Vansina looks at the collective imaginations of the inhabitants of West Central Africa, during the tenth century, and how these shaped their choice of socio-political institution and governance, in spite of the environmental constraints; see J. Vansina. 2004. How Societies are Born, pp. 101-2. 21 Wilks 1971: 350 in Skalník 1978: 472.

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22 See T. C. McCaskie. 1995. State and Society in Precolonial Asante . Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 17-8.

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23 A. Southall. 1974. "State Formation in Africa." Annual Review of Anthropology 3: 153-165, p. 156.

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24 Horton notes that even the specific category of ‘chiefdom’ does not account for their diverse types and characteristics; see R. Horton. 1971 “Stateless societies in the History of West Africa”, in J.P.A. Ajayi and M. Crowder, eds., History of West Africa , vol. 1, London: Longman. 25 However, like many other postcolonial states, Burkina Faso “ (…) has paid a high price in terms of foregone growth by failing in the early 1960s to question the state structures it inherited from colonialism…”, see Pierre Englebert. 2000. “Pre-colonial Institutions, Post- Colonial States, and Economic Development in Tropical Africa” Political Research Quarterly, 53 (1): 7-36, p. 29. 26 As Carolyn Warner has argued, Europeans dismantled viable African polities in the process of realising the colonial project: "through treaty violations, military conquest and occupations, and alliances with disaffected groups, Europeans chipped away at the integrity of African political systems"; C. Warner. 1999. "The Political Economy of 'Quasi-Statehood' and the Demise of 19th Century African Politics," Review of International Studies 25(2): 233- 55, p. 254.

25 1. 2. Mossi Historiography and the Pre-colonial State

1. 2.1. The limits of theoretical assumptions

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27 See Y. Person. 1968. Samori: Une Révolution Dyula. Dakar: IFAN; C. Coquery-Vidrovitch. 1969. “Recherches sur un Mode de Poduction Africain,” La Pensée , 114: 61-78 ; C. Meillassoux. 1964. Anthropologie Economique des Gouro de Cote d'Ivoire. Paris: Mouton. 28 E. Terray. 1974. “Long-distance Exchange and the Formation of the State: the Case of the Abron kingdom of Gyaman,” Economy and Society , 3: 315-45.

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29 M. Fortes and E.E. Pritchard, African Political Systems , 1940: 4. Some of the works of (colonial) social anthropologists, their sources and rationale affected the image and more importantly the emphasis of social anthropologist as a discipline. An enduring critique of colonial ethnographers has revealed the pathologies of colonial ethnography “from naiveté in the creation of the primitive ‘other’ to active complicity with the project of colonial domination.” J. Allman and J. Parker, Tongnaab, 2005: 15 and V. Y. Mudimbe. 1988. The Invention of Africa. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. My use of these scholars is selectively limited to those arguments relevant to the understanding of the circumstances of state formation in West Africa. For a critique of British social anthropology, see A. Barnard. 2001. “Review: Africa and the Anthropologist,” Africa 71(1): 162-170; J. R. Hooker. 1963. “The Anthropologist’s Frontier: the Last Phase of African Exploitation,” Journal of Modern African Studies , 1: 455-459. The use of ‘ethnicity’ as a colonial instrument is an illustrative case: whilst recognizing the need to move away from some of its connotations, some Africanists still stress its past role in providing ‘a dignity to marginalised and ignored peoples.’ The Mossi exemple indicates that a conception of ‘ethnicity’ as that comforting construction of anthropological discourse would be misleading. De Heusch therefore rightly questions: ‘Shouldn’t we, then, be more consistent and decide whether or not anthropology has been a colonial science?’ in Luc de Heusch. 2000. “L’Ethnie. The Vicissitudes of a Concept,” Social Anthropology, 8 (2): 99-115, p. 101.

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30 H. Lewis. 1966 “The Origins of African Kingdoms,”” Cahiers d’Etudes Africaines 6(23): 402-407 p. 402. 31 The distinction between state and stateless structures on the basis of the centralisation of authority is has not always been the most apt; Terray’s argument that the state emerges when a ‘qualitative’ difference is stated and can be recognised between a ruling group and a ruled group seems a good starting point, see E. Terray. 1985. “Sociétés Segmentaires, Chefferies, Etats: Acquis et Problèmes,” Canadian Journal of African Studies, 19(1): 106- 115, p. 112. 32 For a review HJM. Claessen, P. Skalník. 1978. The Early State . Berlin, New York: Walter de Gruyter; S.N Eisenstadt; M. Abitbol; N. Chazan. 1988. The Early State in African Perspective , Leiden, New York: Kobenhavn; R. H. Lowie (1922, 1947) Primitive Society . New York: Liveright; also R. H. Lowie “Origin of the State”, 1927. Einsenstad evaluates different approaches of evolution theory in S. N. Eisenstadt. 1964. “Social Change, Differentiation and Evolution,” American Sociological Review , 29(3): 375-386.

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35 Lowie 1927; Redfield 1957; Kaberry 1957; Mair 1962; Claessen 1979. 36 Malinowski 1944; Gluckman 1940, 1963, 1965; Schapera 1956; Sahlins 1958; Service 1971; Korana-Shvili 1979. 37 Polanyi 1966, Yoffee 2005. 38 Balandier 1972: 123-157, Ecsedy 1972. 39 Claessen and Skalník 1978. 40 P. Skalník. 2002. “Chiefdoms and Kingdoms in Africa: Why they are neither States nor Empires” Paper presented at the African Studies Centre, Leiden. p. 1. 41 Herbst, States and Power, 2000: 51; Chapter 4 expands on some of these themes with reference to Moogo as a cultural area.

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42 Weaknesses of this strand of theorising with regards to limited empirical data and the self- conceived future schemas have been pointed by many scholars. Hobbes’s Leviathan (1642) opened up a long-standing debate over claims of legitimacy of absolute power, the idea of jure divino were largely refuted by Locke in Two Treatises on government (1690). Machiavelli’s Il Principe (1532), Montesquieu’s Lettres Persanes (1721) as Weil as De l’Esprit des Lois (1748), Vico’s Principi di una Scienza Nuova (1744) were contributions to possibilities for social organization in what was largely perceived as a state of disorder 43 M. G. Smith 1974, Lewis 1966, Cohen 1974; in Carneiro 1973; Harris 1968; see also See R. Oliver and J. D. Fage. 1962. A Short History of Africa . Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, pp. 46-7 for an extensive exposition of this position. 44 Steward 1957: 18, 22; Claessen and Skalník 1978: 11.

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45 See Skalník. 1978. “On the Inadequacy of the Concept of the Traditional State” Journal of Legal Pluralism 25-26: 309. 46 This theory was mainly explored by Southall (1956), Feirerman (1974), Miller (1976) and Vansina (1978); see N. J. Fairley. 1989. “Ideology and State Formation: The Ekie of Southern Zaire,” in I. Kopytoff. The African Frontier. Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, p. 91. 47 Tilly contends that European wars from which nation-states emerged were largely territorial. They extended the territorial control of the state over its neighbours or protected it from the latter; see C. Tilly. 1975. The Formation of National States in Western Europe . Princeton: Princeton University Press, p. 42 and .1985. War Making and State Making as Organized Crime . In Bringing the State Back In . P. Evans et al. (eds.). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, p. 170.

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48 G. V. Kaboré. 1962. “Caractère « Féodal » du Système Politique Mossi,” Cahiers d'Etudes Africaines, 2: 609-623; A. Beauminy 1925. "Une Féodalité en Afrique Occidentale Française: Les Mossi." Bulletin de l'Afrique Française I; Delobsom 1928, 1932; Tauxier 1912, 1917.

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49 Père Paul Baudu. 1957. Vieil Empire, Jeune Eglise . Paris: Édition La Savane [my translation] In Kaboré, ‘Caractère Féodal,’ 1962: 609-623. 50 For the history and chronology of Mossi states, see Tauxier 1912, 1917; Delafosse 1911, 1912, 1913; Izard 1980, 1981, 1985, 1987, 1990, 1992, 2000, 2003; Skinner, 1960, 1964, 1965, 1975, 1978, 1986; Kaboré 1961, 1962, 1966; Tiendrebeogo 1963, 1964, 1965, 1975, 1980; Delobsom 1926, 1928, 1929, 1932, 1933, 1934; Nacanabo 1982, 1999; Badini 1983, 1993; Kawada 1967, 1971, 1975, 1979, 1981, 1985, 1993, 1997, 1998, 2000, 2002; Hammond 1966; Kethiéga 1994; Zahan, 1967; Ki-Zerbo 1978; IIliasu 1971.

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51 . Ralph Austen found the existence of rival lineage genealogies and segmentary accounts to be of importance in instances of rival claims on power from different groups. His study of the Bell and Akwa of Cameroon reveals that “the genealogy of heads includes no mythologized culture heroes and is subject to mutual checking by the very segmentary rivalry that it recounts.”; R. A. Austen. 2001. “The Slave Trade as History and Memory: Confrontations of Slaving Voyage Documents and Communal Traditions,” The William and Mary Quarterly , 58(1): 229–244 . 52 See Nacanabo (1982, 2003); Sedogo (2004); Madiéga (1982, 2003); Kethiéga (1993; 1994); Simporé (2004); Madiéga (2003) introduces some of the works that have attempted to grapple with the many issues raised with regards to the writing on Burkinabé history by

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55 See H. Kleinschmidt. 2003. People on the Move: Attitudes toward and Perceptions of Migration in Medieval and Modern Europe. Westport, Conn, Praeger, pp. 13, 23-26. 56 Adams, Van Gergen and Levy. 1978. “The retreat from Migrationism,” Annual Review of Anthropology , 7: 483-532, p. 523. 57 Adams, Van Gergen and Levy “The retreat,” 1978: 487.

42 ¢¨°£´≥≠©¥®©Æß Ø≤ ®•≤§©Æß .°°≠ ∑°≥ ° ¥•£®ÆبØßπ ض ßØ∂•≤Æ≠•Æ¥ ¥®°¥ ≥∞≤•°§

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≥Ø£©•¥©•≥ ¥®°¥ ∑•≤• ¥Ø ¢• Ø≤ß°Æ©≥•§ µÆ§•≤ ©¥≥ ≥∑°π

1. 3. 1. Theoretical framework: migrants as frontiermen, frontiermen as state- builders

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°Æ§ ≤ب• ©Æ Æ•∑ ≥Ø£©•¥©•≥ °Æ§ ¶©Æ°¨¨π ¥®• ≤•¨•∂°Æ£• ض ©§•Ø¨Øßπ 9 .°°≠ = ©Æ ≥®°∞©Æß

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•¥®Æ©£ °Æ§ £µ¨¥µ≤°¨ §•¥≤©¥µ≥ ∞≤اµ£•§ ¢π ¥®• ≤ص¥©Æ• ∑Ø≤´©Æß≥ ض Ø¥®•≤

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58 I. Kopytoff, “The Internal African Frontier,” 1989: 7.

43 °≠ØÆß≥¥ ©¥≥ ∞Ø∞µ¨°¥©ØÆ≥ !≥ ° M¶≤ØÆ¥©•≤ £ØÆ¥©Æ•Æ¥@ !¶≤©£° ®°≥ ¢••Æ ¥®• ¥®•°¥≤• ¶Ø≤

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59 Kopytoff, “The Internal African Frontier,” 1989: 7. 60 Kopytoff, “The Internal African Frontier,” 1989: 11.

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1. 3. 2. Sources and references:

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45 *Ø≥•∞® +©J:•≤¢Ø ∑®Ø≥• ≥µ¢≥¥°Æ¥©°¨ ≥¥µ§π ض -Ø≥≥© ≥Ø£©ØJ∞ب©¥©£°¨ ®©≥¥Ø≤π °≤•

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1. 3. 3. Oral tradition:

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62 On ‘feedback’ in oral tradition, see D. Henige. 1974. The Chronology of Oral Tradition: Quest for a Chimera. Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 95-120 .

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53 CHAPTER TWO

The Trail of the Horse: the Mossi-Mamprusi-Dagomba System as a Culture-historical Area

INTRODUCTION

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1 Variations of the ethnonym Mossi range from Moose, Moshi, Musi, Mossah, Mousi, Mossi-be; the singular is moaga (a moaga, moaga society), and the plural is Moose 2 See I. Wilks. 1985. The Mossi and the Akan States, 1400 to 1800. History of West Africa. J. F. Ajayi and M. Crowder, eds,. Harlow, Longman. I: 465-502, p. 465; 1985. Asante in the Nineteenth Century: the Structure and Evolution of a Political Order . London: Cambridge University Press. ≥©∏¥••Æ¥® £•Æ¥µ≤π ¥®• •≠•≤ß•Æ£• ض ¥®• 'ØÆ™° ´©ÆߧØ≠ ∑°≥ ¥®• ≤•≥µ¨¥ ض ≥©≠©¨°≤

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3 Wilks notes that as wars of expansion over Gonja, in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, “extended the sway of its rulers as far east as the Oti river, effectively isolating the Akan from the Mossi […], in the mid-eighteenth century, Asante armies were to thrust deeply into the savannah country and reduce both Gonja and Dagomba to tributary status”; I. Wilks “The Mossi and the Akan States,” 1985: 466. 4 See R. Mauny. 1961. Tableau Géographique de L'Ouest-africain au Moyen Age d'après les Sources Ecrites, la Tradition et l'Archéologie . Dakar: IFAN. Mémoire, 61, pp. 447-8, 514; see also Ghislaine Lydon. 2009. Trans-Saharan Trails: Islamic Law, Trade Networks and Cross- Cultural Exchange in Nineteenth-Century Western Africa . Cambridge: Cambridge University Press; Paul E. Lovejoy. 1980. Caravans of Kola: The Hausa Kola Trade 1700-1900 . Zaria: Ahmadu Bello University Press.

