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© 2017 Meghana Joshi ALL RIGHTS RESERVED © 2017 Meghana Joshi ALL RIGHTS RESERVED THE VISIBLY ABSENT CHILD: GENERATIONAL AND GENDERED REPRODUCTION AND CHILDLESSNESS IN REUNIFIED BERLIN By MEGHANA JOSHI A dissertation submitted to the Graduate School-New Brunswick Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey In partial fulfillment of the requirements For the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Program in Anthropology Written under the direction of Parvis Ghassem-Fachandi And approved by ___________________________________________ ___________________________________________ ___________________________________________ ___________________________________________ ___________________________________________ New Brunswick, New Jersey October 2017 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION The Visibly Absent Child: Generational and Gendered Reproduction and Childlessness in Reunified Berlin by MEGHANA JOSHI Dissertation Director: Parvis Ghassem-Fachandi This dissertation describes and interprets various articulations of ‘German child- unfriendliness and friendliness’ as they relate to a generation’s experience of gendered reproduction and childlessness in reunified Berlin in the context of a German demographic crisis. I focus on the narratives of the Wende or reunification generation, often represented in policy documents as producing a culture of childlessness in Germany. A 2015 report of the Federal Ministry of Family Affairs states that 29% of this generation, i.e. those between the ages of 30 and 50, is childless. My work records and analyzes experiences of living with low fertility for those who often become demographic statistics. I show how reproduction has become hypervisible in the wake of this alarmist demographic discourse and post-reunification in-migration of former West German families with children and gentrification in Berlin. I do this through the lens of the hypervisible child and what she comes to stand in for at a particular moment in time in ii Berlin. Reproduction emerges as a form of exclusion and simultaneously inclusion and often marks women as disinterested in having children or as performing an aggressive style of motherhood, while men as resisting their marginal reproductive status and potentially (re)defining their roles as fathers. This dissertation then records shifting meanings of biological, social, and cultural reproduction from the perspective of the Wende generation in the short time period between the late 1980s and 25 years after the fall of the Berlin Wall. I draw on and contribute to literatures on anthropology of childhood, masculinity and fatherhood, reproductive technologies and kinship to explicate the relationship between forms of ‘child-unfriendliness,’ gendered reproductive practices, and individual and national anxieties and aspirations related to ‘Germanness.’ I argue that the unstable emplacement of the German child, animated through multiple national, local, and personal histories, and memories and narratives, signals on the one hand, a preoccupation with national belonging confirmed through biological reproduction. On the other hand, kinning practices established through care, produce divergent forms of social and familial belonging. I used a range of qualitative research methods including interviews, focus group discussions and life history narratives. Other than these more structured methods, I also participated in and observed the everyday routines of mothers, fathers and childless men and women in the city. I took walks, bike rides and traveled in subways and buses, alone and with Berliners to get a sense of how the city has changed materially and otherwise after reunification. I spent many hours conversing over meals and at parties or in children’s playgrounds asking questions about German romanticism and fascination for iii say barefoot playgrounds or the forest or hiking, or discussing politics in India, United States and Germany. Several hours of observations on streets and during travel as well as random conversations with strangers or participating in demonstrations against gentrification were less direct ways in which to learn about life in Berlin. iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The material contained herein is based on work supported by a Humboldt University Fellowship, 2010, and the German Academic Exchange Service (DAAD), 2012– 2013. Any findings, opinions, conclusions and recommendations expressed in this dissertation are those of the author alone and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Humboldt University or DAAD. This research was also supported by the Bigel Endowment Award for Graduate Research in Anthropology and the Dean’s Pre-Dissertation Special Study (“Waterman”) Award from Rutgers University. I am deeply grateful for the support of my