Gukaah Brenda Nwana Doctor of Philosophy in Sociology

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GERMAN-BASED AFRICAN IMMIGRANTS’ TRANSNATIONAL SPHERE: STRATEGIES OF INCORPORATION AND THE CREATION OF IDENTITY IN AN EXPANDED EUROPEAN UNION by

Gukaah Brenda Nwana

a Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

Doctor of Philosophy in Sociology

Approved Dissertation Committee

Prof. Dr. Klaus Boehnke

Prof. Dr. Margrit Schreier

Prof. Dr. Christian Joppke

Prof. Dr. Rainer Tetzlaff

Prof. Anna Triandafyllidou

Date of Defense: 5th February, 2015.

Approved Dissertation Committee

Prof. Dr. Klaus Boehnke PhD Advisor and First Internal Reviewer Professor for Social Science Methodology Jacobs University Bremen Email: [email protected] ______

Prof. Dr. Margrit Schreier Second Internal Reviewer Professor of Empirical Methods in Humanities and Social Sciences Jacobs University Bremen Email: [email protected]

Prof. Dr. Christian Joppke Second Supervisor/ First External Reviewer Professor of Sociology University of Bern Email: [email protected]

Prof. Dr. Rainer Tetzlaff Third Internal Reviewer Professor of International Politics and History Jacobs University Bremen Email: [email protected]

Prof. Anna Triandafyllidou Second External Reviewer Director of the Cultural Pluralism Research Area. Global Governance Programme, European University Institute Email: [email protected]

Statutory Declaration

I, Gukaah Brenda Nwana, hereby declare that I have written this PhD dissertation independently, unless where clearly stated otherwise. I have used only the sources, the data and the support that I have clearly mentioned. This PhD dissertation has not been submitted for conferral of degree elsewhere.

I confirm that no rights of third parties will be infringed by the publication of this dissertation.

Bremen, May, 2015

Signature ______

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EPIGRAPH

“Migration control especially to Germany and the European Union cannot be a campaign,

Roll back immigration should be a policy, a long term programme.

It can be attained by the adoption of

a practicable programme with the reasonable

Holistic perspective from both sending and host societies

That will be sustained for a long time.

Otherwise, roll back immigration for Germany in particular and the European Union in general

Will be “accidental adversaries or growth and underinvestment” (System’s Perspective).

Gukaah Brenda Nwana. 2010

DEDICATION

This work is dedicated first and foremost to my Supervisors Professors Klaus Boehnke and Margrit Schreier To my children Fabiola Bisona Caspa and Melin Kenyikob-Lebnyonga Caspa more than second generation black Germans And to the following people Daddy Caspa Dieudonne for providing every wage during this herculean task My Parents Papa Nfon Emmanuel Nwana and Mama Rose Nwana for giving me this golden opportunity, a lifelong capital. My Nephews and nieces Samgwa’a Akombom Joel Shiteh Samjela Atisbom Noel Shiteh Mbowo Liel Nfon Nguh Roy-Keane Wuwiembue Shiteh Ndzamdzubue Orvine Shiteh Cassandra Dundze Dobgimah Lema Chelsea Dobgimah Serena Bih Nguh and In loving memories of Na Tema Anna Ndzamdzubue Na Anna Dundze Aunty Bofua Grace Tanahbum and Macrendon Kutchambi Ndanji Who made me to feel the culture of my people at a rather unconscious age but did not live to see this work. And finally to all those who pray that Germans should give them ‘qually (be quallated)’ so that they shall continue staying in Deutschland. “Mi’e-yin lan-lan”

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

I am indebted first and foremost to my original supervisors. Prof. Dr. Klaus Boehnke has unflaggingly supported and encouraged me, your insightful critical comments, patience and ideas have been particularly rejuvenating, long hauling in the direct line of fire as well as providing valuable editorial input, because of you I have grown as a person, a scholar and more importantly as a research expert. Prof. Dr. Margrit Schreier what passion! What a teacher! I embody the praxis you so much emphasize. You have practiced what you teach so elegantly. Profs. Klaus and Margrit went beyond the requirements of regular advisors, demonstrating extraordinary patience in my most difficult moments. I can never find words to thank you two enough for your support, guidance, and encouragement. You two have given me a place in the world finally! Because of you, my cup runneth over. My other supervisors Prof. Dr. Rainer Tetzlaff (our wisdom Professor), Prof. Dr. Christian Joppke, Prof. Anna Triandafyllidou for accepting to review this work in different capacities

Secondly my acknowledgement goes to the Jacobs administration for the logistics they put in place for my studies not forgetting the team assistants Rena Dickel and Bianca Bergmann for being so comprehensive and willing to entertain my interceptions during my time at Jacobs. I also wish to give thanks to Mrs. Shirlene Boadum for taking time to proofread the draft of this work in spite of her work load, Shirlene I am delighted for your sisterly treatment. To my colleagues and friends who made my study a memorable experience at Jacobs. This includes Jan-David Franke, who proofread the thesis with a special focus on German expressions.

I would also like to acknowledge my key informant and research assistant Dr. Nsoh Christopher who gave me information unreservedly. Special thanks go to German-Cameroon Grassland Cultural Association (Deutsch-Kamerunischer Kulturverein Grassland e.V.), Mano River Multi Cultural Organization e.V. for generously allowing me access to study the groups and other resources. The participants across all the various phases of the study have my eternal gratitude for agreeing to share their lives with me to the degree they did.

My parents, entire family and friends were as usual unstintingly supportive and understanding about my prolonged ‘absences’ over the years. Special gratitude goes to the Mahleko’s and Augustino Valda’s families and my friends Faith Laeticia, Bernard Henebeng, Sony Osagie,

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Nchuipoh Lilian, and Mr. Yves Happi for being for me in Bremen. Thanks are also due to my husband for bearing and understanding what support really means with no long faces.

Finally to the Holy Spirit who is the author and finisher of this miracle, Holy Spirit I worship and appreciate you in my life in Jesus Name-Amen

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TABLE OF CONTENTS Declaration……………………………………………………………………………………..ii Copyright……………………...………………………………………………………………iii Epigraph………………………………………...……………………………………………..iv Dedication……………………………………………………………………………………...v Acknowledgment……………………………...………………………………………………vi Table of Contents……………………………….……………………………………………viii List of Tables…………………………..…………………………………………………...xviii List of Figures…………………..…………………………………………………………….xx List of Abbreviations………………………………………………………………………..xxii Executive Summary……………………...…………………………………………………xxiv

GENERAL INTRODUCTION: 0) International Migration - The Hard Nut to Crack…………..…...…………1 0. 1) History and Geography of Migration……………………..……………….3 0. 2) African Migration to Europe in the Twenty First Century and the European Union…………………………………………..………………..4 0. 3) Europe and the European Union (EU)………….………………………10 0. 4) Fortress Europe and Identity Crisis………………………………………12 0. 5) Outline of the Dissertation………………………………………………..17

CHAPTER ONE: GLOBALISATION, IMMIGRATION INTO GERMANY: AFRICAN IMMIGRANTS AND THE EXPANDED EUROPEAN UNION 1) Introduction………………………………………………………………20 1. 1) Context of Study…..……………………………………...………………22 1. 2) Statement of the Problem………………………………...………………24 1. 3) Motivation and Justification of Case and Study Area…………...……….25 1. 4) Research Questions……………………………………………………….27 1. 4. 1) Main Research Question……………...…………………………………..27 1. 4. 2) Subsidiary Research Questions…………..………………………………27 1. 5) Objectives of the Study…………………………………………………...27 1. 5. 1) Main Objective…………………………………………………………...27 1. 5. 2) Specific Objectives……………………………………………………….28

1. 6) Research Methodology…………………………...………………………28 1. 6. 1) The Extended Case Study Method and the Grounded Theory…………...28 1. 6. 2) Systems Thinking (ST)………………………………...…………………30 1. 6. 3) Reflexivity……………………..…………………………………………31 1. 7) Theoretical Considerations……………………………………………….32 1. 8) Rationale of this Study…………………………………………………35 1. 9) Conclusion………………………………………………………………..36

CHAPTER TWO: SECTION A GLOBALISATION AND MIGRATION 2) Introduction………………………………………………………………38 2. 1) Theorizing Migration and the Rise of Transnational Migration………….38 2. 1. 1) Typologies of Migration………………………………………………….41 2. 1. 2) The Transnational Perspective: The Challenges and the Limits of the Transnational Perspective to Migration…………………………………..42 2. 1. 2. 1) The Return of Assimilation…………………………..…………………..42 2. 1. 2. 2) General and Abstract……………………….…….………………………42 2. 1. 2. 3) Specific and Organic……………….…………………………….………43 2. 1. 2. 4) Debate between Integration and Assimilation: National Identity versus Personal Values…………………………………………………...47 2. 1. 3) Transnational Migration, Globalization and the Nation-State…………48 2. 1. 4) Transnational Migration and Development: The Role of Remittances…53 2. 1. 5) Gender and Transnational Migration……………………………………65 2. 1. 6) Transnational Migration, Ethnicity and Religion………...………………68 2. 1. 7) Conclusion………………………………..………………………………68

SECTION B GOVERNMENTALITY, ACCULTURATION AND SOCIAL CAPITAL 2. 2) Introduction……………………………………………………………....68 2. 2. 1) Michael Foucault on Governmentality………………………………….68 2. 2. 2) John Berry on Acculturation and Assimilation………….……………….72 2. 2. 3) James Coleman on Social Capital……………………………………….74 2. 2. 4) Conceptual Frameworks…..……………………………………………...75

2. 2. 4. 1) German-Based African Immigrants/Sit-Tights…………..………...……75 2. 2. 4. 2) Transnationalism…………………………………………………………76 2. 2. 4. 3) Strategies…………………………………………………………………77 2. 2. 4. 4) Integration versus Incorporation………………………………………….78 2. 2. 5) Sub-Saharan African Migration in Perspective………...... 79 2. 2. 6) Conclusion………………………………………………………………..81

CHAPTER THREE: HISTORY AND STATE FORMATION OF BERLIN IN GERMANY 3) Introduction………………………………………………………………82 3. 1) Background Layout……………………………………………………84 3. 1. 1) History and State Formation of Berlin…………………………………84 3. 1. 2) Geography of Berlin……………………………………………………...87 3. 1. 3) Berlin’s Political Structure…………………………………………….....88 3. 1. 4) Demography of Berlin……………………………………………………91 3. 1. 5) Berlin’s Economy………………………………………………………...95 3. 1. 6) Religion in Berlin………………………………………………………...98 3. 1. 7) Other Aspects about Berlin…………………………………………….99 3. 2) Conclusion………………………………………………………………100

CHAPTER FOUR: SECTION A METHODS 4. 1) Introduction……………………………………………………………..101 4. 1. 1) Ethical Issues in the Study……………………..………………………101 4. 1. 1. 1) Paradigmatic Considerations...... 102 4. 1. 1. 2) Negotiating Access and Entry into the Research Site…………………103 4. 1. 2) Research Design and Sampling………………………………………103 4. 1. 2. 1) Criteria for the Selection of Participants………………………..………103 4. 1. 2. 1. 1) Sampling………………………………………………………...……105 4. 1. 2. 1. 1. 1) Purposive Sampling……………………………………………………105 4. 1. 2. 1. 1. 2) Snowball Sampling……………………...………………………………107 4. 1. 2. 2) Methods for Data Collection……………………………………………108 4. 1. 2. 3) Specifics of Approaches to Data Collection……...…………..…………113

4. 1. 2. 3. 1) Individual In-depth Interviews……………...………………………113 4. 1. 2. 3. 2) Community Group Interviews…………...……………………………...113 4. 1. 2. 3. 3) Life and Case Histories………………………………………………….114 4. 1. 2. 3. 4) Observation and Participant Observation…………..…………………...116 4. 1. 2. 3. 5) ComQol (Comprehensive Quality of Life Scale)……………………117 4. 1. 3) Research Strategy: The Extended Case Study Method and Grounded Theory………………………………...…………………………………119 4. 1. 4) Data Analysis...... 121 4. 1. 4. 1) Levels and Units of Analysis…………………....………………………133 4. 1. 4. 1. 1) Boundaries…………….………………………………………………...133 4. 1. 4. 1. 2) Space…………….………………………………………………………133 4. 1. 4. 1. 3) Time……….…………………………………………………………….134 4. 1. 5) Fieldwork and Difficulties Encountered in the Field……………..…….135 4. 1. 6) Conclusion………………………………………………………………136

SECTION B DESCRIPTION OF SOCIO-DEMOGRAPHIC PROFILE OF PARTICIPANTS 4. 2) Introduction……………………………………………………………138 4. 2. 1) Participant Sample Distribution by Gender...…………………………...139 4. 2. 2) Participant Sample Distribution by Nationality………………………139 4. 2. 3) Participant Age Distribution...…………………………………………..140 4. 2. 4) Participant Number of Children..…………………….…………………141 4. 2. 5) Reasons for Immigrating………………………………………………142 4. 2. 6) Length of Stay in Germany……………………………………………..143 4. 2. 7) Educational Profile……………………………………………………...144 4. 2. 8) Religious Inclination.…………………………………………………...145 4. 2. 9) Marital Status…….……………………………………………………...146 4. 2. 10) Work/Employment Status……………………………………………….149 4. 2. 11) Civic Status……………………………………………………………...149 4. 2. 12) Migration History……………………………………………………….150 4. 2 12. 1) Immigration for Greener Pastures………………………………………151 4. 2. 12. 2) Immigrating for Asylum Seeking ………………………………………152 4. 2. 12. 3) Immigrating for Studies…………………………….…………………152 4. 2. 13) Conclusion………………………………………………………………153

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CHAPTER FIVE: PATHWAYS OF SOCIAL STRATEGIES OF INCORPORATION AMONG GERMAN-BASED AFRICAN IMMIGRANTS 5) Introduction……………………………………………………………..154 5.1) The Study………………………………………………………………..155 5. 2) Analysis and Discussion of the Interview Data…………………………158 5. 2. 1) Definitions of Data Categories………………….………………………161 5. 2. 1. 1) Social Strategies………………………………...………………………161 5. 2. 1. 2) Economic Strategies…………………………………………………….162 5. 2. 1. 3) Identity (Re-)Creation Strategy……………………………………..…..162 5. 2. 1. 4) Reasons for the Adoption of Strategies...... 163 5. 2. 1. 5) Processes of Incorporation via Strategy...... 163 5. 2. 1. 6) Other Aspects Related to Strategies...... 163 5. 3) Life-Historical Perspective of a Typical African Immigrant for Greener Pastures into Germany…………………………………………………..164 5. 3. 1) Excursus to the Analysis………………………………………………...165 5. 3. 1. 1) The Zeal for Immigration into Germany (Europe)……………………...165 5. 3. 1. 2) The Impact of Social Capital after Arrival in Germany………………...167 5. 3. 1. 3) Asylum Seeking as a Starting Point for Incorporation and the Decision to Adopt a Chosen Strategy……………………………………………..169 5. 4) Pathways of Social Strategies of Incorporation…………………………170 5. 4. 1) Marriage…………………………………………………………………171 5. 4. 1. 1) Reasons for Getting Married…………………………………………176 5. 4. 1. 1. 1) Marriage as a Means of Survival………………………………………..176 5. 4. 1. 1. 2) Marriage as a Means to Continuous Stay in Germany (Europe)………..177 5. 4. 1. 1. 3) Marriage as a Means for the Acquisition of a Residence Permits…….178 5. 4. 1. 1. 4) Marriage as a means of Self Help and for its benefits………….……….179 5. 4. 1. 2) Marriage Places, Processes and the Impact on Immigrant Statuses……181 5. 4. 1. 2. 1) The Marriage Process between a Native German and an African Immigrant with Asylum Seekers Permit in Germany and the Eventual Change of Status for the African Immigrant………………….182 5. 4. 1. 2. 2) The Marriage Process between an African-German and an African Immigrant (Student or Asylum Seeker) in Germany and Eventual Change of Status for the African Immigrant with Irregular Status………………186

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5. 4. 1. 2. 3) The Marriage Process between a Native German and an African Immigrant in Africa and Eventual Change of Status for the African Immigrant in Africa and a Second Coming to Germany with a Change of Status in Germany ……………………………………………………189 5. 4. 1. 2. 4) The Marriage Process between an African-German or Native German and an African Immigrant (Student or Asylum Seeker) in Denmark (an EU Country) and Eventual Change of Status for the African Immigrant in Germany…………………………………...... 193 5. 4. 1. 3) Other Aspects of Marriage……………………………………………...195 5. 4. 1. 3. 1) Sympathy, Love and Marriage………………………………………….195 5. 4. 1. 3. 2) Marriage and Freedoms…………………………………………………196 5. 4. 1. 3. 3) Marriage and Cultural Conflict…………………………………………198 5. 4. 1. 3. 3. 1) Partner Relationship………………………….…………………………199 5. 4. 1. 3. 3. 2) The Attitude of Cultural Relativism in the Face of Economic Pressures.201 5. 4. 1. 4) The Marriage Story…………………...…………………………………206 5. 4. 1. 5) Conclusion………………………………………………………………208 5. 4. 2) Reproduction……………………………………………………………208 5. 4. 2. 1) Reasons for Reproducing in Germany……………..……………………213 5. 4. 2. 1. 1) Reproduction as a Means to Stay …………………………...... 213 5. 4. 2. 1. 2) Reproduction as Means to Regularize Status…………..……………….216 5. 4. 2. 2) Reproductive Pathway Processes to Impact Immigrant Status…………218 5. 4. 2. 2. 1) Reproduction between an African Immigrant Man (Asylum Seeker) and a Native German Woman in Germany and Eventual Change of Status for the Asylum Seeker………………………………………...…219 5. 4. 2. 2. 2) Reproduction between an African Immigrant Woman (Student) and a Native German Man in Germany and Eventual Change of Status for the African Immigrant Student…………….…………...... 220 5. 4. 2. 2. 3) Reproduction between an African Immigrant Woman (Student) and an African-German Man with an unbefristete Aufenthaltserlaubnis in Germany and Eventual Change of Status for the Student...... 222 5. 4. 2. 2. 4) Reproduction between an African Immigrant Woman (either a student or an asylum seeker) and an African Immigrant Man (asylum seeker) in Germany and eventual Change of Status for the Student or the Asylum Seeker……………………………………...……………………………225

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5. 4. 2. 3) Other Aspects of Reproduction…………………………………………228 5. 4. 2. 3. 1) Profiles of Substituted Persons in the Reproductive Strategy………..…229 5. 4. 2. 3. 2) Transfer of Status and Incorporation Bend through Marriage for some African Immigrant Men……….…………………...……………………231 5. 4. 2. 3. 3) Bump towards Incorporation for African Immigrant Women (Students- exclusively) through Reproduction……..………………………………233 5. 4. 2. 4) The Reproduction Story…………………………………………….…...236 5. 5) Three-stage Model of African Immigrants’ Incorporation in Germany...239 5. 6) Conclusion………………………………………………………………241

CHAPTER SIX: ECONOMIC AND IDENTITY CREATION TRENDS OF GERMAN-BASED AFRICAN IMMIGRANTS’ COPING AND INCORPORATION. 6) Introduction…………………………………………………..…………243 6. 1) Employment as a Coping Strategy………………………...……………245 6. 1. 1) Self-employment in the Light of Operating Businesses………………245 6. 1. 1. 1) Reasons for Becoming Self-employed or Taking onto Business……….249 6. 1. 1. 1. 1) Unemployment……………………………………………………..…...249 6. 1. 1. 1. 2) Convenience……………………….……………………………………251 6. 1. 1. 1. 3) Availability of Financial Capital……………………………..…………253 6. 1. 1. 1. 4) Availability of Human/Cultural Capital…………...……………………254 6. 1. 1. 1. 5) Availability of Social Capital…………...... 255 6. 1. 1. 1. 6) Incentive for Business…………………………………..………………257 6. 1. 2) Local and Transnational Business Undertakings…………………..……258 6. 1. 2. 1) Afro Markets/Shops……………………………………………………..259 6. 1. 2. 2) Automobile Companies for the Buying and Selling of Cars within and out of Germany……………………………………………………………...263 6. 1. 2. 3) Automobile Companies for the Transportation/Exportation of Cars from Germany to African Countries…………….……………………………265 6. 1. 2. 4) Kiosks, Cyber Cafes and Spätkauf Markets ……………………...... 267 6. 1. 2. 5) Transfers of Immigrant Families around and out of Germany and also Transportation of Goods and Accessories in and around Germany and Europe………………………………………………………………...... 269 6. 1. 2. 6) Afro Restaurants, Bars and Night Clubs……………………..…………272