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Fission, Expansion, Domination

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5 See N. Levtzion. 1968. Muslims and chiefs in West Africa: a study of Islam in the Middle Volta Basin in the pre-colonial period. Oxford: Clarendon Press, p. 8; P. Ferguson. 1973. Islamisation in Dagbon: A Study of the Alfanema of Yendi . Cambridge: University of Cambridge. PhD Thesis; M. Izard. 1969. Les Yarsé et le Commerce dans le Yatenga Pre- colonial. Ouagadougou: CVRS; A. M. Duperray. 1985. "Les Yarse du royaume de Ouagadougou : l'écrit et l'Oral." Cahiers d'Etudes Africaines 25(98): 179-212. 6 Tamakloe, “A Brief History,” 1931: 14.

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7 Interview, Ila Ouedraogo, Ouahigouya, April 14 2010 8 S. Drucker-Brown. 1981. “The Structure of the Mamprusi Kingdom and the Cult of Naam,” The Study of the State . H. Claessen and P. Skalník. The Hague, Mouton: 115-131, p. 118.

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9 See M. J. Echenberg. 1971. “Late Nineteenth-Century Military Technology in Upper Volta,” The Journal of African History , 12(2): 241-254, pp. 241-3; Wilks “The Mossi,” 1985: 470; for a detailed study of the role of the horse in the political and military history of West Africa more generally, see R. Law. 1980. The Horse in West African History : the Role of the Horse in the Societies of Pre-colonial West Africa. Oxford: OUP. It is not however clear what role horse-riding effectively played in facilitating the expansion and consolidation of Mossi- Mamprusi-Dagomba states. 10 For a study of Gur languages, see D. Westermann. and M. A. Bryan. 1952. Languages of

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West Africa. Oxford: Oxford University Press; W. Arens and I. Karp. 1985. The Creativity of Power . Bloomington, Indiana University Press, in I. Wilks “The Mossi and the Akan States,” 1985: 469. 11 On pre-moaga groups, see J. P. Kiethéga et al. 1994. Trame Historique de l’Epopée Moosé. Ouagadougou. 12 G. V. Kabore, “Caractère Féodal du Système Politique Mossi,” 1962: 612. 13 J. Kawada. 2002. Genèse et Dynamique de la Royauté: Les Mosi Méridionaux (Burkina. Faso). Paris, L'Harmattan, pp. 32-3.

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14 J.-M. Kohler. 1971. Activité s Agricoles et Changements Sociaux dans l 'Ouest -Mossi. Paris: ORSTOM p. 25; R. Pageard. 1963. “Recherches sur les Niniossé,” Etudes Voltaïques, 4: 45- 6. 15 See Frobenius, Leo 1986 [1912, 1922] Histoire et Contes des Mossi . Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner. The metaphorical existence of Ouedraogo, ancestor of all Mossi is crucial to Mossi political structure and Mossi identity, the moos bûudu comprises all patrilineal descendants of the agnatic group members of which claim to be descendants of Ouedraogo 16 M. Izard. 1987. “le Royaume Mossi du Yatenga,” In Princes et Serviteurs du Royaume, cinq Etudes de Monarchies Africaines . C. Tardits. Paris: Société D'Ethnographie, Sociétés Africaines, 7: 59-106, pp. 63-4.

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2. 1. In the Beginning was Naam : Common Origin, Common Principles, Familiar Tales

2. 1. 1. Chronology: the official version

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18 M. Fortes. 1945. The Dynamics of Clanship among the Tallensi . London: OUP, pp 6-7; whereas the Namoos claim descent from Mamprugu, autochthonous Tales claim the right of first-settlers, 1945: 39. One could however point that the political vocabulary used by Mossi immigrants is predominantly a result of their different ‘socialisation’ from autochthonous Nyonyose.

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19 See M. Saul. 2007. "Méthodes en Histoire Orale Genèse de l’Autorité Politique au Moogo." L'Homme 2(182): 215-232, p. 15. 20 Izard, Introduction , 1970, I: 35-54, 56-78 Saul, “Methode en Histoire, ” 2007: 15.

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21 See L. Simporé. 2005. Eléments du Patrimoine Culturel Physique du Riungu de Wogdogo: Approche Archéologique et Historique . Université de Ouagadougou, PHD Thesis, pp. 561- 71; Simporé extensively quotes J. Ki-Zerbo. 1978. Histoire de l’Afrique Noire, d’Hier a Demain. Paris: Presence Africaine, EDICEF/UNESCO, pp. 82-3; Kawada also discusses the confusion around references to Mamprusi and Dagomba, as well as the thesis of the Nigerian link, Kano in particular; in Kawada, Genèse et Evolution du Système Politique des Mossi , 1979: 288. 22 B. Diallo. 1996. “Et si les Moose Venaient D’Egypte” L’Observateur-Dimanche, 36, 26

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2. 1. 2. Origins of Mossi expansion: the Mamprusi-Dagomba-Nanumba link

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July–1 August, quoted in Simporé, Elements du Patrimoine , 2004: 565; such common evocations could be a result of a reworking of the colonial Hamitic hypothesis. 23 Wolf, Europe and the People , 1982: 58.

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24 Wolf, Europe and the People , 1982: 71. 25 Wolf, Europe and the People , 1982: 71. 26 See J. B. Kiethega et al. 1994. Trame Historique de l’Epopée des Mossi. Ouagadougou, pp. 12-13 ;K. A. Milogo and L. Kote. 2000. “Archéologie du Burkina Faso” In Archéologie en Afrique de l’Ouest (Sahara et Sahel), Robert Vernet (ed.), Nouakchott and Paris: CRIAA and SEPIA, 7-59, pp. 10, 11, 38; L. Simporé. 2004. Eléments du Patrimoine Culturel , pp. 535-7,

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553-4. 27 See J.B. Kethéga. 1993. “La Mise en Place des Peuples du Burkina Faso,”. In Découverte du Burkina. T.I. Paris, SEPIA-A.D.D.B. Ouagadougou, pp. 9-29; also J. Y. Marshall. 1978. “Vestiges d’Occupation Ancienne au Yatenga; Une Reconnaissance en Pays Kibga,”. In Cahiers de l’ORSTOM, 15(4): 449-484, p. 122. 28 Barthelemy Bouda. 1986. L’Exploitation Traditionnelle du Fer dans la Région de Pabré. Mémoire de Maitrise, Université de Ouagadougou, p. 52; Simporé, Elements du Patrimoine, 2004: 544.

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29 Simporé, Eléments du Patrimoine, 2004: 556. 30 See Iliasu, “Origins," 1970: 96 ; Susan Drucker-Brown. 1981 “The Structure of the Mamprusi Kingdom and the Cult of Naam” In Claessen and Skalník, The Study of the State. The Hague: Mouton, p. 117

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31 Drucker-Brown “The Structure of the Mamprusi Kingdom,” 1981: 117; see also Fortes 1969 32 L. Tauxier 1912: 459. 33 See E. P. Skinner. 1964. The Mossi of the Upper Volta. Stanford: Stanford University Press, p. 9.

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34 J.D. Fage. 1959. Ghana: A Historical Interpretation . Madison: University of. Wisconsin, p.55 and 1962. Introduction to the History of West Africa . London: Cambridge University Press, p 97 in Iliasu 1970: 105; See also Ivor Wilks for detailed exposition of trading links between the Ashanti and the Mossi, Asante in the Nineteenth Century 1975, specially chapter 7.

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35 R. S. Rattray. 1932. The Tribes of the Ashanti Hinterland . Oxford: Clarendon Press, I: 340- 1; a full version of Tohugu’s peregrinations in Mamprugu and the founding of the Dagomba state is given by Tamakloe in E. F. Tamakloe. 1931. A Brief History of the Dagomba People. Accra: Gov Printers, pp. 11-17 in Iliasu, “The Origins,” 1970: 105; see also Benzing, Geschichte und Herrschaftssystem, 1971: 40-54; Cardinall, 1920, 1931. 36 Skinner, The Mossi, 1964: 10 and L. Tauxier, 1917, pp. 55-75 in Iliasu, “The Origins,” 1970: 105. 37 Iliasu, “The Origins,” 1970: 105.

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38 In Moogo proper, Ouagadougou constitutes the ba (classificatory father) and Tenkodogo the yaba (grand-father) .

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39 Iliasu mentions excavations done in Kisara and Mpama which suggest that they have been directly and for a long time linked to the expanding north-east trade route to the Hausa states. See Iliasu 1970: 105-6; he draws on R. D. Mathewson. 1965. “Kisare: a preliminary report” West African Archaeology Newsletter , 3: 22-25 and R. N. York. 1967. Archaeology in the Volta Bassin, 1963-66. Legon, pp. 37-45; see also L. Lugard, F. S. Lugard, F. L. Shaw 1906 A Tropical Dependency , Blackwell Classic Press. 40 J. D. Fage and W. Tordoff. 2001. A History of Africa . London: Routeledge, p 90; See also Binger. 41 J. D. Fage and W. Tordoff A History of Africa , 2001: 91; see also R. Grey , eds. 1975 The Cambridge History of Africa Vol.4 1600-1790 Cambridge: Cambridge University Press

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42 A. Boahen. 1961 “The Ghana Kola Trade,” Ghana Notes and Queries 1: 8-14 in A.A Iliasu, “The Origins,” 1970: 106. 43 Lonsdale “States and Social Processes,” 1981: 171-2. 44 See Webster 1979; Steinhart 1981 in Lonsdale 1981: 175.

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45 Kawada, Genèse et Dynamique, 2002: 802; See Also A. Prost.1953: "Notes sur l'Origine des Mossi." Bulletin de l'IFAN 15(3): 1333-1338, pp. 1337, 1335. 46 See Tiendrebeogo and Pageard 1963: 14; Pageard. 1965. Une Enquête Historique en Pays Mossi , Paris, p. 23; Lambert 1907 in Tauxier 1924: 7-8; Delobson 1933: 287. Kawada makes extensive reference to these authors, Kawada 1978: 82-84. traditions in

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Ouagadougou and Tenkodogo-Lalgaye place the graves of their ancestors from Gambaga respectively around Ouagadougou-Komtoega and Zambalga-Komtoega. 47 The distinction between ‘people of power’ and ‘earth custodians’ is a close but inappropriate translation; it is discussed in the history of many African societies. The translation of tengsoba in ‘earthpriest’ can be misleading, earth custodians were believed to be individuals were granted insights into the workings of nature; these insights were unavailable to ordinary individuals who thus needed the mediation of earthpriests for sacrifices and prayers dedicated to nature and the earth divinity. Although a ‘chief of the earth’/earthpriest is generally opposed to the ‘political chief’; the same person may be earth- priest and village leader, sometimes the earthpriest is the only authority; he thus cumulates many capacities; any case, there is a conceptual separation between the two functions (thus duality and structural dichotomy). However, even in instances where the same person plays both roles, the two functions are fundamentally distinct from each other. The major distinction is the fact that political power is hereditary/ lineage-based or gained through elections; it is given by men whereas spiritual power was given by the earth (god). Amongst the Tallensi, the differentiation between the two offices of the tengdana expressed the two complementary aspects of authority exercised on men and on the earth (also a ritual link between the local community and the material earth). The term tênga designates the earth, the territory, the powerful divine benediction, etc; see R. S. Rattray. 1932. The tribes of the Ashanti

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Hinterland. Oxford : OUP, pp. 339-44 ; also R. Verdier. 1965., ‘Chef de Terre et Chef de lignage’ in Jean Poirier, Etudes de Droit Africain et Malgache, Paris: Cujas, 333-359. 48 R. Pageard. 1965 “Une Enquête Historique en Pays Mossi,” Journal de la Société des Africanistes , 35(1): 11 – 66, p 16. it’s important to note that the distinction between ninisse and nioniosse is not clearly made by the tengbissi who tend to use their generic appellation

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49 See G. Remy.1973. Les Migrations de Travail et les Mouvements de Colonisation Mossi: Recueil Bibliographique . Paris: ORSTOM, 20. p. 87. 50 D. Liberski. 1991. Les Dieux du Territoire. Unité et Morcellement de l’Espace en Pays Kasena (Burkina Faso). Paris: EPHE, p.72.

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51 Kleinschmidt People on the Move 2003:26-7; Adam et al. talk of a ‘simultaneous and permanent movement of substantial numbers of people… which might be expected to leave measurable traces in the cultural, linguistic and skeletal record’ Adams, Van Gergen and Levy 1978 “The Retreat from Migrationism”, Annual Review of Anthropology 7: 483-532, p. 486; see also J. Monson. 2000. “Memory, Migration and the Authority of History in Southern Tanzania, 1860-1960,” The Journal of African History, 41(3): 347-372 on the Bena of the Rivers. 52 Adams et al., The Retreat from Migrationism, 1978: 523. 53 Adams et al., The Retreat from Migrationism, 1978: 487.

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54 See Kleinschmidt People on the Move 2003:23, for examples of factual migration disappearing form collective memories there needs to be evidence of actual archaeological or external sources which disprove the claims of non-memories. In archaeology, the politicisation of migration-oriented explanations in the 1960s were reminiscent of explicit nationalistic assumptions and were therefore discarded in favour of ‘forward-looking’ evolutionist explanations; see Clark 1994; Silberman 1995; Trigger, 1989: 294-302; Finnernan 2003: 22-3. Vansina describes how the spread of the Njila set of Bantu languages in West Central Africa introduced tremendous socio-political change in the region; see J. Vansina. 2004. How Societies are Born. Charlottesville and London: University of Virginia Press. 54 Kleinschmidt People on the Move 2003: 23-4.