committee members: Parvis Ghassem- Fachandi, advisor, intellectual mentor, and friend. For teaching me to go to unusual places, for inspiring an unprecedented confidence in the value of ethnographic encounters…for his warmth, his care, and his infectious desire to understand. Dorothy Hodgson for her blessing, for always looking out for me. David Hughes for his bright personality, enthusiasm about my work and his lateral thinking. Michi Knecht for her openness to my ideas, for always welcoming and encouraging my questions about Germany and Berlin, for making her home and many other homes available to me during field research. Most of all, for that superb combination of intellectual spirit and warmth. Rayna Rapp for her availability in spite of innumerable commitments. Thank you for reading my work with a keen eye and for the insightful remarks on how to develop my research and writing further. v Laura Ahearn for being with me from the first day on. Your presence in our lives has been invaluable and I think I can safely say that most roadblocks that I had coming my way in the last years you sorted out for me beforehand! Thank you for your kindness. Becky Schulthies for your calm presence, friendship and support. Without my academic friends I couldn’t have made it through. To Assaf for his closeness, for this support, his energy and for all the laughs. For just being here Assaf (and also for the Harmonica!). Inga, Marshal, Siad, Natalie, Edith for all the fun we had, for all the serious discussions, for working through reading material, for getting excited about a class and complaining about others…for all the tears, hand holding and laughs. To my pillars, my life lines, my girl friends: Nancy, Madhura and Emily. I would have drowned many, many times, but for you. To Madhu and Ravindra Saboo and Suruchi Rathi for your love, patience, acceptance. And for all the great food, I thank the two ladies. Satyajit and Shilpa for your silent as well as visible support in ways difficult to describe. To my family here in the USA, especially Ravi Kaka, Baba Kaka, Suniti and Sush. Cousins, thanks for your friendship and for your warmth. Aadyaa my very first energy. Thank you for coming to me…. effervescent, joyful and with a spirit only you can carry. To Kartikeya for this journey, for holding my hand, for holding me up, for your integrity, your intellect, your wicked humor…but most of all for your love, for truly seeing me and vi still loving me. Through loss and distance, I value everyday more and more what I have had. Here’s to better, peaceful, and fulfilling journeys for us. Thank you my dear friend. To all the Berliners who spoke to me, for their directness, their openness towards me, their trust and for the many conversations without which I wouldn’t be writing these words! This research is dedicated to my parents Anjali and Arun Joshi who gave me the gift of this beautiful life. vii Table of Contents Dissertation Abstract ii-iv Acknowledgments v-vii INTRODUCTION 1-84 Introduction Macro Context and Concepts Master Narratives and ‘Hypervisible’ Reproduction Generational Location and Identification Demographic Transition and Political Intervention: Building a ‘Child- Friendly’ Germany - Gendered Reproduction - Mothers and Fathers in Family Policy - Assisted Reproduction, Mothers and Fathers Post-Wende Gentrification: Spatial and Social Reconfigurations in Berlin - Family Gentrifiers and the Special Case of Prenzlauer Berg Berlin’s Unstable Borders: The Choice of the Field site Chapter Overview - Life constructions of Reproductive Inclusions and Exclusions - Organization of Chapters: Reproduction, Belonging and Exclusion Contributions The Child in my Field site viii - The Child as Cultural Construct - The Construction of the ‘European’ Child Reproduction, Childlessness and Men - Demographic Anxieties, Active Fatherhood and German Masculinity - Paternal Involvement: Direct and Indirect Care - Male Reproductive Marginalization, Infertility and Paternity - Male Infertility, Couvade and Achieving Paternity Methodology My Location in the Field CHAPTER ONE - Raum and Ruhe: Creating ‘Child-Friendly’ Spaces 85-139 in ‘Child-Unfriendly’ Berlin ‘German Child-Unfriendliness’ All we need is a bit of Raum and Ruhe Remembering Divided Berlin Berlin’s Spaces: From Center to Periphery to Center Making Room for ‘Non-Berliners’ and their Children - ‘Non-Berliner’ Mothers and Children - Co-existence or Encroachment? Children’s Playground in Görlitzer Park Kinderlärm ist kein Lärm—doch! Children encroaching acoustic space Kindercafes as exclusive space ix The child learns independently - Visiting KITAs Conclusion - Children in and out of place - Emplacement of the ‘European’ Child: The Child disturbs CHAPTER TWO - Kinderwagenmafia or the Tyranny of the Stroller: 140-191 Anxieties around ‘Conspicuous’ Reproduction
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