6. 1. 2. 7) Flight Agencies…………………………………….……………………273 6. 1. 2. 8) Real Estate Management Services from Germany……………………...276 6. 1. 2. 9) Renting and Loading of Containers with European Goods and Accessories and Exportation to African Countries………...... 278 6. 1. 3) Other Aspects of Business………………………………………………281 6. 1. 3. 1) Business as a Mark of Identity………………………………………….281 6. 1. 3. 2) Business as a Means to send Remittances Home……………………….282 6. 1. 4) Business and Continuous Stay for African Immigrants ………………..284 6. 2) African Immigrants Identity Formulation and Incorporation (Patterns and Practices)………………………..…………………………………..286 6. 2. 1) Belonging to the German Society……………………………………….288 6. 2. 2) Cultural/ Ethnic Associations/Organizations and Incorporation in Germany……………………………...……………………….………...290 6. 2. 2. 1) Origins of African Cultural Associations/ Organization…………..……292 6. 2. 2. 1. 1) Community Formation…………………………………………….……292 6. 2. 2. 1. 2) Identity Assertion……………………………………………………….294 6. 2. 2. 1. 3) Identity Formulation…………………………………………………….295 6. 2. 2. 1. 4) Social Incorporation……………………………………………...... 296 6. 2. 3) Activities of Geared towards Identity Assertion and Incorporation…….298 6. 2. 3. 1) Participation at the Berlin Carnival of Cultures...... 298 6. 2. 3. 2) Coming Together Monthly...... 300 6. 2. 3. 3) Organization of Cultural Conventions...... 301 6. 2. 3. 4) Organization of Talks and Debates to Handle Immigrants’ Issues...... 304 6. 2. 4) Objectives of Cultural Association/Organization……………….………305 6. 2. 4. 1) Mediate Home Situation (vis-à-vis Ethnics/Co-Ethnics)….……………305 6. 2. 4. 2) Handling Cases of Death of Members…………………………………..306 6. 2. 4. 3) Provision of Financial and Social Support...... 309 6. 2. 4. 4) Carrying out Home Projects (generally giving aid)...... 310 6. 2. 5) Other Aspects of Associations...... 312 6. 3) Conclusion………………………………………………………………312

CHAPTER SEVEN: DISCUSSION OF FINDINGS, RECOMMENDATIONS AND CONCLUSIONS 7) Introduction…………………………………………………………315

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7. 1) The Empirical Study…………………………………………………….320 7. 2) Discussions of Findings…………………………………………………321 7. 2. 1) Notions of Strategies of Incorporation by African Immigrants…………322 7. 2. 1. 1) Strategies of Incorporation as a Process …………………..……………322 7. 2. 1. 2) Strategies of Incorporation and Length of Stay in Germany……………322 7. 2. 1. 3) Fruition of Strategies of Incorporation as Achievement for the African Immigrant……………………………………………………...325 7. 2. 1. 4) Successful Incorporation……………………………….……………….326 7. 2. 2) Features of Strategies of Incorporation…………………………………327 7. 2. 3) Factors Influencing Strategies of Incorporation…………...……………329 7. 2. 3. 1) Reasons for the Migration of Africans to Germany……………………329 7. 2. 3. 2) African Immigrant Background and the Incorporation Culture (Strategy) Difference…………………………………………………………….....330 7. 2. 3. 3) African Attributes………………………………………………………331 7. 2. 3. 4) Social Capital, Social Network and Incorporation……………...………332 7. 2. 3. 5) Cultural Associational Support, Identity (Re)Creation and Incorporation…………………………………………………………...333 7. 2. 3. 6) Context of Host Germany………………………………………….……334 7. 2. 3. 7) Attitude of Host Germany………………………………………………334 7. 2. 3. 8) Government Policies………………………………………………….....335 7. 2. 3. 9) Economic Factors…………………………………………………….…336 7. 2. 4) Incorporation Problems………………………………………………....336 7. 3) Lessons………………………………………………………………….337 7. 4) Contributions to the Study………………………………………………339 7. 4. 1) Research Methodology and Contribution to the Research……………339 7. 4. 2) Contribution of Systems Thinking and System Analysis …………340 7. 4. 3) Theory of Governmentality, Welfare State Concepts and their Contribution to the Research……………………………………………341 7. 5) Implications of the Study……………………………………………342 7. 5. 1) Theoretical Implications ………………………………………………342 7. 5. 2) Policy and Practice Implications…………..……………………………344 7. 6) Limitations of the Study and Implications for Further Research……346 7. 7) General Conclusions…………………………………………….………348

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REFERENCES………………………………………………………………………....351

ANNEXES/…………………………………………………………………………………384

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LIST OF TABLES

Table 1: Entry and Exit Rules of Immigration Control ……...... 5 Table 2: Opinion Poll about Immigration and Immigrants in Germany………...... 16 Table 3: Facts about Berlin 2008-2013...... 100 Table 4: Road Map to the Classification of Data for Analysis…………………...123 Table 5: A Synthesized Informant Interview Transcript from Fieldwork Data….128 Table 6: Participant Sample Distribution by Gender...... 139 Table 7: Participant Sample Distribution by Nationality...... 140 Table 8: Participant Sample Distribution by Age Groups...... 140 Table 9: Participants’ Number of Children...... 142 Table 10: Participant Sample Distribution Regarding Reasons for Immigrating.....143 Table 11: Participants’ Length of Stay in Germany…………...... 144 Table 12: Participants’ Educational Attainment...... 145 Table 13: Distribution of Participants as to Religious Faiths...... 145 Table 14: Christian Participants According to Religious Denominations...... 146 Table 15: Distribution of Participants According to Marital Status……...... 147 Table 16: Participant Distribution Regarding Intricate Aspects of Marital Status………………………….…………………………………….…..148 Table 17: Participants Sample Distribution by Employment/Work Status...... 149 Table 18: Participant Sample Distribution According to Group Level Code Reason for Immigration...... 151 Table 19: Socio-Demographic Variables of Participants who got Married to Incorporate………………………………………………………………174 Table 20: Places of Marriage between Germans and African Immigrants of Varying Statuses……….…………………………………………………………181 Table 21: Socio-Demographic Variables of Participants who used Reproduction as a Threshold to Incorporation………………………..…………..……211 Table 22: Stages of African Immigrants’ Incorporation Characteristics and Factors……..……………………………………………………………240 Table 23: Socio-Demographic Variables of Participants who Operate Businesses for Coping and Incorporation………….…………...……...... 247 Table 24: Profile of Participant Cultural/Ethnic Associations/Organization………291 Table 25: Policy and Practice Perspectives on African Immigrants in Germany….345

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Table 26: Emic, Etic Codes and Categories derived from the Analysis of the Marriage Strategy...... …...389 Table 27: Emic, Etic Codes and Categories derived from the Analysis of the Reproductive Strategy………….…………………………….…………390 Table 28: Emic, Etic Codes and Categories derived from the Analysis of the Business Strategy...... …...391 Table 29: Emic, Etic Codes and Categories derived from the Analysis of the Identity (Re)creation Strategy……………………..……………………………..392

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1: World Distribution of Immigrants 1990-2013……..………………………2 Figure 2: Routes of Human Migration...... 3 Figure 3: Common African Migration Routes to Europe…..…...... 6 Figure 4: Routes of Undocumented Migrants to Europe………………………….…9 Figure 5: Populations Projections in European Union Countries……………..……11 Figure 6: Road Map to Systems Thinking—A Causal Loop Diagram (CLD)...... 30 Figure 7: Top Recipients of Migrant Remittances among Developing Countries.....55 Figure 8: World Development Indicators…………………………………………..57 Figure 9: Political Map of Germany Showing Berlin, the National Capital City…..83 Figure 10: Map Showing the Different Boroughs of the Present City of Berlin…….90 Figure 11: Comparison of Working Population in Berlin by Economic Sector 1992/- 2012 share of Working Population by Economic Sector...... …………….97 Figure 12: The Causal Loop Concept Explained……………………………...……132 Figure 13: Strategies of Incorporation of German-Based African Immigrants.....…157 Figure 14: A Schematic Representation of Themes and Categories Drawn from Data……………………………………………………………………...159 Figure 15: Marriage Ceremony between a Cameroonian Man and a Native German Woman at a Court in Berlin….……………………………………….…204 Figure 16: A Causal Loop Diagram Summarizing the Marriage Strategy of Incorporation Used by African Immigrants ………………………….…205 Figure 17: A Causal Loop Diagram Summarizing the Reproductive Strategy of Incorporation used by African Immigrants………………………..…236 Figure 18: Reference Behaviour Pattern for Marriage and Reproduction………….239 Figure 19: Transnational and Local Coping Trajectories of German-Based African Immigrants in Berlin…………………………………………………….259 Figure 20: Photograph showing Plantains, Yams, Pounded Yam, Couscous, African Fanta and Malta (Foodstuff and Drinks sold in an Afroshop)…260 Figure 21: Photograph Showing Laces, Hair Attachments, Various Body and Hair Care Creams and African Movies Sold in an Afroshop……………..….261 Figure 22: Photograph showing African Outfits and Shoes Sold in an Afroshop….261 Figure 23: Photograph of an African Market Signpost Located at Berlin Amrumer Straße……………….……………………………………………………………263

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Figure 24: Photograph of a Car Park with Different Car Brands for the Transnational Business of Buying and Selling of Cars Located at Berlin- Kurfürstenstraße………………………………………………………...264 Figure 25: Signpost for a Transnational Business on Imports and Exports of Vehicles and Containers to African Countries Located at Berlin-Ostkreuz………267 Figure 26: Photograph of a Kiosk Owned by a Participant with Signpost Depicting the Goods and Services at Berlin-Kameruner Straße…………………...269 Figure 27: Flyer Advertising an African Restaurant Located at Berlin-Kameruner Straße……………………………………………………………………273 Figure 28: Photograph as Advertising Strategy of a Flight Agent Located at Berlin- Herrfurth Straße …………………………………………………..……276 Figure 29: Real Estate Management Service Advertisement Flyer………………278 Figure 30: CLD Capturing the Interplay of Social Capital and Business for African Immigrants and their Continuous Stay in Germany……………………284 Figure 31: Signpost at the Intercultural House with Specific Formulation Deutsch-Kamerunischer Kulturverein Grassland e.V...... 296 Figure 32: GCGCA in a Cultural Display at Carnival of Cultures at Berlin- Südstern…………………………………………………………………299 Figure 33: A Photograph Showing the Holding of a Meeting Session of the German- Cameroon Cultural Association Grassland Berlin-Wedding……………300 Figure 34: Photograph of Masquerade Dance Performance by the Ngoteh Juju at the BCA Berlin Convention……...…………………………………………302 Figure 35: Photograph of Men and Women Dressed in the Traditional Grassland outfit the Tugho………………………...…..…………………………...302 Figure 36: Men of the BCA Expressing Culture through Outfits the Abgwada, Jumpa and Damtsiki at a Convention Cultural Evening...... 303 Figure 37: Photographs of some Cameroonian Traditional Dishes Displayed at the BCA Berlin Convention………………………………………………...303 Figure 38: Photograph Capturing Panel Discussants on the Talk ‘difficulties of African Women Integration in Germany.………………………..……...304 Figure 39: Theoretical Case-Model………………………………………………...343

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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

AD: Anno Domini BCA: Bali Cultural Association BVG: Berliner Verkehrsbetriebe CLD: Causal Loop Diagram ComQol: Comprehensive Quality of Life Scale CSS: Critical Social Science DCs: Developed Countries e.V.: eingetragener Verein EAP: East Asia and the Pacific ECA: Europe and Central Asia EMN: European Migration Network EU: European Union EURODA: European Automatic Thump-print Identification system FIB: Flüchtlingsinitiative Brandenburg FRG: Federal Republic of Germany GCGCA: German-Cameroon Grassland Cultural Association. GDP: Gross Domestic Product GDR: German Democratic Republic HTAS: Hometown Association HTDAS: Hometown Development Associations HTO: Hometown Organizations IHK: Industrie- und Handelskammer (Chamber of Commerce and Industry) IMF: International Monetary Fund LAC: Latin America and the Caribbean LDCs: Less Developed Countries MENA: Middle East and North Africa OECD: Organization of Economic Co-operation and Development ONS: Office for National Statistics OSCE: Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe RAEM: Relative Acculturation Extended Model RBP: Reference Behaviour Pattern SAR: South Asia Region

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SA: Systems Analysis SD: Systems Dynamics SGB: Sozialgesetzbuch (Social Security Code) SPD: Social Democratic Party SSA: Sub-Saharan Africa ST: Systems Thinking T-A: Transnationalism-with-Assimilation UK: United Kingdom UN: United Nations UNCTAD United Nations Conference on Trade and Development UNODC: United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime US: United States WASP: White Anglo Saxon Protestant WB: World Bank

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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

Immigrant incorporation is a key topic of discussion and a vibrant area of enquiry in the migration, immigration and integration discourse. However, current approaches to theorizing migration, immigration and incorporation and/or integration are conceived only as a single knit of social action by the immigrant vis-à-vis the existing social structures. In host societies, this happens as opposing forces, rather than, as complex interwoven strata of social reality. These together make up immigrant incorporation and stay in host societies over time. This fieldwork- based case-study of African immigrants living in Berlin, Germany, privileged first generation African immigrants. It grapples with their overall incorporation strategies and continuous stay in host Germany during the past two decades. It starts by taking into account the historical construction of and, immigration into Germany. Followed, is a look into the different material circumstances of African immigrants’ lives in their accounts. Further, addressing interfaces of incorporation, coping, staying and identity reproduction among some individuals and groups of African immigrants. In fact, it explores among others, the diverse incorporation (survival, coping and identity (re)production mechanisms) strategies used by African immigrants in Berlin. It further explores some of the transnational activities that this group of immigrants is engaged in and the impact of their activities on their lives as immigrants. This dissertation attempts to integrate these facets and levels of social reality more closely, offering accounts of how immigrant incorporation strategies emerged and are utilized over time.

This research was conceptualized behind the backdrop of the concept of the ‘new Europe’ ushered in by the expansion of the European Union (EU). I further suggest that disruptions in reasons for immigration and continuities in the form of search for legality and identity that African immigrants aspire to, along with time and transitions in Europe. This is especially the EU expansion that has set in a motion of identity crisis among Europeans and simultaneously, stressing out a fine map of her sphere of influence and how her elites will benefit. These have important potential implications for acceptance, incorporation/integration and identification of immigrants of African background over time. Considering this perspective, African migrants have been side-lined since they are not part of the mainstream European population, but rather, ‘the other’. This has resulted in complaints from this target group of being frozen out through discriminatory and unfair treatment (opportunities and policies) in most, if not all spheres of life. The main puzzle which my research seeks to answer is: Why are they still hanging on and

xxv what survival, coping strategies, and identity creation mechanisms have they adopted so as to cope with presumed institutionalized deprivation in the German society?

The various complexes of “beat the system strategies” accounts offered in this dissertation which African immigrants are using to continue staying in Germany was explored using the extended case-study method. Drawing on data collected from forty two persons (participants) selected through a mixed method study design of purposive and snowball sampling strategies and incorporating qualitative interviews and observations from individuals to various groups of African immigrants. The analytic accounts developed on German-based African immigrants’ strategies of incorporation and coping (local and transnational) together with identity creation, used content analysis of interviews and discussions taking the stance of reflexivity. Complimenting with statistics generated from the interview results to corroborate findings. Theoretically, this analysis is guided by welfare state notions of governmentality and disciplinary power of state as boss and immigrants as subjects under the state. However, these welfare state concepts are reconciled with notions of acculturation, assimilation and social capital as a resource, developed to incorporate a ‘materialist’ edge in the analyses. Additionally, insights from systems thinking provided a lens for the data to be seen as a web of interwoven occurrences. Especially, to conceive of the relationships between macro social structures (state institutions and laws) and micro social processes (asylum seeking, marriage, reproduction, employment) as co-producing the successes in survival, coping and incorporation strategies as well as identity (re)creation mechanisms that this study addresses.

My findings showed that African perception of Germany and Europe whilst back in Africa, a major push factor for emigration from Africa and immigration into Germany, and experience at and after arrival, the reality, are profoundly different. It further unravels various strategies of incorporation (living the reality) that individual African immigrants use to change their statuses, acquire long term stay permits and continue living in Germany. Among these strategies are social strategies (marriage, reproduction), and economic strategies (carrying out local and transnational businesses). Worthy of note about the social strategies is that each includes several pathways to incorporation depending on the status an immigrant acquires after arrival into Germany. The marriage and reproductive strategies includes four pathways each and adoption and follow-up of any of these strategies and its pathways to materialization or fruition meets the goal of status change and incorporation. For instance a successful marriage contracted between a native German or an African-German and an African immigrant with an irregular

xxvi status (that is asylum seekers or students) in Germany, Denmark or Africa suffices to change the status of an asylum seeker or a student to a regular status with the issuing of a long term residence permit. Also, reproduction between a native German or an African-German with an African immigrant, with an asylum seeker, or a student status with state recognition of the asylum seeker or student as father or mother of a child entails a status change and subsequent issuing of a long term stay permit, though other conditions are attached. The materialization of these strategies has affected the African immigrant’s decision to stay abroad (in Germany) and lead transnational lives vis-à-vis considerations for return.

Secondly, my results equally expose African immigrants’ self-employment ventures in the light of coping and cementing incorporation strategies. The self-employment ventures are directed towards local and transnational lines of businesses. There are nine different lines of businesses carried out by African immigrants and these lines of businesses embed varying logistics and capitals. For instance: operating afro markets, kiosks and cyber cafés, afro bars and restaurants, automobile companies, travel agencies, transportation of goods and services to name but these. Engagement in any of these self-employment ventures cements and embellishes other strategies and incorporation in Germany. It further forges a unique identity; leads to economic progress and improves the economic statuses; and opens the transnational perspectives of individuals involved. Owning and operating local and transnational businesses by German-based African immigrants has also affected considerations for return. Remarkable is that in the pursuit and cementing of the above strategies of incorporation, some African immigrants have acquired German nationalities. Even more interesting is the fact that some German-based African immigrants usually want to live in Germany but are rather uninterested in gaining German citizenship. For this group a permanent residence permit suffices, meaning that Germany is their destination country and there is no further emigration from Germany. The typical African immigrant in Germany has remained abroad and continues to maintain ties with his/her home societies, instead of being comprehensively assimilated by the mainstream German society.

A third major finding of this study in the light of incorporation pursuit by African immigrant groups is the formation and operation of cultural/ethnic associations and organizations according to German policies and laws and there exist numerous African associations and organizations in Germany and Berlin in particular. Among these associations and organizations, some are regional while others are local in nature. Among their activities are: assertion of identity and (re)creation through naming for instance German-Cameroon Cultural Association

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Grassland. Still, the revitalization and maintenance of cultural attributes after migration such as trust, solidarity, skills and mentalities. Again, expression and exposition of African immaterial and material culture and through various in-door and out-door activities and arts. In this fief, organization of African parties and African evenings where African traditional music and dances, African fashion parade shows, preparation of African dishes take place, and participation at the Berlin Karneval der Kulturen (Carnival of Cultures). All these are not exclusive of, exposition of African arts and speaking African dialects. These activities are also geared towards group incorporation into mainstream German society. The functions of associations and organizations are not limited to the above but also associations and organizations provide social and cultural support (reduce stress) to members and new arrivals in Germany. Moreover, it deals with cultural pressure experienced by African immigrants, serves as a bowl of information on attitudes of host Germany towards African immigrants, and also as a forum for problem resolution among members. All these functions are also tailored to in-group cohesion.

Finally, the discussions of findings point to several perspectives of strategies of incorporation. These include: notions of strategies of incorporation by African immigrants (notably as a process, related to length of stay, successful incorporation which is mostly a coalescence of all strategies). Followed by features of strategies of incorporation, i.e., factors influencing strategies of incorporation (constituting reasons for the migration of Africans to Germany, African immigrant background and the incorporation culture/strategy difference, African attributes, social capital and social network and incorporation, cultural associational support, identity (re-)creation and incorporation, context and attitude of host Germany, government policies, economic factors). Finally, challenges and issues that accompany strategies of incorporation.

Key words: Survival, Coping, Incorporation, Marriage, Reproduction, Carrying out business, African-German, Transnational Activities, Strategies, European Union, African Perception of Europe, Identity Creation, Notions, and German-based African Immigrants.

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GENERAL INTRODUCTION

This dissertation starts off with the overall intentions of the dissertation project. The general introduction serves two purposes: on the one hand it sets the scene by offering information on several aspects of international migration and migration to Europe. Secondly, it furnishes a ‘sneak preview’ of what is to come in the dissertation in substantive terms. The opening sections of my work will examine the general trends of the origins, history and geography of world migrations, African migration to Europe before the twentieth century and African immigration to Europe at the dawn of the twenty first century. Remarkable about the twenty first century is the implementation of migration and immigrant policies with emphasis on the migration routes and transit points for trans-Saharan migrations. Following, the population projections for the European Union (EU) as an understood logic by migrants which serve as a motivation for migrants to enter Europe and the EU in particular. This also justifies the need for migrants to help sustain population levels in EU. Next, some light is thrown on the concept of Fortress Europe and identity crisis and how it is affecting not only migrants but also nation states of the EU and finally an outline of the entire dissertation.