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55 Kleinschmidt People on the Move 2003: 23-4. 56 Eisenstadt, Abitol and Chazan 1988: 18-19; these points are aptly analysed in P. Brown.1951. “Patterns of Authority in West Africa”, Africa, 21(4): 261-278 and J. Vansina. 1962. “A Comparison of African Kingdoms”, Africa , 32(4): 324-35.

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57 See Curtin et al. 1978. African History . London: Longmann. 58 Gbewa migrated from Grumah to Pusiga, Tohugu and Sitobu from Pusiga to Mamprugu and Yendi Dabari, Nmantamboo from Bagale to Bimbila, Ouedraogo from Mamprugu to Tenkodogo (Busanga), Rawa and Diaba Lompo from Tenkodogo to Yatênga and Fada N’Gurma and Oubri (Wubri) from Tenkodogo to Ouagadougou 59 See Skinner, The Mossi, 1964: 10; L. Tauxier. 1917. Le Noir du Yatenga; Mossis, Nioniossés, Samos, Yarsés, Silmi-Mossis, Peuls . Paris: Larose, pp. 55-75; Izard, Gens du Pouvoir, 1985: 529-35. 60 S. Drucker-Brown. 1989. "Mamprusi Installation Ritual and Centralisation: A Convection Model," Man 24(3): 485-501.

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61 A distinction is made between land/space as the territorial basis of political power and land/space as ‘earth’ in an abstract and ritual sense.

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62 Skalník, “On the Inadequacy,” 1987: 313. 63 Lonsdale speaks of ‘revolutions in government’

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64 See Drucker-Brown, “The Structure of the Mamprusi Kingdom,” 1981.

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65 See Skinner for a cogent review of the different versions of foundational traditions, Skinner, The Mossi, 1964: 7-12, 205. 66 Kawada, Genèse et Dynamique, 2002: 32-3. 67 Wilks “The Mossi and the Akan States,” 1985: 469.

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75 D. Zahan. 1967. “The Mossi Kingdoms,” West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century . D. Forde and P. Kaberry. London: OUP: 152-178, p. 157; E. P. Skinner, The Mossi, 1964: 17, 26. 76 D. Tait. 1955. "History and Social Organisation” Transactions of the Historical Society of the Gold Coast and Togoland 1(5): 193-210, p. 201; Tait contends that some of the Konkomba who chose to remain were “rewarded” with positions of bowmen within the Mossi army 77 Se Oliver and Fage. The Cambridge History of Africa, IV, 1975 : 187-8. 78 A. Duncan-Johnstone and H. Blair. 1932. Enquiry into the Constitution and Organisation of the Dagbon Kingdom. Accra: Ghana Publishing Corporation; P. Ferguson and I. Wilks. 1970. Chiefs, Constitutions and the British in Northern Ghana. In West African Chiefs, their

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86 Vansina also finds similar governance patterns in interstitial areas between centralised polities in Central Africa, around the Rund Kingdom; see J. Vansina. 2004. How societies are Born. Governance in West Central Africa Before 1600. Charlottesville and London: University of Virginia Press, p. 259. 87 Little research has been carried on the pre-colonial history of groups conquered by the Mossi, except for the short studies of J. Kawada. 1967. Le Zitenga: Rapport de Mission dans le Cercle de Ziniar. Recherhes Voltaïques 6 . Paris, Ouagadougou: CNRS, CVRS; and Sœur Jean Bernard. 1966. Les Bisa du Cercle de Garango. Recherches Voltaïques 2. Paris, Ouagadougou: CNRS, CVRS. 88 See J. Goody. 1971. Technology, Tradition, and the State in Africa . Oxford: Oxford

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University Press, Ch. 4; I. Wilks, “The Mossi,” 1985: 470; and especially Law, The Horse in West African History, 1980 : 13-5. 89 Wolf, Europe and the People, 1982: 88-89. 90 Lentz. "A Dagara Rebellion,” 1994: 459; for analyses of the internal workings of non- centralised societies and their mechanisms of social control in the Voltaic region, as well as varied accounts on their nature in pre-colonial times, Lentz cites J. Goody. 1957. “Social Organisation, and Fields of social control among the LoDagaba,” Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, 87: 75-104; B. Der, 'The "Stateless Peoples" of North-West Ghana: A Reappraisal of the Case of the Dagara of Nandom', University of Cape Coast, Dept. of History, unpublished ms.; K. Yelpaala. 1983. “Circular arguments and self-fulfilling definitions: "statelessness" and the Dagaaba,” History in Africa, 10: 349-85. 91 Kopytoff, The African Frontier, 1989: 5.

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92 M. Gomgnimbou. 2009. ‘Les Chefferies «sans Etats» chez les Populations Dites «Gurunsi»,’ Histoire des Royaumes et Chefferies au Burkina Faso Precolonial . P. C. Hien and M. Gomgnimbou. Ouagadougou, DIST(CNRST): 329-331, p. 338. 93 Lentz, “A Dagomba Rebellion,” 1994: 476. Traditions of origin in Bulsa recount the foundation of Bulsa (using the strory of the ‘disembowled woman’) by a Mamprusi ancestor following a royal scandal and in order to escape murder, see R. Scholt. 1993. "Le Caillou et la Boue. Les Traditions Orales en tant que Legitimation des Autorites Traditionnelles chez les Bulsa (Ghana) et Lyela (Burkina Faso)." Paideuma 39: 145-162, pp. 146-7, 150.

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96 Wolf, Europe and the People without History, 1982: 88; see J. Scott. 2009. The Art of Not Being Governed: An Anarchist History of Upland Southeast Asia . New Haven: Yale University Press. 97 The expression is from Michel Izard 98 See Drucker-Brown, “Mamprusi Installation,” 1989: 500; Rattray 1932; Fortes 1945. 99 M. Gomgnimbou. 2009 “Les Chefferies «sans Etats» chez les Populations Dites «Gurunsi»” In P. C. Hien and M. Gomgnimbou. Histoire des Royaumes et Chefferies au Burkina Faso Precolonial. Ouagadougou: DIST(CNRST) , p. 329-331.

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M•≥£°∞•@ 3 $ .°≥® ¥®• ∑•¨¨ ©Æ¶Ø≤≠•§ $©≥¥≤©£¥ #Ø≠≠©≥≥©ØÆ•≤ ض ÆØ≤¥®•≤Æ '®°Æ°

©Æ ¥®• •°≤¨π ∞•≤©Ø§ ض £Ø¨ØÆ©≥°¥©ØÆ •∏∞¨°©Æ•§ 4°¨¨•Æ≥© ≤•≥©≥¥°Æ£• ¥Ø £Ø¨ØÆ©°¨

•¶¶Ø≤¥≥ ¥Ø M¢≤©Æß ¥®•≠ ©Æ@ °≥ ° ≤•≥µ¨¥ ض ¥®• £•Æ¥≤°¨©≥•§ ≥¥°¥•≥@ ≤°∞°£©¥π ¥Ø∑°≤§≥

¥®•≠ §µ≤©Æß ¥®°¥ ∞•≤©Ø§ (• ≤•∞Ø≤¥•§ ¥®°¥ O4®• ∑®Ø¨• ض ¥®• '≤µÆ≥®© ¥Ø∑Æ≥

¶Ø≤≠•§ ©Æ ¶Ø≤≠•≤ ¥©≠•≥ ¥®• ®°∞∞π ®µÆ¥©Æß ß≤صƧ ¶Ø≤ ¥®• -Ø≥®© -°≠∞≤µ≥© °Æ§

Critique of Anthropology, VI: 33-65. 103 See M. Breusers. 1999.”The Making of History in Colonial Haute Volta: Border Conflicts Between Two Moose Chieftaincies, 1900-1940,” Journal of African History , 40: 447-467 and M. J. Echenberg. 1975. “Paying the Blood Tax: Military Conscription in French West Africa, 1914-19,” Canadian Journal of African Studies , 9: 171-192. 104 A. I. Asiwaju. 1976. “Migrations as Revolt: The Example of the Ivory Coast and the Upper Volta before 1945,” The Journal of African History , 17(4): 577-594, p. 579.

- 107 - $°ßØ≠¢° ∑®•Æ ©Æ ≥•°≤£® ض ≥¨°∂•≥  °Æ§ ≥Ø ¶≤•≥® ©≥ ¥®©≥ ©Æ ¥®• ≠•≠Ø≤π ض ¥®•

∞•Ø∞¨• ¥®°¥ ¥®•π ≤µÆ °∑°π ØÆ ¥®• °∞∞≤Ø°£® ض ≥¥≤°Æß•≤≥P 2

CONCLUSION

4®• ≠©ß≤°¥©ØÆ©≥¥ ∞•≤≥∞•£¥©∂• §•≠ØÆ≥¥≤°¥•≥ ¥®°¥ °¨¥®Øµß® ¥®•≤• ≠©ß®¥

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≠Ø∂•≠•Æ¥≥ ©Æ ¥®• 6ب¥°©£ ≤•ß©ØÆ ¥®• ©§•Ø¨Øß©£°¨ ©≠∞•≤°¥©∂• ≠Ø≤• ≥∞•£©¶©£°¨¨π

≠•≠Ø≤©•≥ ض ≠©ß≤°¥©ØÆ ∞¨°π•§ ° ¶°≤ ≠Ø≤• ©≠∞Ø≤¥°Æ¥ ≤ب• ©Æ ≥®°∞©Æß ¥®• ∞ب©¥©£°¨

°Æ§ ≥Ø£©°¨ ≥¥≤µ£¥µ≤•≥ ض -Ø≥≥© ≥¥°¥•≥ %∂•Æ ©Æ ∞¨°£•≥ ∑®•≤• ¥®• •Æ£ØµÆ¥•≤

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+°≥≥•Æ° .µÆµ≠° 3©≥≥°¨° +Ø +µ°≥© +ØÆ´Ø≠¢° °Æ§ Ø¥®•≤ Æ°¥©∂• ß≤ص∞≥

ß•Æ•≤°¨¨π °££ØµÆ¥≥ ¶Ø≤ ¥®• ¥π∞• ض ≥Ø£©°¨ ¶Ø≤≠°¥©ØÆ ¨°¥•≤ °§Ø∞¥•§ )¶ ¥®• -Ø≥≥©

£Ø≠¢©Æ•§ ¶Ø≤£• °Æ§ Æ•ßØ¥©°¥©ØÆ ¥®• $°ßØ≠¢° °≤• ≥°©§ ¥Ø ®°∂• ¢••Æ ≠Ø≤•

≤°§©£°¨ ¥Ø∑°≤§≥ ©Æ§©ß•Æص≥ ∞•Ø∞¨•≥ ®•Æ£• ¥®• ¨©≠©¥•§ ≤ب• °££Ø≤§•§ ¥Ø •°≤¥®

∞≤©•≥¥≥ ©Æ §•£©≥©ØÆ ≠°´©Æß

4®• -Ø≥≥©J-°≠∞≤µ≥©J$°ßØ≠¢° ¨©Æ´ ©≥ µÆ§•Æ©°¢¨•. °≥ ¥®• -°≠∞≤µ≥© ≥••

©¥# M ¥© ∫°° Æ𕨰 π©≠µ 9∑• °≤• °¨¨ ØÆ•=@ 2F 9•¥ ¥®• ©Æ¥≤©£°¥• ∑•¢ ض £ØÆÆ•£¥©ØÆ≥ °¥

105 NAG ADM 56/1/61, Report on the Navarro District, Jan.-June 1911, by SD Nash in Allman and Parker, Tongnaab, 2005: 32.

- 108 - ¥®• ¨©Æßµ©≥¥©£ £µ¨¥µ≤°¨ °Æ§ ≤©¥µ°¨ ¨•∂•¨≥ °≤• ¢¨µ≤≤•§ ¢π §©¶¶•≤•Æ¥ ≥¥≤°¥•ß©•≥

°§Ø∞¥•§ ©Æ £Ø∞©Æß ∑©¥® ¥®• ¶©≤≥¥:¨°¥•£Ø≠•≤ §©£®Ø¥Ø≠π )Æ °¨¨ ¥®©≥ ¥®• ®©≥¥Ø≤©£°¨

¨©Æ´°ß•≥ ¢•¥∑••Æ ¥®•≥• ≥Ø£©•¥©•≥ °≤• ≥¥©¨¨ ° ≠°¥¥•≤ ض £ØÆ™•£¥µ≤°¨ §©≥£µ≥≥©ØÆ. ¥®•

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Ƶ£¨•µ≥ °Æ§ ≥∞≤•°§ ض ¥®• ≤µ¨©Æß °≤©≥¥Ø£≤°£π ©≥ ©Æ ÆØ ≥•Æ≥• µÆ©±µ• ¥Ø ¥®• 6ب¥°©£

≥¥°¥•≥ (Ø∑•∂•≤ ØÆ• ∑©¨¨ ÆØ¥ •°≥©¨π ¶©Æ§ ° ≠Ø≤• ¶≤ØÆ¥©•≤J¨©´• ∞≤Ø£•≥≥ ¥®°Æ ¥®°¥

∑®©£® ß°∂• ¢©≤¥® ¥Ø ¥®• -Ø≥≥©J-°≠∞≤µ≥©J$°ßØ≠¢° ≥¥°¥• ≥π≥¥•≠ 4®• ¥≤Ø∞• ض

¥®• °§∂•Æ¥µ≤ص≥ ®µÆ¥•≤ ©Æ ≥•°≤£® ¶Ø≤ ß°≠• ©≥ ±µ©¥• ° £Ø≠≠ØÆ °££ØµÆ¥ ض Ø≤©ß©Æ

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≥∞©≤©¥≥:∞≤©•≥¥≥= ¨•°§ ¥Ø ≤©¥µ°¨ °ß≤••≠•Æ¥ ¢•¥∑••Æ ¥®• ¥∑Ø ß≤ص∞≥. ¥®• Æ•∑

£Ø≠•≤≥ ∞°π©Æß ≤•≥∞•£¥ ¥Ø ¥®• •°≤¥® §©∂©Æ©¥π ¥®≤ص߮ ≥°£≤©¶©£•≥ ©Æ Ø≤§•≤ ¥Ø M∞°£©¶π@

©¥ )Æ ¥®• -Ø≥≥© £°≥• £Ø¨¨°¢Ø≤°¥©ØÆ ®©Æß•§ µ∞ØÆ °Æ °¥¥•≠∞¥ ¥Ø §•∞¨Øπ .°°≠ Ø∂•≤

° ¥•≤≤©¥Ø≤π ∑®©£® ¥®• ≥¥°¥• §©§ ÆØ¥ £ØÆ¥≤ب

106 D. C. Davis. 1987. "Then the White Man Came with his Whitish Ideas: the British and the Evolution of Traditional Government in Mampurugu ." The International Journal of African Historical Studies 20(4): 627-646.

- 109 - CHAPTER THREE

Ideology of Power and Social Authority: Naam or that which

Reordered the World

INTRODUCTION

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1 Rog-n-miki is difficult to translate. Informants explain it as the system of values and ¥®°¥ ¶Ø≤£• ¥®°¥ ∞•≤∞•¥µ°¥•≥ ¥®• ∞°≥¥ )¥ •Æ°£¥≥ ®©≥¥Ø≤π 4®≤ص߮  ≤Øß-Æ-≠©´©  ¥®•

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traditions that their ancestors had transmitted to later generations. They translate it as “je suis né trouver; “for example in my family, we cannot eat the heart of animals or kill a lizard because it is our totem. We don’t eat the heart of animals because we have to be strong in order to serve the Naaba as warriors. Our ancestor in the past ate the heart of an animal in order to become a strong warrior.” [Ila Ouedraogo, Interview, Ouahigouya, April 16, 2010]. 2 M. Bazemo. 1993 “Captivité et Pouvoirs dans l'Ancien Royaume de Ouagadougou à la Fin du XIXe Siècle," Dialogues d'Histoire Ancienne , 19(1): 191-204, pp. 1999-200.

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3 As discussed in this chapter, it would seem that the Mossi Naam encompasses both meanings of capacity (power) and right (authority), hence the interchangeable use of the two terms throughout the thesis.

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5 Izard, Moogo, 2003.

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6 M. Izard. 1992. L’Odyssée du Pouvoir. Un Royaume Africain: Etat, Société, Destin Individuel . Paris: Editions de la Maison des Sciences de l’Homme, pp. 7-9. 7 The issue of ‘order’ seems to be a prominent preoccupation in the way Naam relates to its sites of interventions; this issue is developed more fully below.

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16 Mouni Ouedraogo, Interview, Ouagadougou, 7 December, 2009 17 M. Izard. 1973. "La Lance et les Guenilles." l'Homme 13: 139-149, p. 140. 1818 R. W. Harms. 1987. Games against Nature: an Eco-cultural History of the Nunu of Equatorial Africa. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.

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19 See B. Webb and J. B. Wright. 1978. A Zulu king speaks. Statements made by Cetshwayo kaMpande on the history and customs of his people. Pietermaritzburg: University of Natal Press, p. 1. In Herbst, States and Power, 2000: 40 on the case of the Zulu and their conflicts with white settlers. 20 Herbst, Sates and Power, 2000: 41.

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21 For overviews of analyses of power, see Lukes 1978, Hindess 1996, Mann 1986, Giddens 1984.

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27 Ila Ouedraogo, Interview, April 16, 2010 28 See figure 1, chapter 2.

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29 Rog-n-miki is that source of knowledge which has theoretically recorded the entire body of knowledge and law of society, once and for all; it was thus at the heart of the exegetics of ‘tradition’ in Moogo. A similar distinction exists in Asante law, between aman mmu (‘immemorial custom that ordered a community’) and aman bre (jural custom subject to legislative change); see McCaskie, State and Society , 1991: 87-90.

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33 The family, the corporate kin group, the socio-professional category, the age-group, the village, and so on

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3. 3. 1. Conceptualising a society for a state

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35 Izard, Moogo, 2003: 140-1 [they had the capacity to subdue (other groups) to an endeavour of which they had a clear representation, and the use of modern means of war].

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52 In chapters 4 and 5, a distinction is made between ‘citizens’ ( nakombsé, nayiridamba and tasombnamba), subjects (talsé ) and ‘others’ (such as yarsé traders who merely lived in Moogo but evolved outside Mossi society). 53 Balum Naaba’s assistant, Interview, Ouagadougou, March 14, 2006 54 In M. Izard. 1975. ‘Le Royaume du Yatenga,’ in R. Cresswell. Eléments d'Ethnologie 1. Huit Terrains . Paris: Armand Colin, 216-248, p. 232. 55 M. Izard, ‘La Lance,’ 1973: 144-145.

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56 Schildkrout, People of the Zongo, 1978: 26.

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57 Adapted from Izard’s framework in Gens du Pouvoir 1985. 58 The principle of primogeniture was never the rule both in Yatenga and Ouagadougou; however, centralising patterns that emerged in the middle of the 18 th century were to mean, in Ouagadougou in particular, a preference for the restriction of office transmission to the first male born 59 Izard, ‘Le Royaume Mossi du Yatenga’ 1987: 64.

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61 Schildkrout, People of the Zongo, 1978: 21.

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62 Izard, Gens du Pouvoir, 1985: 214. 63 D. Zahan 1967: “The Mossi Kingdoms” In D. Forde and P. Kaberry (eds.) West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century ,” London: OUP, 152-178, p. 156.

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65 Mann concedes that few such examples, at the exception of Islam, Christianity or Marxism, have been accounted in world history; see Mann, Sources of Social Power, I, 1986: 21.

- 159 - CHAPTER FOUR

Making the State from the Margins: Frontiermen as State-builders

INTRODUCTION

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4. 1. The Internal Frontier Model

4. 1. 1. Mossi-Mamprusi-Dagomba as culture-historical area

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28 Classens and Van de Velde.1987: Early State Dynamics, Leiden: Brill, pp.15-16. For a cogent exposition of the relations between state and ideology in an African polity, see McCaskie, State and Society, 1995: 264-6. 29 See Lonsdale “States and Social Processes,” 1981: 160; he makes reference to Corrrigan et al., 1980: 15.

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30 M. Izard. 1976. “Changements d’identité Lignagère dans le Yatenga,” Journal des Africanistes, 46(1-2): 69-81, p. 73 31 P. Anderson. 1974. Lineages of the Absolutist State. London: NLB, p. 19. 32 Fage and Oliver 1962: 44-52 in Lonsdale “States and Social Processes,” 1981: 171.

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41 See Skalník, the Early State 1978: 609. 42 Pageard, “ Une Enquête Historique ,” 1965: 58. 43 Skinner 1966; Levtzion 1968; Breusers 2003; the intertwining of naam and its ritual legitimation are believed to be the factors that accounted for the Mossi’s withstanding the penetration of Islam and Christianity. Several Mogho Naaba are believed to have converted to Islam during the 1700s but they nonetheless abided by the ritual foundation that held naam in place.

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44 The Peul had pushed north indigenous Kurumba and Sonray in the early period of Mossi expansion. 45 Izard, “Histoire d’un Empire,” 1978: 38.

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46 Silmiise were nomadic herders and silmimoose herders-cultivators (offspring of mossi/silmiise union); they merely lived in Mossi society but were not taken into account in the state’s definition of ‘citizen’ and ‘subject’. 47 See Skalník 1978: 479; Levtzion 1968. 48 These are brief summaries intended to present an overview of the two perspectives, for a better understanding, see Wilks 1975 McCaskie 1995.

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49 Wilks, Forests of Gold, 1993: 295; Wilks expounds the process of bureaucratisation in Ashanti elsewhere, see I. Wilks. 1966 “Aspects of Bureaucratisation in Ashanti in the Nineteenth Century,” Journal of African Histoty 7(2) and Asante in the Nineteenth Century, 1975: 414-76.

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54 Skinner, the Mossi, 1964: 36; J. Goody. 1966. Succession to High Office. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, introduction.

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57 In present Burkina Faso being Mossi is to be part of the Mossi ethnic group but in the past Mossiness had more to do with social activity and it was conceived in relation to the practice of power and it applied to those peoole who evolved within the realm of Naam . 58 On mutations of identity in Yatenga, see Izard, “Changements d’Identité,” 1976: 71-3. 59 Karim Ouedraogo and Ila Ouedraogo, Interview, Ouahigouya, April 16, 2010.

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60 Ali Ouedraogo (University of Ouagadougou) is preparing a thesis on the connection between patronymics, place names and ‘mossi’ identity; his might be an invaluable contribution to our understanding of this very process. 61 Karim Ouedraogo, Interview, Ouahigouya, April 16, 2010.

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62 From Izard, “Changements d’Identité,” 1976: 79.

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64 Noufou Ouedraogo, Interview, Ouagadougou, December 5, 2009.

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CONCLUSION

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≤•≥©§•≥ ©Æ ¥®• ©Æ≥©ß®¥ ©¥ °¶¶Ø≤§≥ ©Æ ≥ب∂©Æß ∞°≤¥ ض ° ∂•≤π !¶≤©£°Æ ∞µ∫∫¨• # Æ°≠•¨π

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65 See on this, M. Izard. 1993. “Centralisation du Pouvoir: La Preuve par la Toponymie,” Journal des Africanistes 63(2): 5-24, p. 23-4.

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66 The issue of the appellation of ‘class’ has been debated in the context of other African societies; Arhin for instance suggests the use of ‘status group’ in the case of Asante whose stratification system he conceives in terms of ‘ranks’ rather ‘classes’, see K. Arhin. 1983. “Rank and Class among the Asante and the Fante in the Nineteenth Century,” Africa, 53(1): 2-22, pp. 3-4.

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211 CHAPTER FIVE

The Paradox of Marginality: Political Centralisation and the

Incorporation of the Stranger-kin

INTRODUCTION

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1 Herbst, States and Power, 2000: 36; with the exception of Ashanti, the Yoruba and the Haussa, few studies have methodically looked at these practices in West Africa, see also G. Balandier. 1964. ‘Réflexions sur le Fait Politique: Le Cas des Sociétés Africaines,’ Cahiers Internationaux de Sociologie 37: 23-50, pp. 24. 2 See McCaskie, State and Society, 1995; 2000. Asante Identities: History and Modernity in an African Village, 1850-1950 . Edinburgh: EUP; R. J. Reid. 2002. Political Power in Pre- Colonial Buganda: Economy, Society and Warfare in the Nineteenth Century . Oxford: James -©•≤≥ °Æ§ +Ø∞π¥Ø¶¶@≥ •§©¥•§ ∑Ø≤´ ØÆ M!¶≤©£° ≥¨°∂•≤π@ ¶Ø≤ ©Æ≥¥°Æ£•

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Currey; I. Wilks, 1975. Asante in the Nineteenth Century: the Structure and Evolution of a Political Order. London: CUP; S. Miers and I. Kopytoff. 1977. Slavery in Africa: Historical and Anthropological Perspectives . Madison and London, University of Wisconsin Press; R. Law. 1977. The Oyo Empire c. 1600–1836: West African Imperialism in the era of the Atlantic Trade. Oxford: OUP. 3 Miers and Kopytoff , Slavery in Africa, 1977: 3-24.

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4 Part of the state design was to re-conceptualise social categorisation not on the basis of kinship or ethnicity but rather around Naam , the political relevance of groups and individual was to be measured from their relative distance to it.

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5. Naam and Tênga: Political Economy of a Principled Dichotomy

5. 1. Ideological differentiation Naam and Tênga: two world-views

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15 Delobsom, 1932, Kawada 1993. 16 Izard, “Engrammes du Pouvoir”, 1983: 305.

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17 Izard, Gens du Pouvoir , 1985: 329-330. 18 Izard, “Engrammes du Pouvoir”, 1983: 305.

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19 J. B. Zoanga. 1978. “The Traditional Power of the Mosi Nanamse of Upper Volta,” in W. Weissleder, ed., the Nomadic Alternative . Hague: Mouton, p. 215. nakombsé excluded from political competition on the basis of the genealogical and generational primacy logic, do not generally engage or recycle themselves in another ‘professional’ activity, preferring to wander about, and hoping for an hypothetical nomination from the Naaba . 20 See S. Luning. 2007. “Ritual Territories as Local Heritage? Discourse on Disruptions in Society and Nature in Maane, Burkina Faso,” Africa 77-1: 86-103; P. Hammond. 1966. Yatenga: Technology and Culture of a West African Kingdom. New York: The Free Press; J. Capron. 1973. Communautés Villageoises Bwa: Mali, Haute Volta . Paris: Institut d'Ethnologie.

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21 The earth priest exercises ritual authority over the tengpeelem; he is also the “village chief” for autochthons ( tengande , engsobongo , and sometimes teng soba yiiri ) although this has no political implication. 22 A secondary altar subordinated to tênga and which protects the welfare of ‘wild nature’, specifically trees; the tilimbuguri naaba assists the tengsoba ; see Izard Gens du Pouvoir, 1985: 326; also W. Pfluger. 1987. Tilimbuguri: présentation de la fête de fécondité des autochtones de Ronga’. Bobo-Dioulasso, Thesis; Izard. 1993. “Centralisation du Pouvoir: Preuve par la Toponymie, “ Journal des Africanistes 63 (63-2): 5-24. 23 A process of marginalisation ‘downgraded’ nakombsé into talsé and into children of the earth while an inverse process of integration enable, for children of the earth, a passage into the realm of power.

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24 Izard, Archives Orales , 1980: 864. 25 Izard, Archives Orales , 1980: 866.