0) International Migration- The Hard Nut to Crack

Migration has received much attention internationally in recent times because it is affecting nations either directly or indirectly. The figure that follows depicts the state of world migrants statistically and by region, that is Europe, Asia, North America, Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) and Oceania.

Figure 1: World distribution of immigrants 1990-2013 Source: United Nations (2013) In 2013, the number of international migrants world-wide reached an all-time high  Worldwide, there are an estimated 232 million immigrants;  Between the years 2010-2013, the annual growth rate of the migration stock worldwide slowed, falling to around 1.6 percent per year;  Worldwide, international migrants comprised about 3.2 percent of the world population in 2013 and the last 50 years have seen almost a doubling of immigration;  In 2013, migrants accounted for at least one in every five people in 52 countries; 51% of all international immigrants live in 10 countries;  In Oceania 8 million - 21% of Oceania’s population, the highest share of international migrant stock in total population;  In 2013, 136 million international migrants lived in the North, while 96 million resided in the South; 72 million international migrants reside in Europe - 10% of Europe’s population;  71 million in Asia;  Northern America hosts some 53 million international migrants, the third largest number - 15% of North America’s population;  In Africa, there are 19 million international migrants,  In Latin America and the Caribbean, 9 million;  Asia gained some 20 million international migrants between 2000 and 2013, i.e 1.6 million per annum;

 Europe adds with 16 million as the second largest in number of international migrants between 2000 and 2013, i.e. 1.2 million per year; Northern America with 13 million or one million per year; women constitute approximately half of the worldwide migrant stock Source: United Nations (2013).

0. 1) History and Geography of Migration

World history and geography has it that the original routes of human migration began with emigrations from Africa into the Mideast, Asia, and Europe, and only much later from Asia to the Americas. Exactly when and how migrations occurred is highly debated. Nonetheless, it is clear that people encountered and overcame substantial geographic and climactic barriers, including deserts, mountain ranges, bodies of water, and glaciers (especially during periodic Ice Ages) (UN, 2006a; Manning, 2005). The figure below depicts the original human routes of migration before the contemporary times.

Figure 2: Routes of human migration Source: UN (2006a).

0. 2) African Migration to Europe in the Twenty First Century and the European Union

The history of African migration before contemporary times was tailored by slave trade Ngoh (1998). In fact estimates have it that from the sixteenth to the nineteenth century about 11.5 million Africans were shipped to the new world as slaves (Morgan, 1993). (Reed-Anderson, 2000) mentions that, Germany, and other European cities in the past ignored the presence of African immigrants and other minority groups in the presentations of their cities histories. This was under the pretext that, minority groups had no written tradition and as such have achieved nothing worthy of note and this was especially so of persons of African descent in Berlin. However in the last three decades, African immigration to Europe and other parts of the world have received a new impetus meriting widespread attention. The entry and exit trends for Africans to Europe, has been a cause for concern, unlike in the past, where slavery was what brought them to the developing world Adepoju (2008). In modern times, the coming of Africans to Europe is bolstered by varying motives from poverty through civil strives De Haas and Sigona, (2012) to culture threats Okome (2002). In fact, the presence of immigrants has created varying impacts in hosts’ societies: from diluting the racial and ethnic composition of their host societies (Keyfitz, 1981), through sustaining the host societies as they act as a solution to the aging population, since they work and pay taxes to shore up pension systems (Coleman, 1995; 2006) and African immigrants are a particular case in point. Obviously, African immigrants are seeking for identity through varying processes of integration within the host societies (Brimelow, 1995). Needless to say, reports have also shown that they are engaged in crimes in their host societies (Endre et al., 2001; Reitano et al., 2014). This has caused the developed/industrialized nations, to tighten the entry and exit rules and immigration laws in general vis-à-vis immigrants no matter their origin.

Weiner (1985) developed a way of analysing the supply and demand for migration policy through his typology of entry and exit rules and the role of entry and exit rules of receiving nations. (Gonzalez, 1961:1278) rather takes on the typology of migration from the perspective of patterns of migration which are: seasonal, temporary (non-seasonal), recurrent, continuous and permanent. Weiner (1985) takes on migration from the political science perspective. According to Weiner it is another branch of security which states must confront as a united front (from international level) considering the impact on flows and the patterning of flows in

4 different countries. In this light therefore, Weiner comes up with five entry and exit rules which are:

Entry Rules Exit Rules 1. Unrestricted entry 1.Permissive exit 2.Promotional entry 2.Promotional exit 3.Selective entry 3.Selective exit 4.Unwanted or restrictive entry 4.Expulsive exit 5.Prohibition entry 5.Prohibition exit

Table 1: Entry and exit rules of immigration control.

The entry and exits rules are the backbone of immigration control policy. According to (Hammer, 1985; ONS, 2014) immigration control policy is a crucial element in determining immigration patterns. Given the large number of people who would like to emigrate to the industrialized countries for economic or political reasons, and the strictly limited opportunities to do so, it is immigration policy that mainly determines the scope of global migration and these immigration policies are the entry and exit rules. Not only do the entry and exit rules determine one’s status in the host country, but the entry rules are governed by the reasons for immigrating into the host country Statistisches Bundesamt (2014), Heinhold (2000). For instance entry is unrestricted and promotional for some host nations during rebuilding: a case in point is the German Gastarbeiter Program of 1973. Entry however becomes selective, restricted and even prohibited if entry is not commensurate with the host’s need. For instance since the dawn of the twenty first century, technology has eliminated distances between places and there is a need for highly skilled and qualified migrants in the specific field of information technology in some nations. In this case, low skilled and unskilled migrants are prohibited from immigrating into those countries. (Zolberg, 1989:406) observed that, "All the countries to which people would like to go restrict entry. This means that, in the final analysis, it is the policies of potential receivers which determine whether movement can take place, and of what kind." Thus, exacerbate entry, increases the duration of migrants and increases the stock of migrants in host countries United Nations (2013). On the other hand, exit rules are determined by wage levels and employment prospects and such aspects are also tailored by immigrant policies. According to Hammar (1985), immigrant policy, such as the conditions provided to

5 resident immigrants (e.g., work and housing conditions, welfare provisions and educational opportunities) can make exit permissible or selective. Lesser immigrant policies makes exit permissive and even more promotional Gina (2014) but appropriate immigrant policies could also make exit selective, expulsive or even prohibited. As a matter of fact, after tightening of the entry, exit and immigration laws, the knotting of social policies, which immigrants usually benefit from, especially in liberal states followed. Rather, Janoski (2010) differentiates between the ‘settler societies’ (Australia, Canada, United States), the Nordic countries with ‘colonizers’ (France, Netherlands, United Kingdom) and the highly restrictionist ‘non-colonizing’ countries (Japan, Germany, Switzerland). In the above measures exhibited by host governments immigrants are equally facing another new form of violence in Germany from nationals (Krell et al., 1996) as a means to force the exit of migrants. Wage levels can trigger both entry and exit but mostly exit. African immigrants, and especially Sub-Saharan Africans, are a unique case in point whom European hosts entry and exit rules have affected and their case is made even worse with the expansion of the European Union. The African visible minorities, some of whom have integrated, entered and are still entering, the EU via varying routes and methods. The figure that follows captures the African migration routes of some African immigrants present in Europe and the European Union today.

Western Route - Main sources countries (shaded): Senegal, Guinea, Mali

Central Route - Main sources countries (shaded): Nigeria, Ghana, Niger

Eastern Route - Main sources countries (shaded): Somalia, Eritrea, Sudan (Darfur)

Coastal Route to Spain (closed off)

Figure 3: Common African Migration Routes to Europe Source: Reitano et al (2014)

Figure 3 captures four common routes for African migration to Europe which are the western, central, eastern, and the coastal routes and the main sources countries utilizing these routes. De Haas has described African migration through some of the routes particularly the trans-Saharan journey. The information below is by de Haas (2006) amalgamated from an internet source but also other authors have more recently contributed for a clear understanding of the dynamics in the trans-Saharan migration. The trans-Saharan journey by Africans is generally made in several stages, and takes anywhere between one month and several years. On their way, African migrants often settle temporarily in towns located on migration hubs to work and save enough money for their onward journeys, usually in large trucks or pick-ups. Aside from Africans who travel by air, the majority of migrants through the trans-Saharan route, enter the Maghreb overland from Agadez in Niger despite the existence of multiple, alternative routes. Agadez is located on a historical crossroads of trade routes that now extend deep into West and Central Africa. From Agadez, migration routes bifurcate to the Sebha oasis in Libya Bredeloup (2012) and to Tamanrasset in southern Algeria. From southern Libya, migrants move to Tripoli and other coastal cities or to Tunisia; from the coast, African migrants travel by boat to either Malta or the Italian islands of Lampedusa, Pantalleria, and Sicily. From Tamanrasset in Algeria, migrants move to the northern cities or enter Morocco via the border near Oujda. In reaction to intensified border patrolling in the Strait of Gibraltar, migrants in Morocco have increasingly moved southward to the Western Sahara in order to get to the Canary Islands, a Spanish territory in the Atlantic Ocean Frontext (2013). Libya's pan-African policies have also played a key role in linking East African migration systems with the Euro-Mediterranean migration system. Besides, the growing number of Egyptians crossing the Mediterranean to Italy via Libya, migrant workers and refugees from Sudan, Somalia, Eritrea, and Ethiopia — who often used to settle in Cairo — now also migrate to Libya through Sudan, Chad, or Egypt (Bredeloup and Pliez, 2011; Bob-Milliar, 2012). Even migrants from China, India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh have recently migrated through Morocco via Saharan routes. They usually fly to West African capitals such as Accra or Bamako, sometimes via the Gulf States, and from there they follow the common Saharan trails via Niger and Algeria to Morocco and Europe.

On the western edge of the continent, an increasing number of West African migrants circumvent the central Saharan migration routes by sailing from the Mauritanian, Cape Verdean, Senegalese, and other West African coasts to the Canary Islands Frontex (2013). These African migrants also travel over land from Mauritania to Morocco via the Western Sahara. Although the national and international media and politicians commonly depict these 7 migrants as victims of "unscrupulous traffickers" and "merciless" criminal-run smuggling networks, the vast majority of African migrants migrate on their own initiative. Migrants typically pay for one difficult leg of the journey, usually involving a border crossing, at a time. Often times, smugglers are not part of international organized crime UNODC (2010) but tend to be former nomads and immigrants who operate relatively small networks. These smugglers generally cooperate with local corrupt police, border officials, and intermediaries who connect them to employers in Europe. In the process of crossing the Sahara to North Africa, migrants spend hundreds of dollars on bribes, smugglers, transportation, and daily necessities.

The Economist issue of May, 2014 reports that, Libya is now almost certainly the busiest transit route for black Africans heading illegally to Europe. By some estimates, more than 600,000 illegal migrants were reportedly waiting on the southern Mediterranean shore, hoping to embark for a better life. Migrants pay more than €1,000 ($1,370) each to get onto rickety boats to Malta and the Italian island of Lampedusa. Many do not survive. In the early days of May, 2014, the Italian authorities recovered 14 bodies and rescued around 200 people after a boat sank between Libya and Sicily and in the past few years, thousands have drowned. Still, the ethnic Toubou who dominate the trade, charge migrants between $200 and $300 for passage into southern Libya, or ask them to carry drugs in lieu of payment. Smuggling is the town’s main business. Ninety two people died near Agadez in September 2013 after their vehicles broke down in the Sahara, Niger’s authorities promised to stamp out large-scale people- smuggling. But with revenues of perhaps $1m a week at stake, officials inevitably connive. Even when raids do take place, the smugglers simply switch routes and tactics. Though, prices for the Morocco-Spain crossing seem to be roughly similar. The routes of undocumented migrants to Europe are shown in the figure that follows:

Figure 4: Routes of undocumented migrants to Europe Source: Matte (2006)

Still on the trans-Saharan migration journey and process, de Haas (2006) reports that once in Europe, many irregular African migrants manage to stay and settle. Only a minority of those apprehended by Spanish, Italian and Maltese border guards are sent back. Sub-Saharan African countries are often reluctant to collaborate with the forced readmission of large numbers of irregular migrants. Many migrants destroy their papers to avoid expulsion, while asylum seekers, minors, and pregnant women often have the right to (at least temporary) residence on humanitarian grounds. As a result, many apprehended migrants are eventually released after the maximum detention period with a formal expulsion order. This order is generally ignored, after which they either move to other EU countries or go underground in Spain and Italy, where they can find jobs in the informal agricultural, construction, and service sectors. A substantial number have obtained residency papers through marriage or regularization campaigns in Italy and Spain. (Bredeloup, 2012; Collyer and de Haas, 2012; UNODC, 2011) have particularly noted Sahara desert merely as a land route used by ‘illegal or irregular migrants, human and drug traffickers.

However, the commonly used term "transit migrant" is often misleading, not only because many African migrants and refugees consider North Africa (particularly Libya) as their primary

9 destination suggesting a voluntary movement as considered by (Düvell, 2012; Bredeloup, 2012; and Collyer and de Haas, 2012), but also because a considerable proportion of African migrants failing or not venturing to enter Europe prefer to stay in North Africa as a second- best option. Few would rather return to their more unstable, unsafe, and substantially poorer home countries. Most major North African cities, such as Nouakchott, Rabat, Oran, Algiers, Tunis, Tripoli, Benghazi, and Cairo, now harbour sizeable communities of sub-Saharan migrants. Although they lack legal status and are vulnerable to exploitation, sub-Saharans, including those living outside Libya (de Haas 2006; 2008), find jobs in specific niches of the informal service sector (such as cleaning and domestic work), petty trade, construction, agriculture, and fishery. Others try to pursue studies, sometimes also as a means to gain residency status. Some migrants end up staying in migration hubs along the way. In fact, trans- Saharan migration has caused trade to flourish and has helped revitalize ancient trans-Saharan (caravan) trade routes and desert (oasis) towns in Mali (Gao), Niger (Agadez), Chad (Abéché), Libya (Sebha and Kufra) as a matter of fact has changed Libya’s status as a migrant and a transit country Bob-Milliar and Bob-Milliar (2013), Algeria (Tamanrasset), and Mauritania (Nouadhibou). The closeness of Spain, Italy, Malta or the EU borders to North Africa has helped to leak information on the social, economic and political state of affairs of Europe and the EU in particular and has continued to tickle Africans to cross to Europe and the EU and take advantage. The section which follows presents some evidence of the social state of the EU with regards to her population.

0. 3) Europe and the European Union (EU)

This section looks at how the anthropology of Europe and the EU is a pull factor and is relevant to mediating the phenomenon of migration in recent times. For the first time in human history, Europe is lacking a ‘demographic engine’. This has been recognized from the fallen fertility, birth rates, increased life expectancy and the aging of the ‘baby boom’ generation “demographic transitions” in EU member states to below that necessary to maintain population levels. Were it not for inward migration, Europe’s population would have already started declining (Coleman 2006). This provoked (Coleman, 2013) to pose the issue, ‘Europe faces demographic maturity? Relatively smaller, divergent trends but generally: fewer babies, longer lives, old populations, more immigrants, diverse families. Or demographic senility? The ‘Death of the West’: an enjoyable demographic disaster scenario Europe irretrievably shrinking on the 10 world stage. Europeans obsessed with welfare, not production (or reproduction). Too idle and secularized to be bothered to reproduce; prefer pets. Destined to be crippled by population ageing and decline. To be displaced by vigorous immigrant, mostly Muslim populations. Dependent on US for defense, prefer to sit out crises in their wine cellars’. The European Commission (2014) reports that, the European Union is experiencing demographic changes that have had profound impact on the European society and economy since several decades ago. This is visible from the combined trends of falling birth rates, increased life expectancy and global migrations. All these are lending a hand to Europe’s ageing population trends Eurostat (2014). The figure below depicts Europe’s current population projections.

Figure 5: Populations projections in European Union countries Source: EUROPOP (2013) and Eurostat (2013)

Figure 5 shows population projections in European Union countries. Eurostat’s latest set of population projections (EUROPOP2013) were made covering the period from 2013 to 2080. In EUROPOP2013 the EU-28’s population is projected to increase to a peak of 525.5 million around 2050 and thereafter gradually decline to 520 million by 2080. An aspect of population ageing is the progressive ageing of the older population itself, as the relative importance of the very old is growing at a faster pace than any other age segment of the EU’s population. The

11 share of those aged 80 years or above in the EU-28’s population is projected to more than double between 2013 and 2080. During the period from 2013 to 2080 the share of the population of working age is expected to decline steadily, while older persons will likely account for an increasing share of the total population — those aged 65 years or over will account for 28.7 % of the EU-28’s population by 2080, compared with 18.2 % in 2013. This is why Europe is termed as facing a demographic trap. Zaidi (2008:3) writes “almost all European societies are experiencing population aging, but some age faster than others and so the challenges associated with aging come quicker for some countries than for others”. The consequences are far reaching with the phenomenon of immigration, the reason why Coleman (2012) talks of the “third demographic transition”. Meaning that, immigrants are playing the role of diluting the racial composition of host societies in a bid to rescue the shrinking populations. Though, immigrants from around the world are forcibly becoming part of Europe. In order to reflect on Europe and the European Union considering that recognition and integration is still a force to reckon with, it can be useful to shift to the talk and propaganda on the concept of Fortress Europe.

0. 4) Fortress Europe and Identity Crisis

This section, overviews briefly how the concept of ‘Fortress Europe’ has impacted immigrants- especially immigrants from outside of the European Union, some EU states, and also how in some countries of the EU, immigrants are counteracting to make their voices heard. Europe’s contemporary problems include the phenomenon of irregular immigrants seeking political asylum and better opportunities. Kohnert (2006:1) notes that “a growing number of Africans flee from their desolate economic situation or violent conflicts and political persecution at home to Europe. The European Union shares responsibility for this growing economic misery, in view of its egoistic external trade policy. Nevertheless, it intensifies the foreclosure of its external borders. This makes the escape routes become even more dangerous and thousands die every year European Commission (2013). The European-African Migration Summits in Rabat and Tripoli in June and November 2006 even strengthened this policy of exclusion. Yet, well-adapted immigration regulations would serve the interest of all parties involved. Last, but not least, it could contribute to protect the over-aged population of European member states in the long run against threatening economic decline. Even Germany and France meanwhile hesitantly accept the fact that they are an immigration country. The EU Commission endorses 12 a limited and temporarily restricted immigration of Africans. However, two fundamental problems remain unsolved. Cost and benefit of immigration are distributed asymmetrically between the social classes. In addition, the EU favours the admission of high skilled labour, which tends to increase the 'brain drain' from Africa even more, while millions of unskilled irregular migrants compete with the growing army of unemployed in the host countries Arslan et al. (2014). Both will aggravate the imminent danger of violent conflicts and of right-wing extremism in the immigration regions”. Claude Guéant, the former French Minister of Immigration identified the necessity to fight against illegal immigration into Europe. Guiraudon Virginie, the Director of Research at the Centre of European studies at Science-Po in Paris, denies the possibility of a mass exodus into Europe, rather she analyses the migration crisis through the Fortress Europe Concept. To compound and make matters even more controversial, one illegal immigrant in Spain noted that ‘Courage comes from poverty. When you are poor, you are forced to do anything’ including scaling over the barbed wire fence separating the Moroccan frontier from the Spanish coastline (CNN connect, 2006). According to the Commission of the European Communities (2006), in 2004, there were between 1-1.2 million illegal immigrants mostly of Sub-Saharan African origin living and working in Spain. Purportedly these immigrants travelled with illegal one way tickets and most of them drifted into Europe finally in makeshift boats. Reitano et al (2014) estimated that during the period of September 2013 and October 2014 there were about 700 deaths of African immigrants off the coast of Lampedusa and that in April 2014, 4000 migrants from Africa landed on Italy’s shores in just two days. In recent times, (OWNI, 2011; Reitano et al, 2014) propagates that fewer people are arriving to Europe by boat, because of Le Pen’s1 policy of “push back into international waters the migrants who want to enter Europe”. OWNI insists that the result of this policy only sways immigration flow since migrants now travel by land via Turkey and Greece. Barbier’s Blog (2011) notes that some people believe these roads are more dangerous and that more, but not all people will die in their attempt to reach Europe. Worthy of note according to Barbier is that these are not desperate people but people who have plans for their future. Europe equally needs to compensate for the decline in its workforce, and it has already appealed to foreign labour market for specific needs such as construction, agricultural and service sectors (Barbier, 2011; European Commission, 2014). In spite of the fact that some

1 Marine Le Pen is an official candidate for the le Front national, the far-right party who ran for the 2012 elections in France.

13 immigrants have successfully arrived and are living in Europe, becoming integrated for some of these migrants in some EU states has not been quite easy though some minority populations in some EU member states make up significant proportions worthy of recognition and inclusion (Pew Research Centre, 2014).