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26 M. Izard, Archives Orales , 1980: 857. [if one goes back to a rough historicist position, on the binary between ‘people of power’ and ‘people of the earth’, one realises that the moaga political and administrative system is deployed only within the moaga world: people of the earth, ejected outside history for having been conquered and dispossessed of their power, for having their territory conquered, do no a priori have a political existence from the perspective of the Mossi. 27 See on this, Izard, “Centralisation du Pouvoir,” 1993: 7. in Ouagadougou, the number and functions of dignitaries were a bit different : administrative, political, military and ritual functions were shared amongst the Widi (weranga in Yatenga) Naaba, the Goungha Naaba (military), the Tansoba (general of army), teh Larlé Naaba (military and rituals), the Bâlum Naaba and the Kamsaogho-Naba (enuch chief); see J. Ki-Zerbo, Histoire de l’Afrique Noire, 1978: 256. 28 Feeley-Harnik, ‘The King’s Men,’ 1985: 281.

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29 Wolf, Europe and the People, 1982: 56. 30 See M. Izard 1976. “Changements d’Identité Lignagère dans le Yatenga,’’ Journal des Africanistes 46(1-2): 69-81; Gens du Pouvoir , 1985: 309-349.

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31 Izard Gens du Pouvoir 1985: 320 ; Kohler, Activites Agricoles, 1971 : 24-5; F. Imbs, Kumtaaba, 1987: 26-7. 32 J. Comaroff. 1996. “Ethnicity, Nationalism, and the Politics of Difference in an Age of Revolution,” The Politics of Difference . E. Wilmsen and P. McAllister (eds,). Chicago: University of Chicago Press : 162–184, p. 165.

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33 The condition of blacksmiths was an ambiguous one, on the one hand, they were integrated in the Mossi group but some of them were subjected to the harshest treatment of quasi-servitude, at the lowest rank of captives without the attending benefits of participation in the pogsyure, the delayed system of exchange of women prevalent throughout Moogo; see Izard, Gens du Pouvoir , 1985: 310; Archives Orales, 1980: 916-7. 34 Izard. 1975. ‘Les Captifs Royaux dans l’Ancien Yatenga’, 1975: 281.

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35 M. Izard. 1985. “Des Sociétés pour l’Etat,” Cahiers ORSTOM, 21(1): 15-33, p. 30. 36 A. Kompaoré. 1986. Approche de l’Emergence des Énuques et la Cour Royale dans le Royaume de Ouagadougou . Mémoire de Maitrise. Université de Ouagadougou, p. 82, in M. Bazemo. 1993. “Captivité et Pouvoirs dans l’Ancien Royaume de Ouagadougou à la Fin du

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XIXe Siècle,” Dialogue D’Histoire Ancienne, 19(1): 191-204, p. 199. 37 Kompaoré, Approche de l’Emergence des Enuques , 1986: 82.

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5. 2. 1. The Institution of royal captives

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38 Izard, “Transgression,” 1979: 304-5. 39 Akinjogbin describes a familiar patriarchal structure pertaining to nineteenth century Dahomey; I. A. Akinjogbin. 1967. Dahomey and its Neighbours, 1708-1818. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, p. 14. 40 Izard. 1975. “Les Captifs Royaux dans l’Ancien Yatênga,” In L’Esclavage en Afrique précoloniale . Paris: François Maspero. 41 M. Bazémo. 2007 . Esclaves et Esclavage dans les Anciens Pays du Burkina Faso. Paris: Harmattan, p. 131.

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42 See J. D. Fage. 1980. “ Slaves and Society in Western Africa, c. 1445-c. 1700,” The Journal of African History , 21(3): 289-310; certain taboos were attached to unions involving a blacksmith and a Yarsé or Yiyoose, see A. P. Fiske, Totems, Sacrificial Taboos, and Fear of Witches Among the Moose: Variations on the Same Triadic Relational Structure , unpublished manuscript, p. 8. 43 Fage, “Slaves and Society,” 1980: 307. 44 See Filippo Pigafetta et Duarte Lopes. 1965. Description du Royaume de Congo . Louvain and Paris, 2nd rev. ed. 1965, trans. By Willy Bal. in J. D. Fage, “Slaves and Society,” 1980: 289-310. If we now know a little more about modes of servitude in Africa, it is still the case that we know more about the economic, commercial and social aspects of chattel slavery than on indigenous understandings of servitude as it relates to kin, interpersonal and affective relationships, social status, as well as representations of systems of dependency within specific African cultures.

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46 M. Bazémo. 2007 . Esclaves et Esclavage dans les Anciens Pays du Burkina Faso Paris: Harmattan, p. 131. 47 Izard, Gens du Pouvoir , 1985: 298-9. 48 Sawadogo, “Etat des Connaissances,” 2009: 215.

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49 For detailed treatment of the ( na )pügsiwre , see E. P. Skinner. 1960. "The Mossi Pogsioure." Man 60: 20-23; A. De Beauminy. 1925. "Une Féodalité en Afrique Occidentale Française. Les Etats Mossi " Bulletin de l'Afrique Française- Renseignements Coloniaux 35(1): 24-36, p. 33; Skinner, The Mossi, 1964: 23, 115; Y. Tiendrebeogo. 1963. "Histoire Traditionnelle des Mossi de Ouagadougou." JSA 33(1): 7-46, p. 21; Izard, Gens du Pouvoir, 1985: 510-28; J.L. Boutillier et al. 1977. “Systèmes socio-économiques Mossi et migrations,” Cahiers ORSTOM , 15(4): 561-581for relevance in economic production. 50 Izard, Gens du Pouvoir, 1985: 305; it’s important to note that royal fields, as well as royal residences and certain captive villages, escape the ‘jurisdiction’ of the tesé supervised by earthpriests. In fact, it is unusual to find ‘earth custodians’ living on these grounds. The economic factor is also important as these are relatively densely populated areas where land for cultivation and pasture are crucial to the proper running of the royal service and the kingdom at large. The system of land tenure, generally regulated within a dichotomy of the

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preserve these; see L. de Heusch. 1958. Essais sur le Symbolisme de l’Inceste Royal en Afrique . Bruxelles: Institut de Sociologie, Etudes Ethnologiques, I. 58 G. Balandier. 1964. ‘Réflexions sur le Fait Politique: Le Cas des Sociétés Africaines,’ Cahiers Internationaux de Sociologie 37: 23-50, p. 36. 59 Balandier, ‘’Réflexions,’’, 1964: 36.

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60 Izard, ‘Le Royaume Mossi du Yatenga’, 1987: 66-8. 61 The radical ‘so’ from the substantive ‘soba’ means ‘to possess’ or ‘to detain’ as an inherent right; the confrontation of the nouns naaba and soba implies forms of legitimate control, material or spiritual. Soba is associated with three main terms: pangsoba, holder of power, tasoba , chief of war, and tengsoba , earthpriest, a well as a few other terms. See M. Izard ‘Le Royaume Mossi du Yatenga’ 1987: 72-3.

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62 See I. Wilks. 1992. "On Mentally Mapping Greater Asante: A Study of Time and Motion." The Journal of African History 33(2): 175-190. 63 Wolf, Europe and the People, 1982: 99.

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64 The Mossi did not have a centralised and hierarchised military service. In times of war, the tâpsoba (war chief) informed chieftaincies and instructed them to gather all valid men and cavalry in their areas of control; villages contributed by providing food for the military. 65 A. I. Richards. 1961. ‘African Kings and their Royal Relatives’, Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 91: 135-50, p. 143 in Feeley-Harnik, “The King’s Men,” 1982: 45. 66 Izard “Le Royaume Mossi du Yatenga,” 1987: 73.

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68 C. B. Kone. 2005. "La Personnalité Moaga face a l'Option Démocratique " Synergies Afrique Australe, Recherches francophones en Afrique (1): 160-174, p. 164. in his words : “Exercer le pouvoir c’est dominer ceux sur qui il s’exerce. Voila très précisément pourquoi les chefs ont le pouvoir, et pourquoi le pouvoir ne se détache pas du corps delà société qui ne peut être que sous l’égide du roi, du chef, a savoir celui qui commande.” 69 Opuku mentions the involvement of Mossi in the slave trade in Salaga. He notes that ‘the Mossi people, who play the main part in the slave trade and slave capture, are always armed with heavy cudgels to carry out some arbitrary act on the way such as carrying off people, or to defend themselves when attacked.’; see Theophil Opuku. 1877. “An African Pastor’s preaching journey… ‘BM, EMM, 1885”, in M. Johnson. 1986. ‘The Slave of Salaga’, the Journal of African History , 27 (2): 341-362. The supply of slaves to Europe created, in the 19 th century, a cohort of monarchs who were European king’s men. In Asante, Buganda, Nigerian states, partially in Moogo, state consolidation went hand in hand with consolidated enslavement, bureaucratisation and militarization. The main victims of Mossi raids were neighbouring Gurunsi whom the Mossi perceived as “barbarians” who did not elaborate any centralised political a system. Like many centralised polities, the Mossi viewed “stateless”

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72 Feeley-Harnik, “The King’s Men,” 1982: 37. 73 Binger, Du Niger au Golfe de Guinée, 1892: 501; observation that clearly reflects Binger’s view of the Mossi as uninterested in economic development beyond subsistence. 74 French explorers of late 19 th and early 20 th centuries (Binger, Crozat, Monteil, Tauxier, etc) noted the ‘relative security’ of Moogo; the centralised political system was responsible for most of the apparent security and order observed by visitors of the time. 75 On this subject, see S. Amin. 1971. “The Development of Indigenous Trade and Markets in West Africa,” In Claude Meillassoux , I.A.I. Oxford: OUP; 1985. “Preface” to Boubacar Barry. Le Royaume du Waalo: Le Sénégal avant la Conquête”. Paris: Karthala; E. J. Berg. 1965. “The Economics of the Migrant Labour System,” In H. Kuper, ed., Urbanisation and Migration in West Africa, Berkeley: University of California Press; Wilks, ‘’The Mossi,’’ 1985: 473; M. Fortes et al. 1967. “Colloque sur les Cultures Voltaiques,” Recherches Voltaïques , 8, p. 174; R. D. Mathewson. 1965. “Kisare: A Preliminary Report,” West African Archaeological Newsletter, 3: 22-25.

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76 Noufou Ouedraogo, Interview, Ouagadougou, December 5, 2009. 77 If ordinary Mossi remained for a long time reluctant to embrace Islam, Mossi rulers welcomed traders and imams and tapped into the mystical resources of the latter even whilst filtering the introduction of alien ideas to ordinary Mossi. Mossi rulers demanded that its practices be syncretically incorporated in Mossi beliefs; at the same time they instrumentalised Islamic belief in order to buttress their rule. In Ouagadougou, Naaba Dulugu (c.1796-1825) set up the first mosque and created an imamate at the court; Naaba Sawadogo (c.1825-1842) adopted a mild approach to Islam whist Naaba Kutu is said to be the first Mogho Naaba who openly embraced Islam and engaged in theological learning; the Imamate became “dynastised” and held by the Bagayugu family, probable descendants of Shaykh Sulayman Bagayugu; see Tiendrebeogo, Histoire et Coutumes, 1964: 111; Izard, Introduction, I, 1970: 169; Ferguson, “Islamisation in Dagbon,” 1973: 69. 78 A. M. Duperray. 1985. "Les Yarsé du Royaume de Ouagadougou : l'Ecrit et l'Oral," Cahiers d'Etudes Africaines 25(98): 179-212; Assimi Kouanda. 1984. Les Yarsé: Fonction

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Commerciale, Religieuse et Légitimité Culturelle dans le Pays Moaga (Evolution Historique). Paris, Paris I. Thèse de 3ieme Cycle; also M. Izard. 1965. Traditions historiques des villages du Yatenga. I, Cercle de Gourcy . Paris, CNRS, p. 129. 79 Kouanda, Les Yarsé , 1984: 125. 80 Dr Crozat. 1891. "Rapport sur une Mission au Mossi (1890)." Journal de la République Française 5(9): 4797-4801, 4806-4809, 4820-4823, 4835-4837, 4847-4850, p. 4848; see also L. Marc. 1909. Le Pays Mossi . Paris, Larose, p. 169.

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81 A. Kompaoré. 1986. Approche de l’Emergence des Enuques et la Cour Royale dans le Royaume de Ouagadougou. Université de Ouagad.ougou: Mémoire de Maitrise, p. 52. 82 Dr Ruelle. 1904. "Notes Anthropologiques, Ethnographiques et Sociologiques sur Quelques Populations Noires du Deuxième Territoire d'Afrique-Occidentale Française ." l'Anthropologie 15: 519-561 et 657-703, pp. 679-681. 83 Marc, Le Pays Mossi, 1909: 171 84 Skinner, Les Mossi, 1972: 257. 85 Wolf., Europe and the People, 1982: 330. 86 See Salo 1975; Binger 1892; Ki-Zerbo 1978 and Ouedraogo 1975.

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87 Ki-Zerbo, Histoire, 1978: 170. 88 S. Salo. 1975. Recherches sur l’Originalité de la Resistance des Mossi aux Agressions Extérieures, 1885-1904 . Montpellier, p. 16. 89 Zaberma raids targeted young men and women; if adult captives were traded for 50 to 65 000 cowries in Ouagadougou, young men were sold 100 000 and women the double of this price. See L. G. Binger, Du Niger au Golfe de Guinée, 1892: 483; E. P. Skinner, Les Mossi de Haute-Volta, 1972: 257. 90 Binger, Du Niger au Golfe de Guinée, 1892: 502-4. 91 Samuel Salo, Recherches sur l’Originalité de la Resistance des Mossi, 1975: 16. Francois Renault and Serge Daget developed the theory that in the places where cowries and other

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Ø≤ß°Æ©≥°¥©ØÆ≥ ∑•≤• ß©∂•Æ ≤©≥• ¥Ø ¥®•π °¶¶•£¥•§ ≥Ø£©•¥©•≥ ÆØ¥Ø≤©Øµ≥ ©Æ monetary units were rare, captives were usually used as objects of exchange that played the same role as money, cited in Bazemo, “Captivité et Pouvoir,” 1993: 202. 92 The landlocked nature of Moogo meant that it was affected by the trading networks, transatlantic in particular, much later than coastal areas. Once it was thrust into the dynamics of the slave trade, economic and socio-political transformations were to become increasingly apparent. J. D. Fage noted that in 1500, the Casa da Mina was the only known permanent European trading station on the coast. Following the Portuguese, four additional posts were established in 1600, 35 by 1700, and 45 by 1800, by the Dutch, French, Danish, English, Brandenburg and Swedish merchants, all equally embroiled in the same drive to secure strategic positions on the West African littoral. See J. D. Fage. (ed,). 1959. “A New Check list of the Forts and Castles of Ghana”, Transactions of the Historical Society of Ghana, IV (I). 93 Bazemo, “Captivité et Pouvoirs,” 1993: 202.

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94 Wolf, Europe and the People, 1982: 230. 95 Feeley-Harnik, “The King’s Men,” 1982: 34-5; also see W. Arens and I. Karp, (eds). 1985. The Creativity of Power. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. 96 Feeley-Harnick, ‘The King's Men’, 1982: 34.

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97 For the Mossi, the head was the site where impurities, defilement and bad luck congealed; they say, of a person stricken with bad luck, that “his head is not good”. The shaving of the captive was therefore a less radical cleansing solution than beheading; this practise thus meant rebirth for the captive, but also for the new born and for the spouse of a deceased see M. Bazemo. 1989. “Rites de Passage et d'Intégration des Captifs dans l'Ancien Royaume du Yatenga. Essai d'Approche Comparative," Dialogues d'Histoire Ancienne 15(2): 375-398, p. 388. 98 At least not chattel slavery; the adoption for tengbiise of the sondre (clan name) Wedraogo, or its re-adoption for nakombsé who had moved into the category of talsé , may sound like an infringement of the social code but it makes sense from the point of view of the centralisation project

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99 F. Cooper. 1979. “The Problem of Slavery in African Studies,” Journal of African History 20: 103-25, p. 105. 100 Izard, ‘‘La lance et la Guenilles,’’ 1973: 146. 101 In the words of Maurice Bazemo: “Les captifs ont servi à exprimer la force du pouvoir et ce, par les différentes fonctions qui leur étaient confiées. Ainsi, la garde royale était-elle constitue pour l’essentiel de captifs” in Bazemo, "Captivité et Pouvoirs," 1993: 198. 102 The assumption is that their subordinate condition prevents the full fulfilment of their

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257 5. 3. Citizenship and Sovereignty in Moogo

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106 Cruickshank, 1853, I, 340 in Wilks, Asante in the Nineteenth Century, 1975: 130.

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107 Lonsdale, “State and Social Processes,” 1981: 169. There were nuances in the meaning attached to a ‘slave’ in the service of the king; tyeddo in Senegambia were a particularly powerful group which contributed to the differentiation between noble and a warrior elite from the mass of ordinary peasants; they also produced kings in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries; see for instance B. Barry, Le Royaume, 1972: 102-3. 108 J. Bazin. 1975. “Guerre et Servitude à Ségou,” In L'Esclavage en Période Précoloniale , C. Meillassoux (ed,). Paris: Maspero, pp. 135-181.

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109 Lonsdale ‘’States and Social Processes,’’ 1981: 169. 110 Alexandre notes their strategic importance in a number of case studies of African kingdoms and empires; see Alexandre, Les Africains, 1981: 465.

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111 Hammond, Yatenga, 1966. 112 In Ouagadougou, Yatenga, Dagomba and Mamprusi, the strengthening of the power of the portion of the administration recruited from outside the nobility was part of a series of innovations associated with the rule of kings remembered in oral traditions as particularly commited to centralisation such as Na Atabia of Mamprusi (c. 1690-1741), Na Muhammad Zangina of Dagomba (c. 1700-1714), Naaba Warga of Ouagadougou (c. 1737-1744), Naaba Kango of Yatenga (1757-1787); see Davis, “Continuity and Change,” 1984: 214-16; Zahan, “Mossi Kingdoms,” 1967: 164; Izard, “Introduction-I,” 1970: 163-5, 316-9; Illiasu, “Mamprugu,” 1972: 43-5; Ferguson, “Islamisation in Dagbon,” 1973: 18-39, 85-97; Tiendrebeogo, Histoire et Coutumes, 1964: 163-5; Wilks, “The Mossi,” 1985: 73.

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113 Izard, “Le Royaume Mossi,“ 1987: 76-7. 114 Coser for instance describes the role of renegade Christians during the apex of the Ottoman Empire; Jews in 17 th -18 th century German court; the place of eunuchs in the empires of Han and Ming China and various other instances in West Africa and the Middle East; L. A. Coser. 1974. Greedy Institutions. New York: Free Press, in Feeley-Harnik, “The King’s Men,” 1982: 46.

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268 CHAPTER SIX

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6. 1. Of the High God and Low Divinities

6. 1. 1. Withdrawal of the high god as disengagement

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2 Association with the Sun are quite common in Central Africa, see A Kagame. 1976. La Philosophie Bantu Comparée . Paris: Presence Africaine, pp. 149-50 ; J. Ferguson. 1982. Gods Many and Lords Many: A Study in Primal Religions . Guildford, Surrey: Lutterworth Educational; E. Andersson. 1953. Contribution à l’Ethnographie des Kuta . Uppsala: Studia ethnographica upsaliensa, 2:23-31; E. Ardener. 1956. Coastal Bantu of the Cameroons . London: McMillan, p. 92, in J. Vansina, Paths, 1990: 95-99. J. Allman and J. Parker also touch upon the importance of Onyame, the Akan Supreme divinity, a hazy figure that withdrew once his work of creation was completed, see J. M. Allman. and J. Parker. 2005. Tongnaab: the History of a West African God . Bloomington: Indiana University Press, p. 122. 3 Le Herissé notes that in Dahomian mythology, the sky-god was held to be the creator of the world and progenitor of the other gods; A. Le Herissé .1911. l’Ancien Royaume du Dahomey. Paris: Larose, p. 127.

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6. 2. 1. The duality principle

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11 Karim Ouedraogo, Interview, Ouahigouya, April 16, 2010 12 Kamsaogho Naaba, Interview, Ouagadougou, April 30, 2010

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13 Mamadou Ouedraogo, Interview, Ouahigouya, April 16, 2010 14 N. J. Fairley, “Ideology and State Formation,” in Kopytoff, The African Frontier, 1989: 92 15 This syncretic association between naam and tênga does not however mean fusion of the realm of power to that of the earth; the ideology of power, based on the patrilineal system, associates tengdemba (people of the earth) to Apaagha (Napagha) Tenga as her sons, tengbîise whilst Nakombsé, as sons of Naaba Wende, are considered the legitimate and exclusive holders of power. See M. Izard. 1983. “Engrammes du Pouvoir: l’Autochtonie et l’Ancestralité,’ Le Temps de la Réflexion , 4: 299-323, p. 230.

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18 J.-Y. Marchal. 1983. Yateng: la Dynamique d 'un Espace Rural Soudano -Sahélien. Paris: ORSTOM, p. 700; M. Breusers, “The Making of History,” 1999: 450-1. 19 Balum Naaba, Interview, Ouagadougou, March 14, 2006

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37 This alliance is periodically renewed during the (annual) agrarian ritual 38 Izard, Gens du Pouvoir, 1985: 151 [the ringu re-enacts, integrates and transcends. History begins here: in the necessity, for any power, to acknowledge that it is derived form an anterior power it has supplanted by appropriating its substance, In other words in acknowledging it in its very negation].

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39 On this, see J. B. Zoanga. 1978. “The Traditional Power of the Mossi Nanamse of Upper Volta,” in W. Weissleder, ed., The Nomadic Alternative . Hague: Mouton, pp. 215-6. 40 E. G. Bay. 1995. "Belief, Legitimacy and the Kpojito: An Institutional History of the 'Queen Mother' in Precolonial Dahomey." The Journal of African History 36(1): 1-27.

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41 See Izard, “Space, Power,” 1991: 103-7 for a detailed explanation of the bega-napusum system of symbolisms and representations. 42 Izard, Archives Orales, 1980: 930-1. 43 Izard, Archives Orales, 1980: 932.

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45 In Mamprugu, the newly enskined nayiri also became an ancestor ( badima ) as he ‘ate’ and thus ‘owned’ Nam; see Davis, “Then the White Man,” 1987: 629. 46 L. de Heusch. 1997. "The Symbolic Mechanisms of Sacred Kingship: Rediscovering Frazer." The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 3(2): 213-23; also, Izard 1987: 84 47 On this particular point, see Adler, ‘Le Pouvoir et l’Interdit’ 1978: 27. 48 See Michael Young on divine kingship among the Jukun of Nigeria; he criticises Evans- Pritchard for ‘removing’ ritual regicide altogether, along with its inventor. M. Young 1966. ‘The

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Divine Kingship of the Jukun’, Africa 36(2): 135-152. 49 Ila Ouedraogo, Interview, Ouahigouya, April 17, 2010 50 Goungha Naaba’s assistant, Interview, Ouagadougou, March 12, 2006 51 See Izard “ Une Trifonctionnalité Africaine ?” 1995: 416; “Engrammes du Pouvoir,” 1983: 321; see also De Heusch, ‘The Symbolic Mechanisms,’ 1997: 221. The Samand Naaba is the first archer who exposes the upper part of his body to the enemies arrows, he kills himself in cases of defeat; the symbolism of the negative is even stronger if one believes that the donkey, ridden by the Samand Naaba has a symbolical value opposite to that of the horse.

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52 Izard “Trois Figures Féminines Moose,” 1989: 451-2. 53 See Goody 1971: 57-72 in Lonsdale “States and Social Processes,” 1981: 170. 54 Feeley-Harnik., “Issues in Divine Kingship,” 1985: 300.

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57 Many anthropologists have abandoned the notion of ‘divine kingship’ as most empirical evidence in many societies in Africa has demonstrated the tenuous link between the vitality of the king and the fertility of the land and people; the classificatory category of ‘sacred kingship has instead been the analytical tool which has served to conceptualise kingship in Sakalava, amongst the Jukun, in Moogo and elsewhere. Izard notes that, in relation to the conception of the ‘persona’ of the Naaba amongst the Mossi: “Le roi—le Yatênga Naaba— règne sur le royaume, que celui-ci soit en paix ou en guerre, mais la figure du souverain et l’idée de la souveraineté n’en sont pas moins exclusivement associées à la paix, plus généralement à la prospérité du royaume et au bien-être de ses habitants. Le roi ne porte pas d’arme, il ne doit ni verser le sang, ni le voir verser.” Izard. 1986. ‘Le Thème de la Mise a Mort Rituelle chez les Moose,’ Afrique Plurielle, Afrique Actuelle. Hommage à Georges Balandier . Paris: Karthala, 181-189. p.186. Recent reassessments of the divine kingship model—beyond issues of sacrality as merely one resource amongst others that preserve the continuity of the state—can be found in Young, “The Divine Kinship,” 1966: 135-152; B. Ray. 1991. Myth, Ritual and Kingship in Buganda . New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press; J. H. Vaughan. 1987. “A Reconsideration of Divine Kingship. Explorations in African Systems of Thought. I. Karp and C. S. Bird. Bloomington: Indiana Univ. Press, 120-42; Feeley-Harnik, "Issues in Divine Kingship," 1985: 273-313; A. Adler. 1982. La Mort est le Masque du Roi. La Royauté Sacrée des Moundang du Tchad . Paris: Payot. 58 Adler notes the attributes of the divine/sacred king, following Evans-Pritchard’s revision of the Frazerian model using the Shilluk of Nilotic Sudan, in three main points: (1) the divine king is believe to possess an intrinsic power of over nature, exercised voluntarily or involuntarily; (2) as the dynamic centre of the universe, his acts and his very existence have a bearing on the universe and its equilibrium, hence the need to control them carefully; (3) the divine king must finally be put to death, in a way or another, when his strength dwindles in order to avoid the negative effects on the course of the universe. Signs of decline differ from culture to culture, from senescence to defeats or natural disasters. Some cultures assign a given number of years (7, 10,). See A. Adler. 1978. ‘Le Pouvoir et l’Interdit: Aspects

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de la Royauté Sacrée chez les Moundang du Tchad’ in Systèmes de Signes. Textes Réunis en Hommage à Germain Dieterlen. Paris: Hermann, p. 25. 59 The complex of political justification and legitimising articulated around belief and ritual, the varieties of symbols a well as modes of etiquette associated with ideologies of political leadership points to a common tradition labelled ‘divine kingship’ but which should more adequately be called ‘sacred kingship’; see T. Irstam. 1944. The King of Ganda: Studies in the Institutes of Sacral Kingship in Africa. Lund: Hakan Ohlssons Boktryckeri; J. Vansina. 1964. Le Royaume Kuba. Tervuren: Musé e royal de l'Afrique Centrale, pp. 98-103 for characteristics of a sacred kingship; F. Hagenbucher-Sacripanti. 1973. Les Fondements spirituels du pouvoir au royaume de Loango, RPC . Paris: ORSTOM, pp. 78-87; A. Aymemi. 1942. Les Bubis en Fernamdo Poo . Madrid: Galo Saez.pp. 57-69 , In Vansina, Paths, 1990:

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6. 5. The Essence of Mossi Belief

6. 5. 1. Belief as Element of Categorical Distinctions

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67 Skinner. 1972. Les Mossi de Haute Volta . Paris: Nouveaux Horizons, p. 84 [The Mossi of Ouagadougou believed that their Mogho Naaba was superior to all other kings. They believed that his realm was the largest in the world, and that no other king was so rich and powerful. He was so awe-inspiring (...) that noone dared to look upon his face. It was forbidden to touch his hand, or speak to him form any but a kneeling position with the forhead touching the ground.] 68 Ilboudo Croyances et Pratiques, 1966: 54- 55.