Conrad Hackett, a demographer, at the Pew Research Centre noticed that there are about 4.7 million Muslims in France making (7.5%) of French population and most are from French former colonies Hackett (2015). According to Pew Research Centre (2006), the November 2005 French riots were sparked off mostly by immigrants purportedly of Algerian and Moroccan origin. A major reason was that in the 1950s and 1960s, the French Government constructed large buildings to house immigrants. These buildings later suffered from neglect and dilapidation over the years and gradually turned into ghettoes with all types of accompanying social problems-violence, unemployment and racism. To compound matters in France, identity checks are seen as racial profiling by immigrants who live in ghettoes at the fringes of the French society. These immigrants further face religious discrimination and are refused rights that other French citizens enjoy, are also the hardest hit by unemployment and seen to be the genitors of urban commotion in French society Pew Research Centre (2006; 2014). This brings to the limelight the fact that the French ideal of liberty, equality and protection for all leaves much to be desired. The riots also showed the failure of French authorities to integrate immigrants into the French society which make immigrants feel trapped in the rhetoric of pity and self-pity; while they are discriminated they feel they are objects of discrimination (Pew Research Centre, 2006). The Centre still opines that, a solution is partly to create jobs with free tax zones. The Centre further speculates that the November 2005 French riots are likely to be replicated elsewhere in Europe and other parts of the world. Hackett (2015) writes that in many European countries, including Germany, the United Kingdom and the Netherlands, concerns about growing Muslim communities have led to calls for restrictions on immigration. Netherland’s population is Muslim, about 6.0% by religious inclination and immigrants are expected to shed their cultures and become integrated into the receiving society because radical Islam is seen as a danger to Western society Stelzenmüller and Raisher (2014). The general trend has largely been that of assimilation, forcing immigrants to fit in as is the immigration ideology in the Netherlands, rather than integration and this has only led to polarization.

Still, the Population and Migration Estimates (2014) in Ireland, shows that there has been a significant inflow of immigrant labour, especially from Eastern Europe since wages from these parts of Europe are low. The Irish, like some Europeans, fear that they will be priced out of work by Lithuanians and some other Eastern Europeans. Clewett (2015) notes that immigrants with the necessary skills will reap the benefits accruing from citizenship and to achieve this; they have to review their own values (sending and receiving countries). This is especially with Muslim women, for example, who are continually kept at home making their employment in the Dutch economy impossible and not only that, the Dutch constitution postulates a dominant culture based on Christianity. European Commission (2014) sees that changing Europe needs to actively involve itself, its relationship with immigrant groups and society at large. As pointed out by the global report on migration, it is the responsibility of governments to integrate immigrants though integration equally means rights and obligations.

Francois Mitterrand, former French president harps more on the impact of immigrants in host societies of Europe and he talks about a tolerance threshold because host societies have limited capacity to contain foreigners. According to him, there is a security threat of uncontrolled migration leading to violence in host societies and a case in point is Germany European Commission (2001c). Germany saw a sizable influx of foreigners/immigrants of different categories in the late 1980s and early 90s. This has pushed native Germans to be hostile to these categories of people against one of the articles in the Universal Declaration of Human rights. Willems et al, (1993); Krell et al., (1996) have taken delight in examining and justifying the reason for German hostility towards foreigners (immigrants and asylum seekers) from the political front. These authors blame the violence in Germany on the fact that East Germany in particular had not experienced foreigners before. Anti-foreigner violence in Germany is an issue because of the rising category of nationals targeting foreigners. In fact Krell et al. (1996) have distinguished a category of anti-foreigners called offenders by their demographic characteristics: age, sex, educational status, employment status, and criminality status. Willems (1995) have gone further to identify four types of these offenders. Accordingly, they are the hanger-on, the thug, the xenophobe, and the radical right wing.

This ‘hanger-on’ group of German nationals takes up anti-foreigner activities in order to assert and to conform to their group identity and to have a feeling of comradeship and not to be expelled. The second type is the criminal youth (thug type). This group is made up of people with a lower-class low profile and probably those who have experienced violence at home. 15

They are violent and aggressive to fill in the lack in their lives. They direct their violence and aggressiveness not only at foreigners but towards everyone, especially those whom they perceive as weak. Third is the xenophobe or ethnocentrist. This group is hostile to foreigners because they think foreigners will usurp their rights and welfare in the future. They are worried about the future because of foreigners. Lastly, the radical right wing who are members of the extreme right wing parties and this offenders are active within political circles but the young people of this group do not concur with party ideology or even party objectives Willems et al (1993). There are also offenders labelled anti-Semites who direct their hatred towards Jews or prejudice Jews as non-Germans by saying that the Jewish spirit is non-German in line with (Ben-Itto, 2005) and as such seek to eliminate Jews. In this regard, the Beauftragte der Bundesregierung für Migration, Flüchtlinge und Integration (2012) has it that persons with migration background constitute 19% of the German population though some Germans believe that immigrants are driving down jobs while some others hold that they are merely on a race to the bottom. Immigrants are further perceived as a source of capital drain because they earn money and send back to their home countries. This has created a sense of desperation among receiving populations because immigrants are noted to supply cheap labour which eventually floods the market. Some Germans want a ‘Germans first policy’ in terms of employment and not only do immigrants tickle out desperation from Germans but also globalization has been blamed for the inflow of cheap labour in Germany Krell et al (1996). Though Germany is currently experiencing a rise in anti-foreigner violence Associated Press (2014), she however is doing a great deal to integrate immigrants though opinion polls about immigrants in Germany are not quite conclusive Stelzenmüller and Raisher (2014). An opinion poll on what Germans think about immigration and immigrants in Germany is depicted in the table that follows:

German Opinion Concerns about Immigration and Immigrant Not a A From Inside Not Too Integrate Threat Enrich Do problem problem outside the too many poorly to German not the EU EU many German culture take culture away jobs 62% 32% 51% 34% 17% 21% 67% 77% 71% 80%

Table 2: Opinion poll about immigration and immigrants in Germany.

Table 2 above is constructed from Stelzenmüller and Raisher (2014). The above poll shows that while a majority of Germans are not quite positive about immigration and immigrants, a significant minority are.

Summarily on the fortressed European society, one of the discussants of the integration debate, former Irish president, Mary Robinson, recognised that integration, migration and development are linked together. The EU is a unity of universal values but at the same time, Europe is under- producing, aging and a shrinking European population will lead to a looming pension crisis in Europe as well. Immigration is, in her view, necessary but it needs to be organized, clear criteria need to be laid down, defined as the Americans, Canadians and Australians are doing. There is equally the need for immigrants to respect Europe’s culture. She notes that the real problem is that of illegal migration and it calls for the need for a less fortressed European society and identity. The push and pull factors for world migrations are real and there is a real link between migration and development. Lastly below is an outline of the dissertation.

0. 5) Outline of the Dissertation.

My dissertation provides a novel understanding of German-based African immigrants’ transnational sphere, strategies of incorporation, and the creation of identity in an expanded European Union. It focuses on the diverse adaptation, incorporation and survival mechanisms employed by first-generation African immigrants in Germany during the past two decades. That has enabled them to continue staying in Germany. The dissertation is divided into seven chapters as described below.

Chapter 1 serves as an introduction to the study. It handles the puzzles for resolution through main and subsidiary research questions, handles the case for the choice of the study area, rationale and limitation of this ethnographic piece.

Chapter 2 for its part, is divided into two sections. Section one grapples with the literature review. The literature focuses on globalization and migration and the consequent transnational migration. It casts light on a wide range of interrelated issues such as theorizing migration and the rise of transnational migration. Secondly, a section on transnational migration and entrepreneurship looks at this from a case-study oriented perspective. Thirdly, the chapter also 17 considers gender and migration, transnational migration in relation to ethnicity and religion. This part handles aspects that immigrants attach meanings to and use it especially to identify or create identity. Fourthly, the chapter equally deals with transnational migration in relation to globalization and the evolution of the nation state. And lastly, a section on transnational migration and development looks at the consequences of migration both to the sending and receiving states more particularly from a welfare development viewpoint.

The second section focuses on the theoretical approaches and perspectives informing this research. Also, in this chapter, some key concepts and terms that are being used in the entire dissertation are defined. Some of these concepts include: German-based African immigrants, transnationalism, strategies and incorporation etc. All these aspects set the frame for the research endeavour documented in the dissertation.

Chapter 3, deals with the history and state formation of Germany. This is because from the war-faring days through the period of the collapse of the Iron Curtain to present day modern Germany immigrants/minority populations in Germany have had an impact on Germans and their culture. In fact, aspects such as history, geography, politics, demography, economy, education and culture of Berlin and Germany as a whole have impacted on German laws and on quotidian life in Germany today face-à-face immigrants and their integration and incorporation.

Chapter 4 still, contains two sections of higher order. The first section discusses the methodology informing the conceptualization and implementation of this study. Therein I set out the main features of my research strategy, study design adopted, sampling procedures, data gathering instruments and data analysis techniques used to investigate and analyse German- based African immigrants: quotidian life and coping strategies, transnational activities, incorporation patterns and mechanisms and the creation of identity in multicultural Berlin, Germany. Relevant issues of practicality, ethics and research politics are taken into consideration as they arise.

Again, the second section of chapter 4, presents the data and describes key aspects which occur as recurrent patterns. In it, I first present the socio-demographic characteristics of informants generally, that is gender, nationality, age distribution, and number of children, reasons for immigrating, length of stay in Germany, educational profile, religious inclinations, matrimonial 18 status, employment/work status and civic status. I then precede to the description of informants profiles according to specific thematic groupings about strategies of incorporation as some these had implications on the subject data.

Chapter 5 and 6, accordingly, analyse major data aspects. Chapter 5 straddles with two pertinent issues in the data. Firstly, it presents an excursus to the entire data analyses which includes: perception of immigrants before migration, migrant experience immediately after immigration and the emergence of strategies. Secondly, it analyses issues on the pathways of social strategies of incorporation among German-based African immigrants.

Chapter 6 for its part analyses the economic and identity creation trends of German-based African immigrants in coping and incorporation in Germany. Therein, I analyse African immigrants’ economic activities both local and transnational and its impact on local living (in Germany). Then I move on to the creation of cultural associations and organization as a major route to identity creation and reproduction for individuals and groups of African immigrants.

Lastly, the seventh chapter looks back critically at my own findings in the light of research objectives and its contribution to the research, notions of strategies of incorporation and the implications of this study. It makes some specific policy recommendations and identifies any gaps for further future research. It is at this point that point that I “pull down the blinds” on this study.

CHAPTER ONE

GLOBALISATION, IMMIGRATION INTO GERMANY: AFRICAN IMMIGRANTS AND THE EXPANDED EUROPEAN UNION

1) Introduction

This chapter endeavors in setting the scene. It positions this dissertation in meta-theoretical and methodological terms and sketches the research objectives and the strategies that are chosen to reach the objectives. Space-time contraction and the rapid diffusion of technology and information, has led to an unprecedented wave of migration (Joppke, 2010), mostly from the Less Developed Countries (LDC) to the so-called Developed Countries (DC) of the Western World. This largely unidirectional process has been focused towards Australia, the United States, Canada, and European countries in general (Schwartz et al 2010). A simultaneous movement of ideas, goods, services as well as cultural values has accompanied this movement of people across international frontiers, acting as a catalyst to making the world a global village. This has come to the attention of different actors, viz., scholars, and policy makers of national and international organizations. Germany in particular has for several decades continued to be one favourite destination for immigrants of almost all origins (Castles and Miller, 2009; European Commission, 2001c). The study of German-based African immigrants’ transnational sphere, strategies of incorporation and the creation of identity in an expanded European Union is an exploratory study through and through and as such that there isn’t anything like a hypothesis or put more mildly, preconceptions of what can be expected when studying African immigrants to Germany. This study will therefore provide the scientific community with empirical material on the lives of African immigrants to Germany that has never been provided by anyone before is the study’s end in itself. Thus contribute to the critical brand of literature and policy change that has continuously questioned why most German-African immigrants, have become sit-tight immigrants. This is because most studies have taken delight only on Turkish immigrants mainly and some former guest workers groups in Germany or have focused on repatriates from the former Soviet Union, the so-called Aussiedler (Silbereisen and Schmitt-Rodermund, 2000; Hess, 2010). But the important exceptions are Glick Schiller (2005) and Fleischer (2007, 2008), and Idemudia and Boehnke (2010), who have taken interest in African immigrants, mostly those from the sub-Saharan region, from differing perspectives.

Although migration dates back as far as human history, it has received a new impetus during the post-colonial era (Castles, de Haas and Miller, 2014). The German case in particular is bolstered by two major reasons. First and foremost, between the late 1950s and 1973, the West German government launched the guest worker program, in order to attract Gastarbeiter (guest workers), to capture much needed labour for purposes of reconstruction after the Second World War which was later scrapped and replaced by an Anwerbestopp (Cole, 2005). The former scheme brought an influx of immigrants and later of their families into Germany who eventually came to stay despite popular conceptions that they were ‘visitors’. Secondly, the collapse of the historic “Iron Curtain” in 1989 further led to an influx of immigrants from Eastern Europe into Western Europe including Germany. Following the Federal Statistical Office (2014), presently, there is a 13 percent increase in German immigration in 2013 over the previous year, bringing the number of people moving to Germany to 1,226,000. Of the new arrivals in Germany, 1,108,000 were non-German nationals, 15% more than in 2012. Moreover, the number of German nationals returning to the country - 118,000 - remained almost constant in comparison. This number includes ethnic German repatriates and Germans returning from abroad. Most of the non-German immigrants came from European Union countries (727,000), with Poland as the top country of origin (189,000). The number of people coming from the euro-crisis-stricken countries Italy and Spain increased markedly, while a handful came from Bulgaria, Greece and Hungary than in previous years. The new figures confirm Germany's position as the second-top target for immigration after the United States within countries belonging to the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), a coalition of mostly developed nations. Federal Statistical Office (2014).

I start this research dissertation by first presenting the ethnographic context for the study and explain the reason for my case choice. I then move on to the theoretical and methodological aspects of the research.

1. 1) Context of Study

The expansion of the European Union has changed the relationship between immigrants and host societies especially if these migrants are from other parts of the World Simons and Volkery (2013). Brubaker (2004) rightly predicted that the expansion of the EU in 2004 and in 2007 – including mostly Eastern European countries – would provoke an unprecedented wave 21 of in-migration into the EU. Germany, true to Baker’s prediction, was to be hardest hit—so-to- speak—in comparison to other countries in the Union despite restrictions imposed on the freedom of movement of the new citizens (Heinhold, 2000). Following Baker, Germany and Austria could attract as much as 200,000 people annually from Eastern Europe for the coming 10-12 years, after which the number of migrants has not fallen but has rather increased Federal Statistical Office (2014). The overall impact has been lower wages2. On this accession, temporary restrictions are imposed on workers from moving freely, immigrants from the euro- crisis zone are accordingly targeted Simons and Volkery (2013). This conclusion was reached on the examination of wage differentials between the East and the West and how past differentials impacted on previous waves of migration following the entry of Spain and Portugal into the EU. Germany is the main target because immigrants, especially Eastern Europeans hardly stray too far (Beauftragter der Bundesregierung für Migration, Flüchtlinge und Integration, 2012). This is however reversible as economic prospects in these countries improves.

"The phrase 'Germany is a country of migration' is supported by the new numbers from the Federal Statistics Office," said Social Democrat (SPD) politician and government migration commissioner Aydan Özoguz. "Our country is as diverse as ever." According to the Federal Statistical Office (2014), more than 16 million people in Germany have roots outside of the country. In the year 2013, data showed that the migrant population in Germany grew by 3.8 percent, making it "the largest increase over the previous years" since the survey began in 2005, the Federal Statistics Office noted. At the same time, there is (a) lack in Germany’s welfare system3, as the number of homeless people has continued to increase by leaps and bounds with the EU’s enlargement until 2013 (Schmidt and Ulrich, 2013; Beauftragte der Bundesregierung für Migration, Flüchtlinge und Integration, 2012), and pension has become non-generous. Social services too have become rather unstable due to cutbacks (Heinhold, 2000). A press release by the Federal Statistical Office estimated that in 2011, some 137,000 people in Germany had neither health insurance nor any other entitlement to health care. Compared with 2007 (about 196,000 people without health insurance), the number of people who had no health insurance declined by 30%, though, there may still be health insurance apathy (Ronellenfitsch and Razum, 2004). Homemakers, employers and self-employed people were in the majority.

2 As the number of immigrants rise, there is the need to rethink policies that can contain the situation. 3 That is there is little or no room in the German welfare system to accommodate immigrants/foreigners. 22

Due to economic problems, people resigned to paying for their own medical bills rather than regularly paying for health insurance (Douglas, 1995).

The EU expansion since 2004 has been sickening to some policy-makers and member states, coupled with Europe’s identity crisis as evidenced, among others, by the rejection of a European constitution by French voters on May, 2005. Has complicated the interaction of member states, because most members want to preserve their sovereignty in line with the Lisabon treaty of 2009 over many aspects of their policies Griffiths (2014). Also, there is increased growing suspicion among Europeans about the Union itself. Euro-sceptics are wary not only about free-market reforms but the ineffectiveness of the union due to enlargement Palombo (2013). The Union’s market-friendliness is seen as a threat to the social benefits cultivated since World War II (Cole, 2005). There are equally growing concerns about increasing the Muslim population by the admission of Turkey, despite the fact that it meets the criteria set therein by the European Union (Hansen, 2004; Debating Europe, 2012). At the same time, a wide range of problems is facing both Germany in particular and Europe at large. There is an increasingly aging population requiring the provision of social services and pensions, exacerbated by low birth rates, high unemployment rates, and threats from terrorists. These problems imply that Germany like Europe needs people from elsewhere to work, pay taxes and support the social systems of European countries. Again, while distinguishing between OECD nationals and non-OECD nationals (Miles and Thränhardt, 1996), yet there is deep division over immigration issues (Prodi, 2000).

Behind the backdrop of the EU expansion, there is the opening up of Germany to skilled foreigners from outside the EU with much sought-after skills. The German government is promoting the integration of newcomers and reforming asylum policy (Federal Ministry of the Interior, 2008). There is an estimated 7.6 million foreigners in Germany today Federal Statistical Office (2014). At the same time, Germany like some European countries is facing a skill shortage and a demographic crunch, undermining its already shaky economic prospects with the economic recession hit. The law grants long term residence permits for industrial, information technology, science and research workers “and foreign students will be able to seek work here [Germany] after their studies.” Through the bill earmarked 243 million Euro for language and integration courses (Cole, 2005). Germany needs immigrants but many Germans worry about foreign influence although immigrants pick up jobs that local citizens do not want in some of the world’s leading industrial nations (McKenzie, 2007). A poll of USA, 23

Britain, France, Germany, Italy and Spain showed that newcomers are still viewed negatively. People said they had negative views about the influence of immigrants Stelzenmüller and Raisher (2014). Nevertheless social advocacy is undertaken for immigrants by state-funded institutions with the hope of eventually integrating immigrants; and according them better work and living opportunities as equals in German society (Attas, 2000; Federal Ministry of Interior Affairs, 2008). The Sarrazin debate here in recent times is also a case in point, and it is about Muslims in Germany and the fear of an Islamophobic Germany in the future; in fact Sarrazin fears that Germany is slowly being taken over by Muslims fuelled by tolerant immigration laws towards Muslim countries.

There is hardly a political voice for immigrants in Germany until they become German citizens. They cannot vote despite lengthy stays of 20-40 years in the country given the reluctance of the country to accept her immigrant country status Bommes (2010), however with the exception of EU immigrants who can do so at the local level. There are no anti-discrimination laws to which immigrants can make recourse to (Heinhold, 2000). However, they have pensions and health insurance, but less prestigious and low paying jobs (dead-end jobs) and therefore lower benefits. They suffer from low political, economic and social status. They are unable to pressurize policy-makers into addressing basic injustices such as jobs and housing markets or lack of employment opportunities (African Courier, 2003).

1. 2) Statement of the Problem

Among various groups of immigrants are Africans from various parts of the continent. Like in Eastern Europe and most developing countries, wages are low in Africa. And not only are wages low but the availability of jobs is problematic (Okome, 2003); unlike in some other low- wage areas of the world, for instance Asia. This has partly led to an unprecedented wave of migration from the continent to Europe and other parts of the world. Among the estimated 7.6 million migrants in German society are these Africans with their visibly different skin colour, and the largest groups constitute Ghanaians, Nigerians and Cameroonians Statistical Office (2014).

The African Courier issue of October/November (2004) reported that Africans are increasingly taking to self-employment as a defensive reaction to increasing unemployment, which affects 24 immigrants more than natives. Economic contraction in Germany is therefore hitting foreigners harder. The June issue of African Courier (2004) reported that 17,000 multiple asylum claimants have been uncovered in the EU through the European Automatic Thumb-print Identification system (EURODA). At the same time debates were heating up on the building of refugee camps for asylum-seekers of African origin in Northern Africa among EU member countries, this move is still to see the light of day.