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71 On the issue of the competitive ritual marketplace if West African history of religions, also see Alman and Parker, Tongnaab, 2005.

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72 McCaskie, State and Society, 1995: 123-4. 73 McCaskie, State and Society, 1995: 126-7. 74 McCaskie, State and Society, 1995: 126.

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75 See Bay, "Legitimacy and the Kpojito," 1995: 3.

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CONCLUSION

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¥®• ¶µÆ§°≠•Æ¥°¨ ¢©Æ°≤π ¥®°¥ §©≥¥©Æßµ©≥®•§ .°°≠ ¶≤Ø≠ 4–Æß° M∞•Ø∞¨• ض ∞Ø∑•≤@

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∑©¥® ¢•¨©•¶:≤©¥µ°¨≥:°ß≤©£µ¨¥µ≤• ° ≠ا•¨ ≥Ø≠•∑®°¥ ∑©§•≥∞≤•°§ ©Æ 7•≥¥ !¶≤©£°Æ

≥Ø£©•¥©•≥ 4®©≥ §µ°¨ ∞°¥¥•≤Æ ∑°≥ ° µ¢©±µ©¥Øµ≥ ¶•°¥µ≤• °≥ ∑•¨¨ °≥ °Æ ©≠∞Ø≤¥°Æ¥

ß≤©§ ض ≤•°§©Æß Ø¶ ≥¥°¥• ©§•Ø¨Øßπ ØÆ ¥®• ØÆ• ®°Æ§ °Æ§ ≥¥°¥• °Æ§ ≥Ø£©•¥π ≤•¨°¥©ØÆ≥

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¥∑Ø ¢•¨©•¶ ≥π≥¥•≠≥ ∑®©£® ¢•£°≠•X™µ≥¥ ¨©´• ¥®• Æ•ßØ¥©°¥•§ ∞≤Ø£•≥≥ ض ≥¥°¥•

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76 Izard, ”Transgression, Transversalité” 1979: 305 [in (the person of) the sovereign are sited the morality of subjects and the sense of ethics of chiefs, [and] references to Tênga and Wende ]

318 4®• ¥•≤≠≥ ض ¥®©≥ £µ¨¥µ≤• ∑•≤• ¥Ø ¢• £ØÆ≥¥°Æ¥¨π ≤•Æ•ßØ¥©°¥•§ °≥ ¥–Æߢfl©≥•

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321 CHAPTER SEVEN

Conclusions

After Ideology: State and Politics

7.1. Memory as Historicity, Fission as State Process

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1 J. Vansina, Paths in the Rainforests, 1990: 253; T. K. Earle gives a perceptive survey of social evolutionary theory in T. K. Earle. 1987. ‘Chiefdoms in Archaeological and Ethnohistorical Perspective,’ Annual Review of Anthropology , 16: 279-308; he notes that innovations did not always, nor necessarily point to more complexity and growth of scale. I. Kopytoff further notes Africanists’ long standing reluctance towards social evolutionary theories in ‘The African Frontier,’ 1987: 77-78.

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2 The Silmimoose , contrary to the Silmiise , were organised in small villages and lived in interstitial zones as interstitial communities with no formal attachment to tesé sing. tênga ) and of little relevance to naam . The Silmiise are a group that does not belong to the kingdom but live in it whereas the Fulse are taken into account by naam and are therefore part of the kingdom.

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8 Interview Mamadou Ouedraogo, Ouahigouya, 16 April 2010.

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7.4. The Limits of History:

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9 Ki-Zerbo, Histoire de l’Afrique, 1978: 6.

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10 Noufou Ouedraogo, Interview, December 6, 2009; also see P. Sawadogo.2009. “Etat des Connaissances sur le Riungu de Busma: Regard sur les Origines, les Fondements, l’Organisation du Pouvoir, les Grandes Figures et les Relations Interétatiques à l’Epoque Précoloniale,” In Kethiéga, Histoire des Royaumes, pp. 206-7.

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11 Upper-Volta (Burkina Faso from 1984) was dismantled in 1919 and 1932 and its different regions attached to the Upper-Senegal-Niger colony, Ivory Coast and Mali; it was reunited in 1947.

342 Bibliography:

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367 Appendix : List of Interviewees

Goungha Naaba, Ouagadougou, 12 March 2006 #µ≥¥Ø≠°≤π £®©•¶ ØÆ• ض ¥®• M≠©Æ©≥¥•≤≥@ ض ¥®• -Øß®Ø .°°¢° °Æ§ £®©•¶ ض ¥®• ¨Ø£°¨©¥π ض 'صÆß° (• ∞¨°π≥ ¥®• ≤ب• ض ¥°∞≥Ø¢° Ø≤ £®©•¶ ∑°≤≤©Ø≤

Balum Naaba, Ouagadougou, 16 March 2006 #µ≥¥Ø≠°≤π £®©•¶ ØÆ• ض ¥®• M≠©Æ©≥¥•≤≥@ ض ¥®• -Øß®Ø .°°¢° ©Æ £®°≤ß• ض ¥®• ≤•ß°¨©° £•≤¥°©Æ ≤©¥µ°¨≥ °Æ§ ≤•¨°¥©ØÆ≥ ∑©¥® £•≤¥°©Æ £Ø≠≠µÆ©¥©•≥. £®©•¶ ض ¥®• ¨Ø£°¨©¥π ض "°¨µ≠

Goungha Naaba’s assistant, Ouagadougou, 12 March 2006 #ص≤¥ ≥•≤∂°Æ¥ ¥®°¥ Ø∂•≤≥••≥ ¥®• Æ°°¢°@≥ ≠Ø≤Æ©Æß ∂©≥©¥≥. °¨≥Ø ≥•≤∂•≥ °≥ °Æ °§∂©≥•≤

Baloum Naaba’s assistant, Ouagadougou, 14 March 2006 #ص≤¥ ≥•≤∂°Æ¥ ©Æ ¥®• ≥•≤∂©£• ض ¥®• "°¨µ≠ Æ°°¢°. ®• ∞≤•≥©§•≥ Ø∂•≤ ¥®• ÆØ≠©Æ°¥©ØÆ Ø¶ ¨Ø∑J¨•∂•¨ £®©•¶≥. ®• ©≥ ° Æ°π©≤©Æ•§° ° ≠•≠¢•≤ ض ¥®• ≤Øπ°¨ ®Øµ≥•®Ø¨§

La’arllé Naaba Tigré, Ouagadougou, 18 March 2006 4®• ≥•£ØƧ M≠©Æ©≥¥•≤≥@ ض ¥®• .°°¢° !£¥©∂• ©Æ £ØÆ¥•≠∞Ø≤°≤π "µ≤´©Æ°¢Œ ∞ب©¥©£≥ ®• ≥π≠¢Ø¨©≥•≥ ¥®• ≥¨Ø∑ ¥≤°Æ≥¶Ø≤≠°¥©ØÆ Ø¶ ¥®• £®©•¶¨π ≥¥≤µ£¥µ≤• ©Æ¥Ø °≠¢©ßµØµ≥ £ØÆ¥•Æ§•≤ ¶Ø≤ ∞µ¢¨©£ °µ¥®Ø≤©¥π ©Æ ° §•≠Ø£≤°¥©£ ≥π≥¥•≠

Naaba Kiiba (49 th Yatenga Naaba, 2001-) retired civil servant, March, 15-16 April 2010 +©Æß Ø¶ 9°¥•Æß° ≥©Æ£• -°≤£® 2 ¥® %22. ®• ©≥ ¥®• ≠Ø≤°¨ °Æ§ £µ≥¥Ø≠°≤π °µ¥®Ø≤©¥π ض ¥®©≥ °Æ£©•Æ¥ ≤•ß©ØÆ Ø¶ ¥®• -Ø≥≥© ≥¥°¥• ≥¥≤µ£¥µ≤•

Kamsogho (or Kamsoro) Naaba, Ouagadougou, November 30, 2008 /Æ• ض ¥®• M≠©Æ©≥¥•≤≥@ ض ¥®• .°°¢°. £®©•¶ ض ¥®• ¨Ø£°¨©¥π ض +°≠≥ØÆßص©Æ )Æ ¥®• ∞°≥¥ ¥®• +°≠≥Ø≥®Ø Æ°°¢° ∑°≥ ¥®• £®©•¶ •µÆµ£® ©Æ £®°≤ß• ض ¥®• ≤Øπ°¨ ®°≤•≠ (• °¨≥Ø ©≥ ©Æ £®°≤ß• ض ¥®• µ∞´••∞ ض ¥®• ≤Øπ°¨ ≤•≥©§•Æ£•

Ila Ouedraogo, 60, councillor, Ouahigouya, 14-18 April 2010 ! §•≥£•Æ§°Æ¥ ض ° 2°≥°≠ .°°¢° 9ØÆ• ض ¥®• ¶Øµ≤ ≠°©Æ M≠©Æ©≥¥•≤≥@ ض ¥®• 9°¥–Æß° .°°¢°=. ¨©´• ®©≥ ¶°¥®•≤ °Æ§ ß≤°Æ§¶°¥®•≤ ®• ©≥ ° ßµ°≤§©°Æ ض ¥®• ≠•≠Ø≤π ض ¥®• .°´Ø≠¢≥œ °Æ§ °Æ •Æ¥®µ≥©°≥¥©£ •∏∞•≤¥ ض ≠Ø°ß° ®©≥¥Ø≤π

Ali Ouedraogo, historian, researcher, Ouagadougou, 11-30 April 2010 (©≥ ≤•≥•°≤£® ©Æ∂•≥¥©ß°¥•≥ ¥®• ®©≥¥Ø≤π ض ∞°¥≤ØÆπ≠©£≥ °Æ§ ®Ø∑ ≠©ß≤°¥©ØÆ °Æ§ ∞Ø∑•≤ ≥¥≤µßߨ•≥ £°Æ ¢• µ≥•§ ¥Ø •∏∞¨°©Æ ∞°¥≤ØÆπ≠©£ §©¶¶•≤•Æ¥©°¥©ØÆ °Æ§ ¥®• £®°Æß• ض ∞¨°£• °Æ§ ∞•Ø∞¨• Æ°≠•≥ °£≤Ø≥≥ ¨Ø£°¨©¥©•≥ ©Æ 9°¥•Æß°

Noufou Ouedraogo, driver, 45, Ouagadougou, 28030 November 2008 (• ©≥ ¶≤Ø≠ ° ¶°≠©¨π ض Ø≤°¨ ®©≥¥Ø≤©°Æ≥ ∑®Ø ¥≤°Æ≥≠©¥ ¥®•©≤ ´ÆØ∑¨•§ß• °Æ§ Æ°≤≤°¥©∂• ≥´©¨¨≥ ¶≤Ø≠ ß•Æ•≤°¥©ØÆ ¥Ø ß•Æ•≤°¥©ØÆ (©≥ ß≤°Æ§¶°¥®•≤≥ ∑•≤• ©Æ©¥©°¥•§ °¥ ° ∂•≤π •°≤¨π °ß• ¥Ø ¥®• ÆØµß ¢°©¨° 9¨©¥•≤°¨¨π ≠µ≥©£°¨ ¢Ø∑= ¥®°¥ µ≥•§ ¥Ø °££Ø≠∞°Æπ ¥®• ∞µ¢¨©£ ∞•≤¶Ø≤≠°Æ£• ض Ø≤°¨ ®©≥¥Ø≤©°Æ≥

Dr Vincent Sedogo, historian, Ouagadougou 12 April 2010 (©≥ ≤•≥•°≤£® ØÆ "ص¨≥° ®©ß®¨©ß®¥≥ ¥®• ∞•≤≠°Æ•Æ¥ ¥•Æ≥©ØÆ≥ ¥®°¥ ∞•≤∂°§•§ ≤•¨°¥©ØÆ≥ ¢•¥∑••Æ £•Æ¥≤°¨ °Æ§ ≥ص¥®•≤Æ -Ø≥≥© ≥¥°¥•≥ °Æ§ ¥®• ≠°≤ß©Æ°¨©¥π ض ≥°¥•¨¨©¥• ≥¥°¥• ØÆ ¥®• ≥ص¥®•≤Æ ≥©§• (• ≥®Ø∑≥ ®Ø∑ ¥®• ¶Ø≤≠°¥©ØÆ Ø¶ "ص¨≥° ¶©¥≥ ©Æ¥Ø ° ¶≤°≠•∑Ø≤´ ض §πÆ°≥¥©£ £Øƶ¨©£¥≥ °≥ ≥¥≤µ£¥µ≤°¨ ¢°≥©≥ ¶Ø≤ ¥•≤≤©¥Ø≤©°¨ •∏∞°Æ≥©ØÆ

Prof. Dominique Nacanabo, historian, Ouagadougou, 12 April 2010 (• ®°≥ £ØƧµ£¥•§ •∏¥•Æ≥©∂• ≤•≥•°≤£® ØÆ 9°´Ø °≥ ° ¢µ¶¶•≤ ≥¥°¥• ¢•¥∑••Æ 9°¥•Æß° °Æ§ /µ°ß°§Øµßص ∑®©£® ∞¨°π•§ °Æ ©≠∞Ø≤¥°Æ¥ ≤ب• £ØÆ≥ب©§°¥©Æß ¥®• °µ¥ØÆØ≠ص≥ £®°≤°£¥•≤ ض ≥°¥•¨¨©¥• ≥¥°¥•≥ °≤صƧ ¥®•≥•≥ ¥∑Ø ≠°©Æ ØÆ•≥