Within the context of the expansion of the European Union, Europe’s identity crisis, transformations and social problems within Germany and the European Union as a whole, I doubt the place of African immigrants. This is, firstly because their geographical location is not Europe; secondly, they differ greatly in their phenotypical characteristics from the main European population. Thirdly, they are third-country nationals according to European Commission (2013), Bommes (2003), or not even part of the OECD (Miles and Thränhardt, 1996), they are non-Europeans. They are in fact, the ultimate other since they are clearly in the minority with the admission into the European Union of Eastern Europeans. From a social science perspective, this study on “German-based African Immigrants’ Transnational Sphere: Strategies of Incorporation and the Creation of Identity in an expanded European Union,” sets out to reveal to us why many African immigrants in the diasporas who are somewhat newer4 and particularly those in Germany, have remained abroad despite allegations of discrimination and policies of exclusion they are supposedly going through.

1. 3) Motivation and Justification of Case and Study Area

This dissertation is fieldwork based on an extended case study of African Immigrants living in Berlin, Germany. Interest in this study was born out of close interaction with immigrants of African descent that I met after my arrival from Sweden. In a way, it emerged from their narratives about the racial treatment immigrants of African descent in Germany are subjected to. I first thought these were isolated cases because being an African; I had not experienced such treatment. I had not imagined that immigrants were subjected to racial treatment and deprivation. However, this was before I realized that I was living in an ideal situation in my

4 As a matter of fact Koser (2003) call them ‘new African diasporas’ to denote the post Second World War transatlantic migrations and settlement of black Africans in the West which is distinctively not forced. 25 privileged status as a student at Jacobs University. Soon after I developed my social network among immigrants of African descent, I realized that racial treatment and deprivation of immigrants of African origin was more prevalent than I had imagined. This formed the motivation to study how racial treatment/subjection impacts on identity construction among immigrants of African descent. This is the reason for devising strategies of incorporation geared towards their continued stay in Germany and transnational activities; I developed a keen interest on how incorporation and transnationalism intersects with identity in the German society, specifically Berlin. This is going to form the basis for my objective in this study. I formulated the research question to address the intersection between survival and incorporation strategies and transnationalism in the experience of immigrants of African origin. The literature I review is grounded on immigrants in varying spheres of public life but not necessarily of African descent rather of Turkish and other Diasporas.

As briefly mentioned above, empirical work for the dissertation is carried out in Berlin, the capital of Germany. First and foremost this decision was taken in light of cost. Doing the research in Berlin was considerably cheaper for me than doing it in another city in Germany. This is because my brothers were able to provide me with accommodation without charge during the entire period of the research and were also willing to chip in their support in the light of finance whenever they could and also help in the search for my research participants.

Secondly, during a pilot study in Berlin as my field where the study was going to be carried out, the few people I came across expressed their willingness to cooperate in the study. Africans in Berlin have proven to be somewhat more open to me than those in some other cities in Germany, for example those in Bremen, the place of my academic affiliation.

Thirdly, from a general viewpoint, it helped that I speak and understand the other languages spoken by most Africans in Berlin unlike most Africans in Bremen (who are nominally from French speaking African countries but often have difficulties themselves in understanding French let alone English).

The population of Africans present in Berlin is relatively higher with many nationalities from Africa than in other cities around Germany (Piening, 2008; Statistical Office, 2014).

1. 4) Research Questions

1. 4. 1) Main Research Question

What incorporation practices and transnational undertakings are African immigrants to Germany involved in? How has this influenced their perception of individual and group identities?

1. 4. 2) Subsidiary Research Questions

Secondary empirical questions derived from this main problem included the following:  What strategies of incorporation have they adopted since they are imminently facing the increased risk of exclusion in German society with the EU expansion?  Have their constructions upon arrival changed over time and what is the born of this change? (What is their conceptualization of Germany and Europe?)  How are they (re-)creating their own identities on the one hand and that of Germany and Europe on the other hand?  What are the different lines of African immigrants’ transnationalism?  Why have they not gone back to Africa despite the presumed discriminations they are facing in all spheres of life?

1. 5) Objectives of the Study

1. 5. 1) Main Objective

The main objective of this study was to explore the various strategies of incorporation used by African immigrants, the dynamics of these strategies over time and how they are creating and recreating their individual and group identities in German society with all the tremendous changes that have been ushered in by the expansion of the European Union and economic hard times in Germany.

1. 5. 2) Specific Objectives

 Explore strategies of incorporation and identity reproduction among individuals and various groups of African immigrants.  Explore African immigrants’ perceptions and experiences of incorporation in Germany  Explore African immigrants’ support networks, types and impact.  Explore and evaluate the patterns, features, frequencies and volumes of African immigrants’ local and transnational activities.  To investigate if these strategies put in place by these African immigrants have met with their objectives.

1. 6) Research Methodology

The realization of this study will be heavily indebted to a range of qualitative research techniques that will address the objectives of the study through data collection. The use of multiple methods of data collection enable triangulation of data that takes account of social, economic, cultural and environmental factors in the assessment of African immigrants’ transnational processes and practices. Issues of ethics are raised and discussed in appropriate sections herein. Generally, oral consent is obtained from the subjects of the study. I used both qualitative and quantitative research methods to obtain data with which to answer my research questions: free listing, photo technique alongside individual in-depth interviews, community group interviews, life and case histories, observation and participant observation. I am in line here with the ‘multi-method embedded case study’ (Burton 2000: 219). Altogether it seems in place to say that the methodological approach of this study is indebted to what I learned in my undergraduate and graduate anthropology studies merged into qualitative sociology.

1. 6. 1) Extended Case Study Method and the Grounded Theory

As already mentioned above, several methods were used to generate data. One of them was the Extended Case Study method in coalesce with Glaser and Strauss’ (1967) Grounded Theory Approach. Although conscious of their setbacks and limitations, I used them because they situate better into my research. The former method was used in conjunction with the latter as 28 they complimented each other to produce the result of the art of research. Using these methods, I adhered to the intellectual and moral dispositions that a researcher needs in generating data for my study. By the former and the latter methods, the researcher goes to the field without hypotheses. The researcher goes to the field and asks questions about the issue under study. The former method was formulated by the Manchester School of Social Anthropology to which extending out to the field means looking beyond native claims so as to make sense of what natives are doing and recording what they are actually doing, diarizing account of real events, struggles and dramas that take place over space and time (Burawoy, 1991). The aim here is to use evidence to describe, understand and analyse the cases and issues under study, instead of testing a hypothesis (Gluckman, 1940). The use of the former method enabled me to understand, describe and analyse with ethnographic evidence the transnational processes and practices in which African immigrants are involved, in Germany. This means, my sample hailed from the field which aided in ameliorating data quality and reliability, a tenet of the grounded theory approach, while the latter approach was vital as it helped me to identify theoretical categories for the development of theory. This helped me to ground theory from evidence. Pemunta (2005: 12-13) notes a “star” to the former method, and ascertains us that it is capable of highlighting discrepancies between nominative prescriptions and everyday practices—discrepancies that can be traced to internal contradictions ‘but also to the intrusion of colonialism. This method helped me to capture the dynamics and volume of the transnational activities especially with the creation of identity in an expanded European Union (EU) where Africans have no place. The latter method also provided a means for me to build codes for the dynamics and volumes of Africans transnational activities and their creation of identity which was a corner stone of the study. Thus this method helped to direct/bring the research to end. This paved the way for me to use systems thinking suitably for my data analysis. Below is a road map to this approach:

Define the problem + + Ask the question Conclude + + Develop a mental+ Learning/ ground model / theory theories + + Test the modelling + - Data (identify theoretical categories)

Figure 6: Road map to systems thinking: A causal loop diagram (CLD) Source: Haraldsson (2004) modified.

1. 6. 2) Systems Thinking (ST)

Systems thinking and systems analysis are used to analyse aspects and issues from a holistic perspective. This has sharpened my understanding of the subjects and the intricacies of the issues under study. Systems thinking originally date back to the ancient Greeks. For instance Aristotle’s metaphysica comment “Now anything that has a plurality of parts but not just the sum of these, like a heap, but exists as a whole beyond its parts, invariably has a cause”- a two millennia three century old version of our modern idiom that “the whole is greater than just the sum of its parts” (Sherwood, 2002: 18), in considering societies, it means that the inherent properties of societies are absent in the physical systems. Since then systems thinking has seen the light of evolution and development much more over the last six decades with much influence on nowadays science. It has been defined variably by authors from varying perspectives. For instance, according to Haraldsson (2004), it is that science that is based on comprehending the connections and interrelatedness between things that seem apart. This, according to Haraldsson, embeds two other concepts which are: Systems Analysis (SA) and Systems Dynamics (SD). Still, Sherwood defines systems thinking as “the combination of an

30 approach to problem solving and a set of tools, techniques and methods that equip us with just what we are looking for: (an) Appropriate toolkit for understanding complex systems and their associated properties” (Sherwood, 2002: 18). In simple terms, systems’ thinking is concerned with digesting the complexity of society’s everyday problems from a holistic perspective. And this cannot be done at a glance; there is an absolute need for tools which are systems analysis and systems dynamics. The latter term was the delight of Jay Forrester in the 1960s (Forrester, 1961; 1969). Systems theories too have evolved from the works of Bogdanov (1922) in the 1920s through Bertalanaffy in the 1940s (e.g., Bertalanaffy 1976) to Lagerroth (1994) and Capra (1997). Thus, in my case, systems thinking is used to discover and analyse the dynamics and inter-connectedness that are non-linear that exist between German African immigrants, transnationalism, incorporation, the creation of identity and their continuous stay in Germany. It did not fall short of landing within the frame of social capital as considered by Coleman (1988) as spelt out later. This means small changes have large long-term effects on both host Germany and African immigrants and vice versa.

1. 6. 3) Reflexivity

Literal and figurative meanings were sorted out in utterances. Conscious that my identity, values and beliefs could bias my interpretations as is noted by (Mays and Pope, 2000), I have allowed room for alternative interpretations by allowing the facts to speak for themselves through “verbatim quotations”. I concur with Clifford (1988) that giving participants the opportunity for their voices to be heard by speaking through the text, is also a way of conferring co-authorship and authorial authority. The information obtained from the informants is reported verbatim. Concepts in data were derived from transcripts of interviews, community group interview sessions, observations and triangulation within the social context of the study. Data was then presented in prose and in frequency tables and interpreted by substantive import where and whenever appropriate. I agree that making sense of lessons learned Guba and Lincoln (1985; 1994) are shaped by my experiences and background. Therefore, in the section below, I look specifically at, how my own multiple identities as a woman, student from Cameroon and Africa impacted on the production of knowledge on the sensitive issue of incorporation strategies of German-based African immigrants and the illuminating insights that my “identity breakthroughs” exposed through empirical research and final data analysis.

Of primary importance is my gender and status, namely female, since I was a woman researching an issue presumably “general issue” for most if not all Africans especially of black skinned. Daring a fief where even angels fear to tread. Then, I was an insider/without (a Cameroonian female student) and like any other immigrant I was perceived as a friend and sister though not at all times because some suspected I may be a government agent spy5 operating in the guise of a student- perceived as my own positionality. My race and nationality gave me breakthrough to a very large extent and mediated with my gender, permitting me to develop rapport with almost all Africans I met with especially participants. I argue that, my field experience put on the hold differences such as gender, race and nationality especially. Pemunta (2009) enlightens the advantages of an insider as especially from the culture perspective still he highlights the fact that the turn down of cultural intimacy arguing that insiders tend to take certain things for granted, without questioning. Implying my multiple identities suggests a limitation on my insider status still, since it is bounded and limited by space and time as is captured by the concept “situated knowledges” (Narayan 1993). In fact, (Asad 1982, Fahim 1982, Narayan 1993) have all hoisted the virtues of being an insider, in spite of its own limitations.

Again, in the presentation of the analyses, I am conscious as Clifford (1988) rightly notes, that ethnographic texts are multi-vocal exchanges and that subjectivities are produced in differing charged situations. This implies incorporating dissenting voices into the piece because culture remains a contested domain since participants are multiply located within their own culture and unanimity is always difficult to reach. This is because qualitative research is always of necessity subjective.

1. 7) Theoretical Considerations

“Paradigms are crucial, no inquirer ought to go about the business of inquiry without being clear just what paradigm informs and guides his or her approach” (Guba and Lincoln, 1994: 116). This section is an overview of the paradigmatic perspective that I based my thinking on and that was of importance for the understanding of the phenomenon under study. This should

5 This is given the sensitive nature of the issue under study especially when I probed into some issues for ore details 32 not be confused with the ‘tabula rasa’ perspective that grounded theory seem to sometimes suggest because the task of my study is theory development. For the purpose of this study, an emic-etic (scientific spirit) approach, because it is more in line with the current thinking among cross-cultural methodologists, and is thus used as a compass to this study.

After Harris (1990), the emic and the etic dimensions of culture describe opposites. The former refers to how participants within a given cultural setting see themselves, their worldview, values and cultural practices. It is a type of self-consciousness, an inward reflection (reflexivity). This may be a critical or an uncritical perception. When the emic perspective is critical, people become open to change due to endogenous or exogenous factors, usually the interiorization of external perceptions. External perceptions can sharpen and refocus internal practices. The latter is how outsiders, who are usually non-participants, see the practices of a given culture. Emic represents the internal logic, etic, the external logic and perceptions6. The case might be better schematized by “We are good” and “They are bad7”. This refers to Germans on the one hand and immigrants on the other and vice versa. This expresses an opposite state of being 8framework (MacCannell, 1976: 40). In fact, (Crabtree and Miller, 1999; Rice and Ezzy, 1999) suggest that ‘insider’ shared understandings of social context improve the quality of data interpretation.

Culture changes both internally and externally. Internally, participants can refashion or rethink and modify their practices and values. Externally9, it changes partly due to culture contact. The local people may admire certain ideas and practices, which they may selectively adopt in function of their cultural preoccupations. Faced with dissent as a call for culture change from outside, how are the Germans rethinking their own culture with regard to immigrants and how are these immigrants refashioning their own culture in German society?

Why do immigrants hold that they are discriminated against but do not go back home? Why do the indigenes accept that immigrants are bad influences but still live with them? We find

6 The outsiders view might be objective or ethnocentric. When it is objective, they see things as they are, when ethnocentric, they judge practices and values using the lenses and standards of their own culture. 7 This guarantees the survival of every society 8 A state of opposition 9 Externally, the process is called acculturation, a facet of diffusion due to prolonged culture contact during which osmosis occurs and both cultural systems borrow elements that they can accommodate from each other. 33 ourselves face to face with the emic/etic—or in a certain sense—insider/ outsider approach to the study of culture and cultural sub systems. Harris writes that: “Emic statements refer to logico-empirical systems whose phenomenal distinctions or 'things' are built up out of contrasts and discriminations, which are significant, meaningful, real, accurate, or in some other fashion regarded as appropriate by the actors themselves. An emic statement can be falsified if it can be shown that it contradicts the cognitive calculus by which relevant actors judge that entities are similar or different, real, meaningful, significant or in some other sense ’appropriate‘ or ’acceptable‘(…) Etic statements depend upon phenomenal distinctions judged ’appropriate‘ by the community of scientific observers. Etic statements cannot be falsified if they do not conform to the actors” notion of what is significant, real, meaningful or ’appropriate’” (Harris, 1990: 102).

Russell (1988) cites Goode and Hatt (1952) as having meaningfully used the emic-etic principle to explore ways and means to show how they can be applied to cultural domains, especially what people know, how they think about it, and how they organize the material.

Lett (1990) in contrast to Harris in “Emics and Etics: Notes on the Epistemology of Anthropology” shows how “etic analysis stand or fall on their contributions to understanding of any human phenomena investigated by any scientific paradigm” and insists that because the latter, Harris subjectively defines it to suit his cultural materialism theory. To Lett, “there are and can be other anthropological problems addressed by other scientific paradigms” If we are to make any claim to a privileged status for the answers we uncover as anthropologists, we must distinguish in some legitimate way between those answers that we offer as scientists and those answers we offer as enculturated individuals. Without the distinction between emics and etics, it would be impossible to distinguish between those theories that are culture-bound and those that are not” (Lett, 1990: 132).

Therefore, we must distinguish between our scientist selves and our cultural selves, between scientific knowledge, which is acquired through rigorous empirical observation and common sense or figments of our imagination as people brought up under particular cultural systems. An anthropological analysis of the phenomenon under study especially with its holistic enterprise and systematic and structural analysis can reveal numerous interesting arguments.

1. 8) Rationale of this Study

The significance of this study is based on the contribution it may bring to policy change perspectives, migration literature and the social sciences in general. For theoretical and practical reasons, I find it important to understand the circumstances in which present-day African immigrants arrived and settled in Germany and Berlin in particular, as well as to document the strategies they have adopted to continue staying and create their own safe spaces. That is to say this research-based data would contribute and facilitate the composition of the stories of African immigrants Berlin.

Practically, the study may be of importance to German authorities in designing socially and culturally appropriate policies towards African immigrants. This is because the current politics of the European Union does not specifically address the issue of African immigrants. The study may further provide knowledge about the specificity of African immigrants which is not yet clear to European policy makers.

In addition, this research provides an enriched systems thinking perspective of the outcomes of African immigrants’ manipulations in Germany using technology analytic tool (the CLDs) in order to equip policy makers with a proper tool to understand and to influence the future of immigration in Germany and to propose various paths for policy adoption. This means that, policy makers could draw models which demonstrate how strategies of incorporation outcomes fuel the introduction of the new measures for action and help identify conditions under which immigration and incorporation can be maximized. Thus novel insights arising from the processes and patterns in incorporation strategies by African immigrants can be used to propose changes in the German social and administrative system and the causal loop diagrams developed in this research can be used as a framework for producing sophisticated policy analysis tools for African immigration and incorporation in Germany.

Still, this work presents system thinking as a useful perspective and methodology that can be used side-by-side with other social science qualitative data analysis methods. This research therefore, serves as groundwork for further studies on how content analysis can use the systems thinking perspective to provide more informative and understandable social science analysis and policy reports.

Theoretically, it provides data and their analysis on African immigrants from a social science perspective and is able to state in all clarity that African local and transnational processes, practices of incorporation as well as the creation of identity vary from individual(s) to group(s). For whom immigrant practices have been widely documented, for example Turks in Germany.

Again, it offers insights into the different incorporation processes among immigrants of different statuses acquired at arrival. These strategies range from seeking asylum, to marriage, reproduction, employment (self-employed and working), study through formations of cultural associations and organizations for the expression, production and maintenance of culture in Germany.

The study may also be beneficial because it sets out to expose why some African immigrants have vehemently decided to remain abroad while others have taken on transnationalism. It may be particularly useful to African immigrants as it offers an integrated account of the interplay between reason for migration, strategies of incorporation, coping and material circumstances of the immigrant as well as consequences of the strategies on the status of immigrants and how functional these strategies are.

I equally hope that the findings of this study will serve as necessary background information for students, researchers and academicians who will in future conduct deeper and specific investigation of African immigrants in Germany and also to those who are keen to understand and relate with Africans immigrants in Berlin or Germany.

1. 9) Conclusion

This research sets out to explain why German-based African immigrants have remained abroad and to explore their transnational activities, construction of Germany and Europe. It combines the extended case study method and the grounded theory with other qualitative data collection techniques and tools. Having clearly elicited the details of my research problem and scope of study, there is every need to identify the gap in the migration literature before proceeding with the entire research and thus the next chapter handles review of some major literature on migration from some migration experts in the social sciences and the theoretical situation of my study. 36

CHAPTER TWO

SECTION A GLOBALISATION AND MIGRATION

2) Introduction

In chapter 1, the focus was on the expansion of the EU. The German context is taken up and forms the background for introducing the research questions and objectives of this study. This is supplemented by some fundamental methodological considerations. This chapter, on its part, is divided into two sections. The first part is the literature review, which positions the empirical work to come in a selection of migration theories. The literature straddles a wide range of issues that are related to the topic under study. My aim in this section of this dissertation is not to review all types, issues and theories of migration, which is an impossible task in a single, endeavour. Rather, my objective is to briefly overview and synthesize some of the landmark studies so as to theoretically and conceptually ground and open up space for my own research which is processual and policy future oriented. With the aim of unveiling the varying perspectives of African incorporation and charting the pathway for policy and practice for African immigrants’ integration in Germany. I handle this by limiting myself to globalization and migration. However, the general framework for the consideration of this review is that of globalization and migration. This is because globalization in the twenty first century has had a hand in the world’s workings. Many aspects of the world’s order are tumbling and some nations point accusing fingers at others. Globalization, migration and importantly, transnational migration are at the forefront. It casts light on a wide range of interrelated issues such as theorizing migration and the rise of transnational migration (Bretell and Hollifield, 2014). This section looks at how migration and especially transnational migration developed from a social science perspective and how immigrants have faced this phenomenon and the consequence on immigrants. Secondly, transnational migration and entrepreneurship: under this aspect, it considers case studies like the Turkish (Peccod, 2001) and the Salvadorian cases (Landolt, 2001). Thirdly, it looks at gendered nature of migration (Parmar, 1988; Remennik, 1999). This takes a look at how women are faring in host societies vis-à-vis employment opportunities and also the impact on their identities; and transnational migration, ethnicity and religion (Riva, 2003). This section handles aspects that immigrants attach meanings to and use especially to

37 identify or create identity. Fourthly, it equally deals with transnational migration, globalization and the nation state (Joppke, 2011). This section looks at how states are rolling and tumbling to adjust simply to the phenomenon. Lastly, transnational migration and development, looks at the consequences of migration both on the sending and receiving state, more particularly towards the developmental direction. These aspects are somewhat related to my topic in that they provide a comparative background for my own study of African immigrants’ transnational practices. They clearly do not touch on Africa giving us the impression that African immigrants’ are still marginal in the migration literature. The second section looks at theoretical perspectives guiding this research endeavour. It offers brief insights into the work of Michel Foucault, of John Berry, and of James Coleman. It also defines some key concepts used in this dissertation and finally looks at African migration in perspective.

2. 1) Theorizing Migration and the Rise of Transnational Migration

This section, offers a flow of arguments that amalgamates anthropological and migration sociological thinking and research traditions. Contrary to the opinion of explorers that societies were discretely bounded, relatively un-dynamic, homogenous units, and terrorized, migration studies suffered at the hands of some social sciences especially anthropology as not meriting attention as a sphere of research. Brettell (2014) a front liner made a flash back from the ethnographic descriptions of Mead during the early 1900s, noting how labour migration has itself been something of migration. She noted how, for instance men towards the middle age and the middle aged, of Manus, New Guinea and Chambuli went abroad to work for the “white man”. When they returned, their experiences had significant impacts on various aspects of their lives. This not only affected people but it equally had a hand in anthropology as a social science, as anthropologists came to the realization that cultures are not homogenous and static (Brettell, 2014), it became more and more possible for thinking and theorizing about migration. Migration did change the face and concern of anthropology from the traditional areas of ethnography like Oceania, Africa, and increasingly Latin America to the world over. This is especially with the mingling of people with changing times and issues such as, for example, peasants or tribesmen in cities (Mangin, 1970; Mayer, 1961; Plotnicov, 1967; Sanjek, 1990). Migration studies have seen the light of day since the 1970s; have, as extensive research handled Europe, Australia, United states and even the Middle East since the displacement of people became much more international and local. As a result, a related brand of ethnographic 38 monographs spewed, for instance about Jamaicans, Barbadians, Pakistanis and Sikhs in England (Bhachu, 1985; Foner, 1979; Gmelch, 1992; Werbner, 1990), Senegalese in Italy (Carter, 1997), Portuguese in France (Brettell, 1995), Dominicans, Brazilians, Italians, Mexicans, Vietnamese and El Salvadorians in the United States (Chavez, 1992; Di Leonardo, 1984; Grasmuck and Pessar, 1991; Mahler, 1995; Margolis, 1994; Nash and Nguyen, 1995) Palestinians in Honduras (Gonzalez, 1992), Yemeni Jews in Israel (Gilad, 1989), the Yoruba in Northern Ghana (Eades, 1980) and Shanghai Chinese in Hong Kong and London (Watson, 1975). But even so, migration discourse in the light of theory has been problematic especially in anthropology but also in other disciplines (Brettell, 2014). Particularly because of its global scope this has worked to the advantage of anthropology as it has given more credits to the anthropological concepts of culture change and adaptation, which are reminiscent of migration processes. According to Brettell (2014), migration is a point of change that affects one’s mind. This was noted by Margaret Mead during her fieldwork in Manus, New Guinea (Mead, 1930). These studies are grounded in the migration process glue that see culture change as result of the adaptation process. I therefore want to break away first, from these types of studies through a process-oriented account of the background and the embeddedness of the actions among participants as immigrants in Germany faced with incorporation versus integration. Secondly, I want to highlight the specificity of the practices of incorporation among African immigrants a minority with different perceptions and cultures faced with the realities of living in Germany, a society where life is not perceived or imagined. The incorporation practices have different pathways but same goal to different participants in a way that takes full account of the views of African immigrants and the German SOS alike as important group of actors. This will eventually provide alternative understandings about the incorporation practices and the continuous stay of African immigrants in Germany. Like adaptation and integration interpretations and perspectives, the theories of migration evade the mixing of and contextualization of the options and only present immigrants as victims of a ‘constructed’ assimilation and decontextualize immigrant background and the incorporation practices.

According to Brettell and Hollifield (2014) international migration has a coarse historic flow to different parts of the world. The United Nations (2013) has identified these flows in these end times of the second millennium. Transatlantic front liners like Stelzenmüller and Raisher, (2014) note that the immigration trends in Europe especially with the EU expansion is problematic. The OECD (2014) new figures confirm Germany's position as the second-top target for immigration after the United States within the countries belonging to the 39

Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), a coalition of mostly developed nations. The (OECD) notice a jump in immigration to Germany of nearly 40 per cent in 2012, mostly driven by the EU's sovereign debt crisis. Despite the quotas that nations like Canada and Australia have meted on immigration, it has only catalysed immigration into these nations and it made Australia more especially into a multicultural nation (Smolicz, 1997). And the case of Japan finally changed face in the 1980s. The fact that a large proportion of the immigrants come from the developing part of the world more especially has led to what Weiner (1995) and other scholars term as global migration crisis.

The migration discourse in the academia has seen varying perspectives especially in the social sciences. Keely (2000) has concurred with brand of analyses on the demographic theories that account for migration flows: (1) Micro-analytic Theory which saw the criticism of Zolberg (1981) because he looks at international migration as different from domestic migration but makes no significant dichotomy between the two. (2) International Migration Theory, which is the delight of Massey et al. (1993, 1994), who referred to economic migration; which is voluntary and the intention of the migrant is to make money. 3) Neo-classical Macroeconomic Theory which tackles migration flows, as being the result of wage differentials and the probability of finding a job from the migrant perspective in order to deal with unemployment rates in home countries. 4) Dual Labour Market Theory; which has seen the revision of Massey et al. (1993). It looks at migration flows from the institutional context of the economic system. It considers how immigrants compare home wages and jobs status, considering whether there is a possibility for upward occupational mobility or not. This is so because most migrants nowadays are economic migrants and at the back of their minds they want to send money back home. 5) World Systems Theory/ Political Economic Theory deals with migration as an issue caused by the positioning of nations. Richer nations at the centre of the world’s economy tend to exploit poorer ones at the periphery and this causes people of poorer nations to move to the richer ones. 6) The Network Theory, which sees migration flows as being favoured by individual, and group networks that minimize risks for the migrant, because through the migrant network, there is the guaranty of getting a job and help once the migrant arrives. 7) Cumulative Causation Theory posits that the more people migrate, the more there is motivation for future migration and continuous migration.

Chiswick (2000; 2011) has put up an economic analysis about immigrants. In his analysis, he asked the question “Are immigrants favourably selected?” In answering this question, he 40 distinguished migrants into three categories. Firstly, economic migrants, that is those who move purposely for economic opportunities (work or business) either within a country or across international frontiers. Secondly refugees and those who move because of the migration decision of others. That is those who move for shelter and security for the former and those who move because they have ties with those who had moved earlier, for the latter. According to him, economic migrants are favourably selected. Because he describes them, “as tending, on average, to be more bale, ambitious, aggressive, entrepreneurial”. These characteristics are peculiar to economic migrants unlike the other categories of migrants.

More importantly considered in this analysis, is the socio-economic repercussion of migration especially for the sending and receiving regions and also for those who move. Further, economic immigrants always have the high tendency of adapting to and creating new impacts to their new region Chiswick and Miller (2014) the receiving state - and this will have an adverse effect on their decision to return, meaning that they will do all or at least try to get integrated into their new region. One general characteristic of the demographic informed studies is the economic push. The failure of legislation to address background issues especially related to colonial ties, I argue, only harnesses the phenomenon of economic migration and continuous incorporation. My study attempts to reconcile the gulf between these issues through empirical research within the German context.

2. 1. 1) Typologies of Migration

Gonzalez (1961) has distinguished five types of migrations from the economic perspective. Put in his words as ‘wage labour’. According to him, migration from this perspective is influenced by the socio-cultural system and more importantly, the status of the individual/migrant. This determines the type of migration that is whether it will be permanent, recurrent, continuous, seasonal, temporary or non-seasonal. In recent years, these typologies have seen the inclusion of conflict migration. Gonzalez (1989; 1992). Because of the headache migrants are causing to the industrial nations, he doubts the ability to distinguish a migrant from a refugee, bearing in mind the definition of a refugee. However, Malkki (1995) contends that he does not see it as problematic because to him, the two categories of persons are the same as other displaced people. Du Toit (1990) takes side with him but with further consideration of the latter category. Although all three have paid close attention to migration and migrants from differing 41 perspectives, they have not come closer to looking at African migration in the twentieth and twenty first century and the cultural underpinnings for their migration.

With historical knowledge of migration from Castles and Miller (2009; 2014), Lucassen and Lucassen (2014) have tried to look at the break between macro, top-bottom historical approach and a social science micro, bottom-top approach. This is focusing on migration policy or market forces and individual migrant or immigrant family respectively especially from the Europe and Asia. It is at this cross road that other disciplines joined heads to understanding migration. Different authors were pioneers to a unique volume to this light.

2. 1. 2) The Transnational Perspective: The Challenges and the Limits of the Transnational Perspective to Migration.

2. 1. 2. 1) The Return of Assimilation

Starting with the quote that “the melting pot did not happen”, Brubaker (2001: 533) shows that earlier concepts of assimilations seemed to lose their relevance by the 1980s, when pluralistic, differentialist understandings of diversity had become the conventional wisdom. In the 1980s and 1990s public discourse and polices on the integration of immigrants have supported ‘difference’ and differentialist discourse in all Western countries. This was, and still is, the broad and general movement, if not the trend, of thought and opinion in almost all spheres of public life. Brubaker argues that there are signs of the decline of this massive differentialist turn in social thought, public discourse and public policy in the last decades of 20th century. At the same time, he recognizes the signs of a modest and uneven process of assimilation that does not necessarily mean the return to old ‘assimilationist’ and strict homogenizing policies.

In order to explain what he means by ‘return of assimilation’, Brubaker proposes a distinction between two basic meanings of assimilation:

2. 1. 2. 2) General and abstract sense that implies increasing similarity (or likeness), here, to assimilate means to become similar (intransitive implication) or to make similar / treat as similar (transitive implication); the accent is on the process, so the assimilation designates a direction of change. 42

2. 1. 2. 3) Specific and organic sense with transitive implications; to assimilate means to absorb completely, to convert something into a substance of its nature; the accent is on the final state, so the assimilation is the matter of degree.

He also points out the problems with general/abstract connotations of assimilation. Its transitive use, meaning ‘to make similar’, suggests state policies and programs of ‘forced assimilation’ which are politically and morally unacceptable. However, such policies rarely work and they reinforce rather than erode differences. Despite the fact that such policies are assimilationist by nature, they do not have assimilationist outcomes therefore, its intransitive uses - meaning ‘to become similar in certain respects’- seem quite recommendable for studying immigrant populations. He uses public discourse to depict cases where assimilation has been returned in France, in public policy in Germany, and in scholarly research in the United States.

Firstly, France serves as the paradigmatic example of assimilation. Nevertheless, in the 1970s and early 1980s there has been a strong differentialist turn in French public discussions about immigration. It triumphed in public debates under the Socialist government in the early 1980s, but this was only a symbolic triumph since it was rather weak in both policies and in the institutionalized practices of real life. The late 1980s saw Le Pen who argued that the ‘real’ French are those who have right to be different and to preserve their identity from mixture. It is surprising that this abrupt universalistic, neo-assimilationist discourse was supported by intellectuals such as Alain Finkielkraut, the author of the famous The Defeat of Thinking (1987).

Secondly, German immigration policy on the other hand has been strongly differentialist. There are three pieces of supportive evidence: (a) instruction in languages and culture of origin in schools; (b) social service provision to immigrants; (c) citizenship: except political rights, long- settled non-citizens possess rights identical to Germans. Brubaker identifies a modest assimilationist turn in the manner in which citizenship has been legally and politically redefined recently. Naturalization process was eased in the early 1990s and further liberalized in 1999 largely supplementing jus sanguinis with jus soli10. However, the citizenship based on jus soli

10 Jus sanguinis is the principle of granting citizenship based on citizenship of the parent(s) rather than the country of birth. For that reason it is also known as the principle of descent. Most countries apply this principle alone or 43 was provisional, for the child will have to choose between German and foreign citizenship when becoming of age. Brubaker points out that the precondition for citizenship is not full assimilation; rather this mild assimilationist discourse puts emphasis on the commonality.

Thirdly, the example of the United States provides a contrast to the French and German cases. Pluralist perspectives and ethnic persistence characterized the period from mid 1960s to 1985, when it was followed by renewed theoretical concern with assimilation, which dominated (from the 1920s-1960s). Compared with earlier expected assimilation toward the WASP (white Anglo-Saxon protestant) mainstream, the new assimilationist approaches are ready to consider multiple reference population and segmented forms of assimilation.

Supporting his argument that the concept of assimilation has been changed in spite the return of the old term, Brubaker outlines the main elements of the transformation. There has been (a) a shift from organic assimilation which meant complete absorption to processes of becoming similar; (b) a shift from a transitive to an intransitive meaning of assimilation which signifies the move from objects to active subjects; (c) a shift in unit of change from a person to multi- generational population implying that changes occur inter-generationally; (d) a shift from a homogenous to heterogeneous ways of thinking; (e) a shift from cultural to socio-economic matters; (f) a shift from holistic to a desegregated approach; and (g) a shift from one- dimensional to multidimensional questions.

In opposition to the sequential approach offered by Brubaker, Morawska (2011) argues that assimilation of immigrants is a process parallel to their transnational activities. In addition, different constellations of macro- and micro-level conditions cause different variations of ‘transnationalism-with-assimilation’ (T-A) combinations. She presents the clarification of main concepts, which are the facts that:

in conjunction with Jus soli. Since the Nationality Act of 1913, German nationality law has primarily applied the principle of Jus sanguinis. In addition, the Act to Reform Nationality Law of 15 July 1999 introduced a form of Jus soli for acquiring German citizenship. Jus soli is the principle of granting citizenship based on the country of birth, from the Latin word “right of the territory”. The Act to Reform Nationality Law of 15 July 1999 introduced a form of Jus soli for acquiring German citizenship which applies to children of foreigners born in Germany; they are initially granted citizenship but ultimately must choose between it and that of their parent(s) (Federal Ministry of the Interior, 2008: 174-175).

 Transnationalism indicates the involvement of immigrants in a few or several economic, political, social and cultural affairs of their home countries at national or local levels.  Assimilation involves incorporation of immigrants into economic, political, social and cultural affairs in different segments of host countries: within upward assimilation (mainstream middle class and rising lower class), downward assimilation (lower- and underclass), and adhesive assimilation (immigrant/ethnic enclave).

Through the detailed description of several case studies of various immigration groups in the United States, Morawska (2002) shows: (a) common variations of T-A in the cases of middle- class Indians, lower-class Dominicans, upwardly mobile Jamaicans. And uncommon T-A forms in the case of undocumented Chinese, and first-wave Cuban political refugees; (b) main T-A variations among the second generation of immigrants; and (3) common patterns of T-A coexistence and divergence. The subsequent account summarizes the essence.

Middle-class Indian immigrants with their educational resources gathered in the home country and their capital resources earned in the primary sector of American economy maintain transnational economic activities (both household remittances and economic investments) and involve themselves intensively in home-country politics. Motivated by political, economic, cultural interests and emotional commitments, transnational engagement sustains their Indian identity. At the same time, their transnationalism does not obstruct their assimilation into the economic sphere. This is reminiscent of the mainstream US-American pattern. Social life tends to combine mainstream and ethnic involvement, as well as the political sphere since more than 70% of them have US citizenship. As in any type of T-A variation, these parallel processes are not without tensions that are reflected by their nationals’ opinions about their Americanization, racial discrimination by host-country institutions, changing gender dynamics and inter- generational relations.

Lower-class Dominicans maintain extant transnational activities since the pace of their assimilation is slow. Staying mainly out of the American economic mainstream (low educational level, English incompetence) and keeping a sojourner mentality, they increasingly invest in small-scale enterprises in the hometowns. Recognized as excellent lobbyists for economic and political interests by the Dominican government, they can hold dual citizenship, including voting right from 1996. Though slow, there are two signs of their assimilation: a shift out of manual occupations into self- and public-sector employment, and persistence in school 45 of the immigrant second generation. In addition, they integrated into political structures in New York during the 1990s, and cultural events shared with other Hispanic groups signal pan-ethnic form of assimilation. Tensions however exist in relation to racial identification and increased independence of women.

Jamaican transnationalism is also marked by their dual citizenship, but their impact on the home-country economy is smaller than in the case of Dominicans. As almost native English speakers, they have better sources for upward mainstream assimilation. Their political incorporation is also quicker than that of Dominicans. They share gender and racial tensions with other groups.

Undocumented Chinese migration is a special case. Heavily indebted (to their relatives or to the snakeheads)11, enclosed within the ethnic niche of Chinatown smuggled Chinese have little time, energy or resources to participate in either transnational or American social space New York edition (2014). The only ways for their assimilation into American mainstream are ethnic. Their illegal status prevents them from ethnic political participation.

The first-wave of Cuban political refugees (belonging to professional and managerial elite, and middle class) has been unique in American immigration history. This is because of the open political support of the US government during the cold war and Cuban refugees’ ideological- political involvement. Their cultural life in Miami was transplanted from Cuba, frozen in time and resistant to innovations. Participation in it thus presents an unusual variant of the adhesive (ethnic enclave) model. Political assimilation converge mainstream and ethnic elements in an overlap of their anti-communist ideology and interests of US foreign policy.

The second generation of immigrants is much more assimilated, but significant numbers of them are still engaged in transnational activities. Morawska (2002; 2011) points out that the major factors sustaining the middle-class children’s T-A combination are permanent and legal resettlement, residence in mixed neighbourhoods, upward mobility of households and the parental pressure on their high performance in school. The main factors shaping the T-A

11 Snakeheads are Chinese smugglers of immigrants into America. In fact it is captured by Keefe (2009) in an epic tale of the Chinatown underworld and the American dream. It is all about a chief snakehead called Peng Chui Ping who smuggles Chinese from the Fujan province of South eastern China as a response on the demand for passage from their homeland into their so called ‘Golden Mountain’ (America) 46 combination within the lower-class children are the frequent parents’ commuting, consequent maintenance of close relations between home- and host-country households, experience of limited opportunities, and racial discrimination. She compares the T-A variations in the mainstream middle-class and lower-class among immigrant children. There are three main differences in relation to the ways of assimilation. First, there is the absence of parents’ pressure on the preservation of national-original cultures in the lower-class. Secondly, there are different structures of social relation: the middle-class children (because of their residence) have more ‘mainstream’ friends. And thirdly, despite the fact that a majority of both groups declare a bicultural identity, nonetheless a larger proportion of lower-class children perceive themselves as either American or in pan-ethnic terms. The above brand of assimilative models and perspectives converge as they show the cross-cutting and intersection of local/national and international arenas but the success of these models, I must point out, is relative. This thus calls for the need to applaud diversity of cultural contexts and meanings and conflicting views of identity instead of assuming background and experience neutrality. My study seeks a dialogic path that is informed by an emic/etic perspective to the mixing of and negotiation of identities through incorporation practices. Therefore, the imposition of legislation and enactment can rather fuel incorporation instead of integration even for second and later generations of immigrants. My study shows that participants resist policy and practice prescriptions and improvise since it serves their purpose.

2. 1. 2. 4) Debate between Integration and Assimilation: National Identity versus Personal Values.

According to the global Commission on Migration, all citizens have human rights—both legal and illegal immigrants. Self-exclusion such as immigrant’s children having their own schools as preached by radical Islam excludes Muslims from society. Some people feel it is more rewarding to receive social welfare benefits than to work. There is a clash of values and expectations between immigrants and their host society. This is clearly the trappings of host societies in a bid to keep homogeneity. In my view, for circumstances to be meaningful, freedom must be specifically grounded.

The UK is a multicultural society, yet it was British born and bred citizens who committed the London bombings. It shows that children are turning to Islam to find a certain identity which 47

European society has not provided them. Migrants need to be offered equal opportunities. Migrants should not be seen as competitors. In other words, a human right legal standard needs to be used to tackle the problems of immigrants. Contrary, the human rights informed perspectives rest on a notion of historically and culturally stable traditions and sees the law as generally accepted and in concert with the many migration case studies reviewed above, my analysis is decidedly contextual, process-oriented, institutional and practice embedded. It aims at highlighting the specificity of incorporation practices among the German-based African immigrants, a minority who have adapted in German society employing diverse and effective “beat the system strategies” based on their experience in a Germany where acceptance and or integration goes hand-in-gloves with immigrant origin. Particularly careful, I take account of the viewpoints and experience of incorporation crucial to my analysis which draws on strategies and seeks to provide another useful perspective to the hegemonic literature on migrants from the Third World in the EU sphere of influence. I equally take account of the specific life-historical perspective of the typical African in the migration context. Then, imperative is how states are experiencing and handling migration.