Yacouba Ouedraogo, agronomist, Ouahigouya, 15 April 2010 (• ©≥ ¶≤Ø≠ ° ¶°≠©¨π ض ¢¨°£´≥≠©¥®≥ ¶≤Ø≠ :Ø≤Ø≠œ. ®©≥ ¶°¥®•≤ £®°Æß•§ ¥®•©≤ Æ°≠• ©Æ¥Ø /µ•§≤°ØßØ ©Æ Ø≤§•≤ ¥Ø M¢•¥¥•≤ ©Æ¥•ß≤°¥•@. °¨¥®Øµß® ÆØ¥ °¶¶©¨©°¥•§ ∑©¥® ¥®• £Øµ≤¥ ®©≥ ¶°≠©¨π ∞≤Ø∂©§•≥ µ≥¥•Æ≥©¨≥ °Æ§ £ØØ´©Æß ≠°¥•≤©°¨ ¥Ø ¥®• .°°¢°@≥ ∑©∂•≥

Prof. Maurice Bazemo, historian, University of Ouagadougou, 29 April 2010 (• ®°≥ §ØÆ• •∏¥•Æ≥©∂• ≤•≥•°≤£® ØÆ ¥®• ®©≥¥Ø≤π ض £°∞¥©∂•≥ ©Æ 9°¥•Æß° °Æ§ /µ°ß°§Øµßص (©≥ ≤•≥•°≤£® §•≠ØÆ≥¥≤°¥•≥ ®Ø∑ £°∞¥©∂•≥ ∑•≤• •≥≥•Æ¥©°¨ °£¥Ø≤≥ ©Æ ¥®• £•Æ¥≤°¨©≥°¥©ØÆ ∞≤Ø£•≥≥•≥ ض ¥®•≥• ≥¥°¥•≥ °Æ§ ®Ø∑ ¥®• ß≤Ø∑©Æß ©≠∞Ø≤¥°Æ£• ض ¥≤°§• ≤•≥µ¨¥•§ ©Æ ¥•≤≤©¥Ø≤©°¨ •∏∞°Æ≥©ØÆ °≥ Æ°´Ø≠¢≥• ∑•Æ¥ °¢Øµ¥ ≤°©§©Æß ¶Ø≤ ≥¨°∂•≥ ¶µ≤¥®•≤ ص¥≥©§• ¥®• ¢Ø≤§•≤≥ ض -ØØßØ

Dr Lassina Simporé, archaeologist, University of Ouagadougou, 19 April 2010

369 (©≥ ¶©Æ§©Æß≥ ©Æ ¥®• ≠©§§¨• ¢•¨¥ ض -ØØßØ ≥®•§ Æ•∑ ¨©ß®¥ ØÆ ¶µÆ•≤°¨ ≤©¥µ°¨≥ °Æ§ ¥®• £µ¨©Æ°≤π ¥≤°§©¥©ØÆ≥ ض ¢Ø¥® -Ø≥≥© °Æ§ ©Æ§©ß•Æص≥ Æ©Æ©≥≥•

Osiris Sawadogo, Journalist, Ouagadougou 6-8 December 2008 (• £Ø≠∞©¨•§ ¥®•≠°¥©£ ©Æ¥•≤∂©•∑≥ ∑©¥® ° Ƶ≠¢•≤ ض £µ≥¥Ø≠°≤π £®©•¶≥ ¢Ø¥® ©Æ /µ°ß°§Øµßص °Æ§ 9°¥•Æß° (©≥ ≤°§©Ø ¢≤Ø°§£°≥¥≥ ØÆ -Ø≥≥© ®©≥¥Ø≤π °Æ§ £µ¨¥µ≤• °≤• ©Æ¥•Æ§•§ ¥Ø •Æ£Øµ≤°ß• ∞µ¢¨©£ §•¢°¥• ØÆ §©¶¶•≤•Æ¥ ß≤ص∞≥@ µÆ§•≤≥¥°Æ§©Æß Ø¶ "µ≤´©Æ°¢Œ ®©≥¥Ø≤π

Adama (Vieux) Ouedraogo, hotel manager, Ouahigouya 14-16 April 2010 (©≥ ¶°≠©¨π ©≥ ≤•¨°¥•§ ¥Ø ¥®• ≤Øπ°¨ ¶°≠©¨π ®©≥ ´ÆØ∑¨•§ß• ض ≤Øπ°¨ ®©≥¥Ø≤π ©≥ ¥®µ≥ ©Æ¥≤©£°¥•¨π ¨©Æ´•§ ¥Ø ®©≥ ¶°≠©¨π ®©≥¥Ø≤π

Adama Ouedraogo, Ouahigouya, 14-16 April 2010 (• ©≥ ° ¢©Æ Æ°π©≤©Æ•§° ©Æ Ø¥®•≤ ∑Ø≤§≥ ° ≠•≠¢•≤ ض ¥®• ≤Øπ°¨ ®Øµ≥•®Ø¨§ ¶≤Ø≠ "©ÆßØ (©≥ ß≤•°¥Jß≤°Æ§J∞°≤•Æ¥ ∑°≥ ° ≤≥°≠ Æ°¢ Ø≤ Mπص¥® ≠©Æ©≥¥•≤@

Ousseyni Sogoba, head of school, Ouahigouya, 14-15 April 2010 .ØÆJ≤Øπ°¨ ∑®Ø≥• ∞•≤≥∞•£¥©∂• ØÆ .°°≠:4•Æß° §©≥¥©Æ£¥©ØÆ ©≥ ° ¶≤•≥® £ØÆ¥≤°≥¥ ¥Ø ≤Øπ°¨ ∂•≤≥©ØÆ≥ ØÆ ≥Ø£©°¨ ®©•≤°≤£®π °Æ§ ØÆ ≤•¨°¥©ØÆ≥®©∞ ¢•¥∑••Æ Æ°´Ø≠¢≥• °Æ§ ¥•Æߢ©©≥•

Karim Ouedraogo, 75, retired school teacher, Ouahigouya, 14-17 April 2010 ! "©ÆßØ §©ßÆ©¥°≤π ∑®Ø ÆØ ¨ØÆß•≤ ∞°≤¥©£©∞°¥•≥ ©Æ £Øµ≤¥ ≤©¥µ°¨≥ ¢µ¥ ´ÆØ∑≥ ¥®•©≤ ≥¥≤µ£¥µ≤• ©Æ §•¥°©¨

Francis Ouedraogo, civil servant, Ouahigouya, 17-18 April 2010 (©≥ ¶°≠©¨π ©≥ ¶≤Ø≠ .Ø¢œ≤œ °Æ§ ®©≥ ¶°¥®•≤ ©≥ ° ¥•Æß≥Ø¢° 9°Æ •°≤¥®J∞≤©•≥¥= °Æ§ ®©≥ °Æ£•≥¥Ø≤ ° ¶ØµÆ§•≤ ض ¥®• ∂©¨¨°ß• ض 3°π° &≤°Æ£©≥@ ¶°≠©¨π °≤• ¥•Æß°J∞≤Ø∂©§•≤≥ ©Æ ¥®• ≥•Æ≥• ¥®°¥ ¥®•π ß≤°Æ¥ ≤©¥µ°¨ ¢¨•≥≥©Æß≥ ¥Ø Æ•∑J£Ø≠•≤≥ ©Æ ¥®• ¨Ø£°¨©¥π

Mme Barry, housewife, Ouahigouya, 16 April 2010 (•≤ ¶°≠©¨π ®°≥ °≥≥©≠©¨°¥•§ ©Æ¥Ø -Ø≥≥© ≥Ø£©•¥π ∑®©¨≥¥ ´••∞©Æß ¥®• Ø≤©ß©Æ°¨ Æ°≠• ¶≤Ø≠ 'µ©Æ•°

Maliki Ouedraogo, Ouahigouya, 16-7 April 2010

370 (• ©≥ ° ∞≤©Æ£• £Ø≠∞•¥©Æß ¶Ø≤ ° ¨Ø£°¨ Æ°°≠ ¥Ø £ØÆ¥≤ب. ©Æ¥•≤Æ°¨ £Øƶ¨©£¥≥ ∑©¥®©Æ ®©≥ ¶°≠©¨π °≤• £¨Ø≥•¨π ¨©Æ´•§ ¥Ø §πÆ°≥¥©£ ≥¥≤µßߨ• ©Æ ∞≤•≥•Æ¥ §°π 9°¥•Æß° °≤صƧ ¨•ß©¥©≠°£π °Æ§ •Æ¥©¥¨•≠•Æ¥

Togo Naaba, Ouahigouya, March 2010 (• ©≥ ØÆ• ض ¥®• 9°¥•Æß° .°°¢°@≥ ≠°©Æ ≠©Æ©≥¥•≤≥. ®©≥ ≥∞Ø´•≥∞•≤≥ØÆ °Æ§ ¥®• ©Æ¥•≤≠•§©°≤π ¢•¥∑••Æ ¥®• .°°¢° °Æ§ ¥®• ß≤ص∞ ض Æ°´Ø≠¢≥• (• ®•°§≥ ¥®• ¨Ø£°¨©¥π ض ¥Øß≥•

Togo Naaba,’s assistant Ouahigouya, 10 December 2009 (• ®•¨∞≥ ¥®• ¥ØßØ Æ°°¢° ©Æ ¥®• °§≠©Æ©≥¥≤°¥©ØÆ Ø¶ ≤©¥µ°¨≥ °Æ§ ¥®• •Æ¥®≤ØÆ©≥°¥©ØÆ Ø¶ ¨Ø∑J ¨•∂•¨ £®©•¶≥ (©≥

Wedranga Naaba, Ouahigouya, 13 December 2009 (• ©≥ ØÆ• ض ¥®• ¥®≤•• ≠°©Æ £Øµ≤¥ §©ßÆ©¥°≤©•≥ 9∑©©§© Æ°°¢° ©Æ /µ°ß°§Øµßص=. ®• ©≥ ° Æ°π©≤©Æ•§° ©Æ £®°≤ß• ض ¥®• ≤Øπ°¨ £°∂°¨≤π °Æ§ ° ≠©¨©¥°≤π £®©•¶ (• °¨≥Ø ©Æ¥•≤∂•Æ•≥ ©Æ ¥®• ≠•§©°¥©ØÆ Ø¶ ¥®• ≤•¨°¥©ØÆ≥ ¢•¥∑••Æ ¥®• .°°¢° °Æ§ ¥®• ß≤ص∞ ض Æ°´Ø≠¢≥•

Souley Ouedraogo, Ouahigouya, 13 December, 2009 (• ©≥ ° §©∂©Æ•≤ ©Æ©¥©°¥•§ ¥Ø ¥®• ∑Ø≤¨§ ض ´©Æ´©≤≥•. ©Æ≥©ß®¥≥ ¶≤Ø≠ ®©≥ •≥Ø¥•≤©£ ´ÆØ∑¨•§ß• ≥•≤∂•§ ¥Ø ≥®•§ ¨©ß®¥ ØÆ ° Ƶ≠¢•≤ ØÆ •¨•≠•Æ¥≥ ض -Ø≥≥© £ØÆ£•∞¥©ØÆ≥ ض ¢•¨©•¶ ¥®• ©Æ§©∂©§µ°¨ °Æ§ ®©≥ ≤•¨°¥©ØÆ≥®©∞ ∑©¥® Æ°¥µ≤• °Æ§ ¥®• ´©Æ´©≤≥•

Ousmane Ouedraogo, retired coranic teacher, 73, Ouahigouya, 14-17 April, 2010 /¶ ∞•µ¨ Ø≤©ß©Æ ®©≥ ¶°≠©¨π ≠©ß≤°¥•§ ¥Ø 9°¥•Æß° °¥ ¥®• •Æ§ ض ¥®•  ¥® £•Æ¥µ≤𠧵≤©Æß ¥®• ≥•£ØƧ ¢©ß ¶°≠©Æ• (©≥ ¶°≠©¨π £ØÆ¥≤©¢µ¥•§ ¥Ø ¥®• £ØÆ≥ب©§°¥©ØÆ Ø¶ )≥¨°≠ ©Æ 9°¥•Æß°

Mamouny Sawadogo, tender of the royal cemetery, 78, Somnyaga, April 17, 2010 (• ©≥ ¥®• ßµ°≤§©°Æ ض ¥®• ≤Øπ°¨ £•≠•¥•≤π ©Æ 3Ø≠Æ©°ß° °Æ§ ≥µ£® ©≥ ©Æ©¥©°¥•§ ©Æ¥Ø ¥®• ≤©¥µ°¨≥ ض ¢µ≤©°¨. ®• °¨≥Ø ∞°≤¥©£©∞°¥•≥ ©Æ ¥®• ≤©Æßµ £•≤•≠ØÆ𠧵≤©Æß ¥®• .°°¢°@≥ ≥¥Ø∞ °¥ 3Ø≠Æ©°°ß°

Abdoulaye Sawadogo, retired civil servant, 62, Somniaga, April 17, 2010 (• ©≥ ¶≤Ø≠ ° ¥•Æ≠ߢ©©≥• 9°µ¥Ø£®¥®ØÆص≥= ¶°≠©¨π ∑®Ø≥• °Æ£•≥¥Ø≤≥ ≤•±µ•≥¥•§ ¥®• M∞≤Ø¥•£¥©ØÆ@ ض -Ø≥≥© £®©•¶≥ °ß°©Æ≥¥ ¥®• Ø∞∞≤•≥≥©ØÆ Ø¶ ° £≤µ•¨ ≤µ¨•

371 List of Maps and Figures

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