2. 1. 3) Transnational Migration, Globalisation and the Nation-State

According to the dualist vision in relation to the concept of globalization and transnationalism, there are two sides of the coin with one brighter than the other. Mahler (2002) has coined them as the colonizer and the colonized, the core and the periphery, the first and the third worlds with globalization acting as a catalyst. These terms are becoming unacceptable. Looking at the definition by Held et al. (2003) or Tomlinson (2006), globalization is the process in which a global web interwoven different regions and nations of the world making them a dense whole. This paves the way for transnationalism since the world claims to be moving towards one whole. Trying to support globalization and transnationalism to go hand-in-glove, Nwana (2001) has redefined globalization from a more anthropological perspective. According to her, “globalization is the mixing of cultures and contextualizing the options.” Mixing in this sense can come through transnationalism, where migrants will be the actors on the field and the driving forces will be varying. However, there have been a lot of bottlenecks that have obviously been pinning down the processes, as will be elaborated subsequently.

The concept of citizenship is an important component of the idea of enlightenment and the project of modernity, both of which constituted the development of the nation-state. Depending upon the development of nation-states, the idea of citizenship has followed the path from a traditional form of communal membership to a rational understanding of social order. In this understanding of social order, populations are organized in the boundaries of nation-states with the content of social rights and obligations, with the form or type of such obligations and rights, with the social forces that produce such practices. Also, with the various social arrangements whereby such benefits are distributed to different sectors of society (Turner and Elliot, 2012). In general, citizenship can be defined as a set of political, economic, cultural, and symbolic practices and an amalgamation of rights and duties that forms an individual’s membership in a polity (Turner and Isin, 2010). On the other hand, the notion of membership, as underlined by Smith, denotes the broader relations and practices of belonging and participation in a political community (Smith, 2002). However, the economic, political, and cultural impacts of globalization enforce many scholars in the literature of migration to discuss the relation between the nation-state and individuals regarding concepts like citizenship and membership.

In a comparative perspective using Mexico and Italy as case studies, Smith (2002) focuses on the relation between nation-states and individuals with a particular emphasis on the question of how migrant membership embedded practices can vary and affect the politics of the home country. In pursuing this goal, he analyses how Diasporic or migrant membership practices are embedded within four institutions, namely sending country’s domestic politics, sending country’s relationship to the world system, non-state transnational actors and varying contexts of reception in the USA.

Following him, the relation between immigrants and states, discussions within the global and transnational perspectives do not develop this instituted approach and hence have certain problems in their formulations. In this manner, some of the arguments in the literature of globalization highlight the decline of the state as a result of global forces and welcome the emergence of transnational society and, in turn, indicate the homogenous effects of globalization. Yet these arguments cannot explain the differences among the migrant membership practices and their importance for sending states (Smith, 2002). Similarly, from a transnational perspective, some conceptualizations such as “transnational social field” and “de- territorialized nation-state” are problematic. Reasons being the absence of discussions on issues of membership or citizenship, dominance of “global capitalism” as the main actor, which 49 overlooks the role of active states in creating a transnational public sphere, and the absence of territoriality as a defining dimension of the nation state (Smith, 2002). Treating migrant membership as an instituted process, Smith argues that most theories of globalization and transnationalism neglect the reality of migrant membership practices and the state’s role in creating them. Therefore, this instituted process approach, based on a comparative analysis of Mexican and Italian cases, underlines the fact that transnational life and migrant membership claims can be seen as consequences of sending states’ reactions to transnationalization and globalization.

In a similar comparative approach Levitt and Dehesa (2003) discuss the shifting policies of sending states towards communities living abroad. Although they argue that globalization enables some and pushes other migrants to strengthen ties to their countries of origin, their main assumption concentrates on the responses of states to globalization. According to them, decoupling of residence and membership by states provide the ground for migrants to participate in national development processes over the long term and from afar (Levitt and Dehesa, 2003). In order to analyse the shifting policies of sending states towards communities living abroad, they construct their arguments by underlining the discussions about nation- state’s sovereignty. These discussions focus on whether the rise of transnational actors and international institutions reconfigure the sovereign state or states re-invent themselves to actively encourage migrant activism from abroad. In their formulation, the size and organization of the emigrant community vis-à-vis its homeland, the capacity of state institutions to make and implement credible policies and the unique role of political parties are substantial in the state policies towards communities living abroad (Levitt and Dehesa, 2003). Still these are not adequate, according to them, to identify differences among sending states. In this sense five different measures of states are stressed to explain why different states adopt different policies towards communities living abroad.

These are bureaucratic reforms implemented by states in response to emigrants’ importance to policymakers, investment policies to attract or channel migrant remittances, extension of political rights, state services like literacy training and primary and secondary schooling for adults and health insurance packages. With all these, including symbolic politics to reinforce emigrants’ sense of long term membership. Though the comparative analysis developed in the article is only limited to understand the experiences of Latin American countries as sending states and the United States as the receiving country, Levitt and Dehesa (2003) were able to 50 raise another essential question by asking why particular states adopt particular policy packages. In response to this question they suggest areas of convergence and divergence among states. In terms of the forces of convergence, the structural imperatives facing developing nations and the emergence of new international norms seem to be the main factors. While the structural imperatives, deriving from the interdependence of global economy, enforce states to seek policies (bureaucratic reforms and voting rights), which can attract remittances, the new international norms influence states because of their references to modernization and standards. On the other hand, forces of divergence rely upon the cost of particular policies. However, as Levitt and Dehesa (2003) have emphasized, these formulations cannot illustrate the effects of such changes on the lives of emigrants and at this point it will be important to consider some further questions in reference to Sarah Mahler. In this light therefore, I argue for the cautiousness of the universal acceptance face-value claims of Latin American emigrants used as a yard even for all the third country nationals with the ever dynamic and evolving politics of the EU and Europe in general. I am arguing for a clear need for an inter-sectionalist response to immigrant integration that seek to harmonize and harness African immigrants and host countries in Europe especially.

Mahler (2002) tries to distinguish between the notions of transnationalism from below and transnationalism from above depending on the paradigm shift in the social sciences. In interpreting the world order that emerges because of global capitalism, the paradigm shift in social sciences has been promoted by the observers of cultural hybridity and critics of meta- narratives, which focuses on two arguments (Mahler, 2002). On the one hand, it is argued that theories on the interconnectedness of the world privilege the West and capitalism as prime forces of social change and portray other localities as static. On the other hand, power, domination, and control are not considered to spread out from central sources toward peripheries, but rather spread out from multiple levels of social organization. In parallel to this shift, a transformation in the representation of people’s identities and their roles in the production and reproduction of power have also emerged. According to Mahler (2002), with this transformation, people are affected by, challenge and contribute to different systems of power.

Although studies in transnationalism play a crucial role to indicate this analysis, she argues that a particular emphasis on transnationalism from below will be problematic, since these two (transnationalism from below and transnationalism from above) phases are interrelated. To put 51 it differently, the endeavour to distinguish between transnationalism from below and transnationalism from above. On the basis of whether participants’ activities reaffirm existing hierarchies of power or reconfigure existing hierarchies of power, always neglects the fact that actors may participate simultaneously in these processes (Mahler, 2002). Depending on this critical approach, Mahler discusses the absence of a metaphor in describing transnationalism and adds that transnational social field seems to emerge not as the perfect but rather as the preferable term in studying transnational migration. Moreover, the centrality of mobility to transnational migration can be seen as a confusing factor when we question the role of bodily mobility and flow of things. This leads us to address whether bodily mobility is the exception or the rule for various groups of trans-migrants. These points also raise the questions of whose interests are served by engaging in transnational activities. Whether these activities reaffirm and/or reconfigure the established relations of power and lastly what kind of implications are formulated in relation to identity, power hierarchies and meta-narratives of power and space in transnational processes.

These questions are also relevant when we look at how state structures and/or nationalism condition the activities that constitutes transnationalism between Hmong in the United States and their co-ethnics, the Miao, in China. Especially the reproduction of power hierarchies and complex interests in the transnational processes are clearly examined with reference to the ways in which Hmong/Miao positioning within and outside the state. However, deriving from the arguments of Schein, Louisa (1998) and from the comparative analysis of the other three articles, certain points remained unobserved, which have to be considered in examining the relation between state, individual and transnational process. First, although states employ different policies to communities living abroad, we have to bear in mind that states do not treat the same population in the same way. This can be examined or argued with reference to Ong (1999: 7) conceptualization of “graduated sovereignty”.

The term ‘graduated sovereignty’ denotes “…a series of zones that are subject to different kinds of governmentality that vary in terms of the mix of disciplinary and civilizing regimes. These zones, which do not necessarily follow political borders, often contain ethnically marked class groupings which in practice are subjected to regimes of rights and obligations that are different from those in other zones” (Ong, 1999: 7). In other words, states make these different bio-political investments in different subject populations in order to remain globally competitive, but in pursuing this aim they also open an avenue for uneven distribution of 52 services, care, and protection over their territory. Secondly, we have to examine the position of the receiving state when analysing the shifting policies of sending states towards communities since there are also power hierarchies among the states in these transnational processes. Finally, in all these articles the United States is considered as the receiving state in formulation of the policies of sending states and this can illustrate the relations between states, individuals, and transnational processes to a limited extent.

These studies effectively illustrate the theoretical aspects of the term transnationalism explaining immigrant intersection with social change and state historical processes. In other words, the form of transnationalism vary depending on state sovereignty and governmentality and immigrants’ specific situation. Though there is grounded contextualization, I argue that ‘transnationalism traditions’ are never reproduced in an uninterrupted historical sequence because I recognize the existence of context tensions over transnational practices and the fact that aspects such as: logic, nature, shape and justifications of transnationalism are always refashioned in new historical circumstances. Social practices and realities are ‘constructed’ and there is the need for sociology and anthropology especially, to open up the empowering possibility of thinking about how practices which engage within some boundaries of society be it host or society of origin and how it can be changed or challenged.

In my research, I analyze the various forms of interaction between participants and host involved in the maintenance of original and expansion of individual and group identities. Factoring in the analysis an account of how societal opportunity structure in Germany promotes transnationalism. Such institutional, process-oriented account provides a new, alternative understanding of the preference for incorporation instead of integration.

2. 1. 4 ) Transnational Migration and Development: The Role of Remittances

The Migration Economy

The Globalization 101 (2015) online source writes, the economic effects of migration vary widely. Sending countries may experience both gains and losses in the short term but may stand to gain over the longer term. For receiving countries temporary worker programs help to address skills shortages but may decrease domestic wages and add to public welfare burden. 53

The economic effects of migration for both sending and receiving countries may also vary depending on who is moving, specifically with respect to migrant workers’ skill levels. A Swedish Professor notes, “the problem is not immigration; it is integration, especially in the labour market. If there are no jobs, the consequences are segregation, housing problems and divided cities” (Traynor, 2010).

For sending countries, the short-term economic benefit of emigration is found in remittances. Remittances are funds that emigrants earn abroad and send back to their home countries, mainly in order to support families left behind. According to the World Bank, remittances totaled $529 billion worldwide in 2012, with $401 billion of that money flowing into developing nations (2013). Significantly, these figures only account for funds sent through formal channels, so the amount of remittances is likely much larger than these numbers suggest. The World Bank notes that remittances sent through informal channels could add at least 50 percent to the globally recorded flows (UNCTAD, 2011).

A UNCTAD report notes, remittances are more stable and predictable as compared to other financial flows and, more importantly, they are counter-cyclical providing buffer against economic shocks. In conflict or post–conflict situations, remittances can be crucial to survival, sustenance, rehabilitation, and reconstruction. In providing primarily for household livelihoods, remittances are spent on general consumption items in local communities that contribute to local economies by supporting small businesses. A fair share of these expenditures is directed to the construction of homes, health care and education, alongside savings in financial institutions, thereby generating employment in these critical services sectors. Moreover, in contributing to foreign exchange earnings, remittances can spur economic growth by improving sending countries’ creditworthiness and expanding their access to international capital markets (UNCTAD, 2011). This has caused many developing countries to depend on remittances as an important source of finance and foreign aid. Nevertheless, on the other hand, it has caused Europe and the world to rethink its immigration policies. This view has also been buttressed by the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) as they affirm with statistics that monies sent back home by immigrant workers play a vital role in the economy of their home countries. According to the recent revised estimates of the above institutions, the countries with significant data revisions include the three largest recipients: India, China and Philippines.

Remittances data for several other countries that have reported monthly data until end-2013— Bangladesh, Dominican Republic, El Salvador, Honduras, Guatemala, Jamaica, Pakistan, and the Philippines—were also revised to include the latest available figures from the respective central banks. The revisions for this set of countries do not affect the global or regional trends for 2013. India and China retain their position as the top recipients of migrant remittances among developing countries. The figure which follows illustrates the top recipients of migrant remittances.

Figure 7: Top recipients of migrant remittances among developing countries Source: World Bank and IMF revised estimates until the end of 2014

India remains the largest recipient of officially recorded remittances in the world, and received about $70 billion in remittances in 2013. Other large recipients include China ($60 billion), the Philippines ($25 billion), Mexico ($22 billion), Nigeria ($21 billion), and Egypt ($17 billion) (figure 7). Revised estimates suggest that remittances as a share of GDP were 52 percent in Tajikistan, 31 percent in the Kyrgyz Republic, and 25 percent in both Nepal and Moldova. Remittances to many smaller developing countries tend to be equivalent to a larger share of their respective GDP. (World Bank and IMF, 2014)

The World Bank (2014) key regional highlights show growth of remittances was generally robust in all regions during 2013, except Latin America and North Africa, where the two largest countries, Mexico and Egypt, respectively, saw falls in remittance inflows. Remittances to developing countries in the East Asia and the Pacific (EAP) region are estimated to have risen 55 by 4.8 percent in 2013 to reach $112 billion. Thailand, Vietnam, and the Philippines continue to see robust growth. Flows to the region are expected to exceed $148 billion by 2016. In Europe and Central Asia (ECA), remittances rebounded from the slowdown in 2012, expanding by 10 percent in 2013 to reach $43 billion. Firm oil prices through 2013 helped fuel Russia’s economy, which is the largest source of remittances sent to the ECA region. Remittance flows to countries in the Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) region grew only by 1.9 percent in 2013 to reach $61 billion. Weak employment conditions and rising anti-immigration sentiments in Europe pose a risk to the outlook for remittances to Latin American countries. Remittance flows to Mexico and Peru declined in 2013. Overall, improving employment conditions in the US point to a stronger growth in remittances to LAC in the coming years, and remittances may reach $81 billion by 2016. In the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region, remittances are estimated to have fallen by 2 percent in 2013, as a drop in remittances to Egypt more than offset modest growth in the rest of the region. Growth in remittances to the South Asia region (SAR) has slowed, rising by 2.3 percent in 2013 compared with the very rapid increases of the previous three years. This was driven by a modest increase in India of only 1.7 percent in 2013, and a decline in Bangladesh of -2.4 percent. The depreciation of the Indian rupee during 2013 appears to have attracted inflows through a surge in the deposits of non-resident Indians rather than remittances. In Bangladesh, the fall in remittances stems from a combination of factors, including fewer migrants finding jobs in the GCC countries, more migrants returning from GCC countries due to difficulties in resolving legal status, and the appreciation of the Bangladeshi taka against the US dollar. Still, some rebound is projected in the coming years, and remittances continue to play an important role in underpinning the balance of payments. Pakistan continued to register robust growth in remittances – its dependence on remittances, which are now nearly three times the level of international reserves, remains high. After remaining broadly unchanged in 2012, remittances to Sub- Saharan Africa (SSA) grew by 3.5 percent in 2013 to reach $32 billion. The quality of data on migration and remittances in the region remains weak. According to available official data, Nigeria remains the largest recipient by far, with migrants sending about $21 billion in 2013. SSA is one of the few regions in the world where official development assistance is larger than remittances, and both are much more stable than private financing flows. Many countries in the region have large diasporas overseas, with substantial diaspora savings that could be mobilized for development financing World Bank and IMF (2014)

Figure 8: World development indicators Source: World Bank (2015)

In “Impact of Remittances as a Development Tool”, Manuel (2002), problematizes the role of transnational financial organizations which facilitates remittances from receiving to sending countries. He raises awareness on the problems migrants face in sending remittances back to their home countries, examines innovative solutions and the need for collaboration between stakeholders, which are multiple private and public sector groups. Manuel expresses the need for treasury and other partners to improve upon the existing remittance system by providing remittances at affordable prices. One of the stakeholders is the Partnership for Prosperity, a US-Mexican, public-private alliance aimed at uplifting the social and economic well-being of Mexicans to act as a buffer against migration from regions and sectors of the Mexican society and economy witnessing economic contraction. Remittances play a primordial role in both the household and national economy. According to him, Latin America alone received 1/5 of world remittances, an estimated $20 billion.

These remittances are used for daily household expenditures (food, clothing, and health care). Further Manuel launches an appeal for the funding of remittance service infrastructures in Latin American and Caribbean countries such as the recent $3.5 million grant to the Mexican Ministry of Finance and Public Credit for a project to strengthen the Mexican Popular savings and loans sector. The problems of remittance delivery revolve around high money transfer 57 charges (which vary between $15 and $26) depending on type of service used, and country of destination. There is a lack of competition in the sector. Service providers have become monopolies charging far higher charges than banks and credit union facilities. Competition in the sector will push down prices. In front of this backdrop, traditional banking institutions such as Wells Fargo have entered the sector to provide immigrants with a market at lower prices. This institution charges a flat rate of $10 for up to $1000 to Mexico. Metro-bank Houston Matricula checking system allows an account holder to appoint somebody in Mexico to have ATM access to the account. Credit unions like the Durham, North Carolina provide the Hispanic population a remittance service at $6.50 to $10 for money transfer to Latin America.

Circumstances in the immigrant receiving country can undermine the effectiveness of the sending of remittances. The United States Patriot Act for instance requires financial institutions to establish anti-money laundering programs and to identify their customers. This is problematic because many customers may be illegal immigrants with no formal US identification documents. Since non-banking institutions now have to comply with requirements applicable to banking institutions, equity will be restored in the provision of remittances, charges will fall and more remittances will be sent. He further highlights the advantages of being banked. These are increased financial safety and security, lower financial transaction cost since money paid to cash checks over the counter averages $18 monthly, opportunity to build a promising future by establishing a credit record, qualify for a car loan, home mortgage, families can save and manage their finances. The First Account Initiative will accordingly, provide financial services and education to unbanked families, low and moderate- income individuals and eventually evaluate these services and educational programs.

He however seems to assume that the ‘unbanked’ do not use financial services through their networks, or use other people’s accounts. Neither does he point out other informal channels through which remittances are sent. He seems to see migration only in economic terms whereas the process equally has social motivations and tentacles.

Levitt (2010) harnesses on the issue of the contribution of migration to development. She sees the eagerness of sending nation states to capture the economic and political resources of migrants as the formation of a transnational nation-state as exemplified by the call of Mary Robinson, 1990 Irish President elect, in this light. According to Levitt dual membership in both sending and receiving countries calls into question the relationship between migration and 58 development in both contexts. She deals with the embeddedness of migrants, and the dynamics of transnational social and economic development. Recipient state policies and institutions shape the social, economic, and political activities of migrants and migrants become transnational with one aspect of their lives but not others. A case in point is that many immigrants from Gujarat still have their religious hearts and affiliations at home in India. Structurally, institutions determine how individuals distribute their resources and loyalty between sending and receiving countries.

Levitt somehow joins Hansing and Orozco (2014) here. Yet, non-migrants equally play out their lives across borders as they depend on their transnational social networks. These actors influence them in their voting decisions and thus influence domestic politics at home. Some transnational actors are physically based in one physical social field but influence the developmental and migratory equation. Examples include migrants who have confided the care of children to relatives at home, religious leaders who shuttle between home countries and abroad. In addition, politicians who go abroad to mobilize support, funding for political activities at home and entrepreneurs whose goods, contacts come from abroad and who travel periodically

Transnational social fields can become a resource to development of the home country only when there is a high level of cohesion. Orozco cites the case of migrants in New York who are disunited and are therefore a brake to development. However, when actors in the transnational social fields form an imaginary community, they foster group identity and development in their home countries through hometown association (HTAS). Organized groups are co-opted by the state, religious bodies and political parties and they become ‘home country social capital’ and an incentive to development.

The authors cited above enhance our understanding in that they demonstrate the multiple dimensions of the benefits of remittances in relations to migration and migrants as agents of development. Even diaspora political participation’ is presented as a power fight characterized by competing interests. My study shows that because of host circumstances, participants hardly can concentrate on active home political participation

Orozco (2013) harps on the concept of transnational village and urban areas in both sending and receiving countries; and cites the well-organized case of Miraflores, inhabitants in the 59

Dominican Republican who flooded the Boston Metropolitan area. This has led to the dollarization of local communities, to flows of commodities, ideas and messages. It equally provides a mechanism for social control and has brought sunshine to the livelihoods of non- migrants, making life more colourful and meaningful for them. It contributes to the country’s gross domestic product (GDP). Urban-urban transnational communities are exemplified by the cities of Governador Valadares in Brazil and Framingham, Massachusetts in the US. The relationship between migrants and non-migrants is based on reciprocity and social interdependence. Migrants use their relatives to reflect their social capital and newly acquired status from what they send and vice versa. These social networks “village and urban Diaspora abroad” crop up due to shared attachment to a particular place. As domestic politics have been de-territorialised, immigrants can bring political change in their home countries. Governments now connect with their Diaspora through hometown development associations (HTDAS), since they promote regional development initiatives. Religious institutions equally mobilize immigrants together and benefit from them in executing their projects.

Diasporas according to Orozco were initially used to refer to dissidents who had left their countries of origin and were marginalized in recipient communities, but it now represents an array of individuals and groups with a sense of belonging to their home countries although living abroad. Its members usually span several towns and nations. Orozco opines that new communication media keep people connected now more than in the past leading to heightened global, economic interconnectedness and cultural diffusion of lifestyles. Economic changes in the US economy imply different ways of incorporation with those who are skilled having an upper hand over the unskilled. Increasingly, incorporation is no longer equated to naturalization but rather to the acceptance of cultural differences despite the existence of discrimination.

Institutions in both sending and receiving countries influence migrants and their transnational social field. Sending states like Ireland are willing to co-opt its population abroad for symbolic reasons and to harness their economic and political resources and channel it into the home country’s development. States like El Salvador, Mexico, and Dominican Republic are remittance-dependent states. Transnational banks are implored by the Salvadorian State to act as remittance channels; Brazil is engaged in the offering of higher rates of exchange to migrants, incentives to transnational businesses to benefit the home country. Levitt, in a way, articulates a similar concern raised by Orozco (2013) above. Secondly, states are granting dual political membership. This gives migrants voting rights abroad and therefore a political voice 60 in home affairs. They act as lobbies abroad, as in the case of Jewish–Americans, to influence US policy towards Israel. They further provide campaign funds and influence voting preferences through the remittances they send to family members at home. Other co-optation strategies include the creation of government agencies to link migrants in the Diaspora and the home governments. This is exemplified by the Haitian and Mexican state as well as return- home immigrant-friendly policies: limited tax-free transportation of belongings. The Brazilian government provides health insurance and other services to its immigrant population abroad which they would never have access to at home.

Although some authors like Pries (2013), Levitt (2004), Vertovec (2011) perceive transnational social fields as vehicles for social mobility for the poor and powerless, Orozco opts for a middle ground position. Contending that they do not give rise to ’evenly-distributed, irreversible progress’ because outcome varies depending on the socio-economic context migrants leave from and enter, their socio-economic characteristics and skill packages and the nature of the social fields in which transnational actors are entangled. The more educated are likely to reap better dividends unlike the less educated. Both however contribute to development through remittances but their being away does not involve severing home ties. HTDAS and local communities divert concerns from local development issues as they do what normally ought to be done by a government. Although those abroad get higher pay packages, they are not recognized, have a choked-up work schedule, little opportunities to socialize and generally face discrimination. Back at home however, they are highly perceived, act as change agents to existing social structures evidenced by power imbalance between migrants and non-migrants. The former is held in high esteem, believed to have more knowledge and easily get views accepted. They diffuse new ideas and patterns of behaviours. Social remittances can be a double-edged sword. They undermine traditional values practices, social structures and power hierarchies.

Nyeberg et al. (2012) look at the relationship between development and migration and how it influences both sending and receiving nations. Their aim is to see how the benefits of globalization can trickle down to the poor and how refugee conflicts can be managed in developing countries. Migration and development form a complex whole involving multiple social fields and actors. They opt for a breakaway from the past, when states and the international community disentangled and formulated separate policies with regards to poverty reduction, globalization, security, refugee and migration. Migrants–be they refugees or not– 61 send remittances home. Migration can deplete the human resource base of developing countries, which need therefore to contain it. Both sending and receiving countries benefit from the skill package of migrants/refugees although the arrival of refugees may stretch existing social services to a breaking point. Forced displacement leads to loss of labour, skilled manpower and capital for the country of departure. It therefore perpetuates a vicious economic circle with the poorer countries remaining poor and the rich ones remaining rich. Diasporas may perpetuate conflicts with their economic might. Remittances empower recipients to become agents of local development, undertake investments and entrepreneurship. Migrants like those of the Dominican Republic, apart from engaging in small and medium-size enterprises, transfer goods from the US to their home country. The above brand of related studies show how remittances as a tool for development intersects with diaspora and sense of belonging, social capital and transnational social fields harnessing ethnic and national identity especially in home countries. My study rather looks at how immigrant transnationalism impacts the identity of African immigrants in host Germany.

Glick Schiller (2012), de Hass (2012) and Brønden (2012) have all taken delight equally to the three simplistic policy logics involve the containment of migration at their source, strict control of entry and the creation of buffer zones for asylum seekers, taking back of failed asylum- seekers as conditionality for aid. The principle of Selectivity, as international responsibility sharing for refugees, expanding opportunities for legal migration, readmission of failed asylum-seekers, provision of humanitarian assistance and the keeping back of refugees. Liberalization and transnationalism entail selectivity for the provision of temporary work permits and the granting of dual citizenship.

Most migrants in their capacity as economic migrants carry out different activities or social practices in their host country and it generates income, unlike at home where these activities or practices would bring meagre or no income at all. In the above sense, it suggests that migration is a multi-causal phenomenon but seems to hold on to the utopia that peace is the absence of war. This is the same with aid policy as it is shaped by ‘selectivity’- poor, stable countries, economic uncertainty and political turmoil and those in the ‘trouble spots’. Nyeberg et al. (2012) have not highlighted worldwide disparities in income as a factor for the multiple embeddedness in migrants’ social practices rather their report takes a modernist developmental paradigm. This means that the developmental effects of migration are accredited to the entire sending nation, but in practical terms only a few enjoy this development in the sending country. 62

There is no mention of indigenization of development aid, technology. Most development aid may not reflect local realities; because most sending nations are multicultural with varying contexts, thus developmental aid must reflect need and fit into context, otherwise it does not create any impact. Poverty is more a consequence of lack of a managerial culture because those in power, who are supposed to manage the developmental aid, lack this culture due to corruption and embezzlement. This aid is usually meant to foster colonial imperatives and agendas since conditional ties laid down are never fully fulfilled. The interest of the donor country takes precedence and the institutional framework for implementation is always lacking- lack of democratic culture, unbalanced development, corruption, political clientilism, and capital flight all these account for the continual poverty in some sending nations.

On his part, Vertovec (2011) like Orozco (2013), Nyeberg et al. (2012) sheds light on remittances and shows that they outweigh the total developmental aid, but informal channels are neither documented nor pointed to. Vertovec therefore presents only a tip of the iceberg. As Vertovec talks of remittances to outweigh developmental aid but does not consider the informal channels of sending remittances which are not documented. These channels are most often related to circumstances surrounding the migrant which are firstly the class of migrants, secondly length of stay and thirdly life stage of migrants. Whatever the circumstances of the migrant are, sending pattern shows distrust of men by women. Different groups use different means to send these remittances and this has both good and bad effects be they economic, social or political. Migrants come from particular geographical areas of sending countries. Changes in the socio-economic situation at home pull back migrants in his view. This may not always be the case. Like Levitt (2004), Vertovec contends that migrant’s overall contribution to development at home depends on the organization of migrants. If dispersed like Colombians in New York, the ability of migrants will be limited. It is troubling that Vertovec proffers only anecdotal evidence on Armenians in California of whom he assumes their GDP is larger than that of the whole of Armenia.

Moore (2000) grapples with various theoretical postulates which have so far presented migration in unilinealist, econocentric terms. These theories either present migration as an economic action giving primacy to individual and household choices (neoclassical, new economic theory of labour migration), or as an essentially social action (social capital, social network theory) which privilege networks and connections. He opens up a new theoretical space by postulating a combinatorial, holistic model, which encapsulates both the social and 63 economic perspectives. Chiswick and Miller (2014) see this the new economics of social capital. The theory presents migration in double impact terms negative and positive, and as beneficial to both sending and receiving states—when sent through formal channels. Like in the other articles examined above, remittances contribute immensely for local development in home countries. Charges also develop receiving countries of immigrants.

States have thus taken a keen interest in channelling the economic potentials and productions of their Diaspora by promising higher exchange rates (example: Turkish government). Its contribution to GDP as a source of national income in Bangladesh cannot be underscored enough. On the other hand, receiving states need cheap immigrant labour. Like Levitt (2004), Moore presents transnational migration as a borderless social intercourse with socio-economic and political underpinnings for all actors: individuals, states, groups. Like Levitt (2004), Moore underscores the pivotal role of transnational HTDAS who foster development partnerships between sending and receiving countries. These are important socio-cultural spaces: solidarity groups, socialization, recreate collective memory and identity. As developmental bridges between countries, they mobilize and channel development aid. They equally supply cultural goods from home country. Like Orozco (2013), Moore highlights the problems involved in transferring remittances: untrustworthy postal service in Mexico, exorbitant charges by money transfer service industries. Orozco sheds light on the diversity of projects initiated and implemented from the Diaspora by hometown village associations in Mexico. Project packages include joint and individual ventures in the social and economic spheres as well as meeting sessions where transnationals brainstorm on projects, which nurture and fertilize ideas and the transfer of technology for development. Like elsewhere, everybody cannot enjoy remittances and their economic fallouts, only parts of the country, individual families, but remittances certainly circulate through economic investments. Orozco however holds the econocentric view that reduces and essentialises migration as an economic process, a position Moore (2000) has convincingly shown to be redundant. Transnational social fields like HTO suffer from problems of accountability and transparency in the selection of projects as the case of the Jaliscosans shows. My research deviates and looks at how African immigrants’ transnationalism is entangled around particular issues especially problems that they experience in host Germany.

2. 1. 5) Gender and Transnational Migration

Some experts in the migration studies have explored the gendered nature of migration (Remennik, 1999; Bach, 2010; Bonifacio, 2013; Wikan, 2002). Most of these scholars argue that migration improves the status of women due to the fact that women become more independent of their husbands because they can easily be employed in the different sectors of the host nation’s economy and can also send remittances home. Most of these studies conclude that this state of affairs therefore leads to a situation where women control resources in the domestic arena and thus empower them within the household (Wikan, 2002; Kibria 1993; Bonifacio, 2013). But Bach (2010) talks about the imbalances that immigration, integration and asylum policies stereotype female immigrants as unskilled. Kibria (1993: 21) notes that, “social and economic conditions encountered in the host country influences the immigrants’ relations within the family”. Kibria goes further and argues that opportunities and constraints in the host society’s social context influence how people construct their families. He also notes that pre-migration ideologies and social construction are shaped and structured by the dominant social context of the host country. Martin (2010) argues that refugee women find it very difficult to adjust to the new culture because of racial intolerance in addition to sexual and cultural discrimination aimed against them in seeking for employment and training. Martin concludes that male roles may change drastically if their skills are not readily transferable in the host society. Martin further notes that children adjust to the host society faster than their parents. Other scholars like Ho (1999) have extended this argument by claiming that racial intolerance that immigrants are subjected to limits their job opportunities such that the only available job opportunities are in the unskilled low paying sector. This makes it hard for immigrant men to provide for their families Piper and French (2011). In order to make ends meet, their women have to engage in income generating activities in the unskilled labour market, to supplement what their spouses earn coupled with the rising food prices in recent times Ghosh (2010). This assertion is validated in a study on immigrant labour conducted by Hossfeld (1994) and Segura (1994) which concluded that employers had a preference of hiring immigrant women than men because of patriarchal assumptions that women could afford to work for less and were psychologically suited for routine work. Another assertion is that of Dannecker and Sieveking (2009) who stress the interrelated nature of migrant women and development as context specific.

Studies have also shown that migrants try to resist this gendered aspect of migration by falling back to memories of home where their male status was upheld. Grasmuck and Pessar (1991) study of Dominican immigrants shows that men thought of going back home because they felt their status, as men were not recognized in the host country. Similar studies argue that migrants maintain links with home country a strategy of resistance to race and class oppression in their migrant countries (Lessinger, 1992; Rouse, 1992; Glick-Schiller, Basch and Blanc-Szanton, 1992). However, women are more inclined to stay because of the relative freedom they experience in the host nation. Therefore, they use different strategies to stay permanently in the US; they also tend to build community ties with other immigrant women in an effort to settle down (Grasmuck and Pessar, 1991). This study contradicts Raijman and Semyonov (1997) argument that in the domain of looking for jobs, immigrant women are doubly disadvantaged in the host countries as compared to men. The likes of Bonifacio (2013 is the intersection between gender, migration and rurality with case studies of Austria, Australia, Brazil, Canada, China, Norway and the US. Immigrant women from less developed countries in Asia and Africa are triply disadvantaged because they fall under three aspects of differentiation: first as women, second as immigrants and thirdly as immigrants from less developed countries. My study thus present African immigrants who are and forever foreigners in Germany but rather use strategies of incorporation and coping as their comfort zone within the larger German society and social space.

2. 1. 6) Transnational Migration, Ethnicity and Religion

Riva (2003) has looked at religion, particularly Islam, with Muslim immigrants in France or Germany. According to him, Muslim immigrants in Europe are using religion as a means of incorporation into the receiving state or nation and as a mark of difference between them and nationals of the receiving state. Thus from the political perspective, religion is a legitimate tool for their incorporation. But such a religious approach when imposed on liberal democratic societies will need an institutional and political approach in negotiating recognition and citizenship. According to the Pew Research Centre (2014) Muslims are the among the largest immigrant groups in Europe. It is therefore imperative to also understand what tool small minority groups like African immigrants use for their incorporation in a European country like Germany.

The works reviewed this far provide compelling evidence that much research has investigated the particular issue of immigrants and immigrants transnationalism. These, however, are not without limitations. For example, most of the studies on immigrants are grounded in functionalism the integration, citizenship of the welfare state sovereignty, remittances and development, gender, migration and ethnicity with limited perspectives to inform us about changing meanings of the lives of immigrants embedded in immigrants situation and circumstances especially in situations where they do not belong as the case of African immigrants in Germany My study will therefore be complementary to the critical transnational scholarship on the incorporation of African immigrants in Germany one of the EU member states.

2. 1. 7) Conclusion

The above higher section of this chapter, looked at the development of theoretical perspectives in the migration discourses and some major authors in the migration sciences and their varying concerns and equally situated my research perspective in context of the literature. The next following section will on its part, look through the paradigms and perspectives in the situation of the issues under study and also some concepts in this dissertation.

SECTION B

GOVERNMENTALITY, ACCULTURATION AND SOCIAL CAPITAL

2. 2) Introduction

This section focuses on the theoretical approaches and perspectives informing this research. It looks at several theories that were of importance for the understanding of the phenomenon under study. Theories and paradigms guide and in a way frame the research, they do not (in any way) serve as a fountain for the deduction of research questions; they thus have a dramatically different function in the present research than they do have in positivist research endeavors. For the purpose of this study, it took into consideration, Michael Foucault and his Foucaultian theory on governmentality. This theory allows explanation of what governmentality is about and why it is used as an instrument by the state to reinforce its position and asserts itself on the immigrant population and particularly the African population. In order words how government governs- that is the institutions and procedures for the former and populations for the latter. In fact it brings to light issues such as citizenship over time, the creation of social networks, how issues of governmentality project individualization and mechanisms from above that catalyse the creation of a particular identity. John Berry’s works on acculturation and assimilation, equally paved the way for an understanding how Africans acculturate as a consequence of immigration; how it affects decisions and motivations to continue migrating. This of course touched aspects such as social capital which incorporates the transnational perspective; this is the delight of James Coleman. Also, in this chapter, key concepts and terms used in the entire thesis will be defined.

2. 2. 1) Michael Foucault on Governmentality

The Foucaultian theory on governmentality is a fundamental conceptual building block of the current project. This theory allows me to explain what governmentality is about and why it is used as a tool by the state to reinforce its position and assert itself on the immigrant population and particularly the African population. Foucault’s theory on governmentality was coined in the late 1970s. Governmentality refers to “the institutions, procedures, analyses and reflection, the calculations and tactics that support a particular rationale of power and apparatuses of 68 security with population as their target” Foucault (1991: 102). This term put under its canopy ‘mentalities of governments’ as well as ‘rationalities of government’ (Foucault, 1978b). Siders too, like Mitchell Dean (1999) have recognized this term as a portion of state theories since it involves the exercise of power and state authority. In fact, Dean sees Foucault’s comprehension of this term as the ‘conduct of conduct’ in governing. Where the forms of activities shape, guide or affect the behaviours of persons (Gordon, 1991; Foucault, 1982). This pushes Dean to a second elaboration of the term. According to him, “… ‘governmentality’ marks the emergence of a distinctly new form of thinking about and exercising of power in certain societies (Western European societies). This form of power is bound with the discovery of a new reality, the economy, and concerned with a new object, the population” Dean (1999:19). Kendall (1997) too has grasped governmentality from another focus but notes that government is a problem at several levels: that is, individual and community, national and international levels. Governmentality in relation to the migrant population, especially African immigrants to the western world, is the focus or object of the implementation of the techniques of governmentality. This is so because there are different perspectives of thought and stereotypes about who migrants/immigrants are and what they can cause to their host societies. Thus immigrants have had it tough in the guise of governmentality of unease (Bigo, 2002). One can go further to say that African immigrants in Europe and Germany in particular are the hardest hit, considering that Africans are not Europeans (Hansen, 2004).

Bigo (2002) looks at security from the perspective of governmentality of unease as a convergence between international and internal security with vested interest anchored therein. The aim of this perspective is the articulation of migration as a security issue and it is tackled in a structural manner. Structural to follow societal web structure because it implies that if immigrants get hold of any aspect in a society, its effects will percolate the other spheres of life in that society. Thus the structural unease is a neo-liberal discourse used by government to assert itself on the freedom and security over immigrants because an immigrant is considered as outsider inside the state (Bigo, 2002). As such the state determines who is to be surveyed, kept under surveillance and who is not to be subject and object in this current; there is a conflation of state with state apparatus and governance. Citizens are considered in opposition to foreigners.

According to the above definitions and elaborations, the analysis of government concerns itself with “the means of calculation, the type of governing authority or agency, the forms of 69 knowledge, techniques and other means employed, the entity to be governed and how it is conceived, the ends sought and the outcomes and consequences” (Dean, 1999: 11). Government in this sense involves the regulation of things, economies, populations, laws, industries, and institutions just to mention these few, as far as they attempt to shape human conduct which invites forms of rationality in the calculation about how to govern. On the other hand, this rational attempt to shape human conduct implies accountability for one’s own actions and hence relies on the idea that an autonomous person is capable of monitoring different aspects of his or her own conduct. In other words, the mentalities of government deals with how thought operates within our organized ways of doing things, our regimes of practices - practices through which we are governed and through which we govern ourselves - and its ambitions and effects.

Within this framework, the art of government takes the population as its object in our case its takes all immigrants as its object and in turn ensures the government of each and all (Omnes et Singulatim) with particular emphasis on their health, welfare, prosperity and happiness (Foucault, 1981). To govern properly for the happiness and prosperity of the population also requires an economic government both fiscally and in the use of power. In this process the art of government utilizes the techniques, rationalities and institutions of other forms of power, in particular sovereignty and discipline. Clearly it does this from our perspective through immigration and integration policies making use of rules and regulations that govern marriage, business operation, reproduction, running of associations to mention these few. But unlike other forms of power, it considers the subjects of a population as a resource to be fostered and optimized. Rather than the replacement of a society of sovereignty by a disciplinary society and the subsequent replacement of disciplinary society by a society of government, Foucault underlines the triangle of sovereignty-discipline-government (governmentality) in studying the population through the apparatuses of security (Foucault, 1978). Therefore, an analysis of government mostly examines the conditions under which regimes of practices come into being, are maintained and are transformed (Dean, 1999). These regimes of practices are not identical with a particular institution, but they connect different institutions and make possible borrowings across themselves. They are dependent on each other and crucial for the existence of the art of government, since they give rise to and are informed and reshaped by various forms of knowledge and expertise. In this manner, these forms of knowledge also define the objects of practices, codify the proper ways of dealing with them, position the aims and

70 objectives of practices and classify the professional and institutional locus of authoritative agents of expertise.

Relying on this conceptualization of governmentality, one can inter-relate spheres to explore how African immigrants associations are governed and how they govern themselves. Firstly, problematization of the welfare state in the domain of citizenship here is the focus. Although significant immigration from Africa to Germany began in the 1980s with the hit of the economic crisis, there were still earlier migrations from the continent into Germany but it was quite insignificant compared to what was experienced from the 1980s and as such it did not merit attention not until this time. Therefore, a historical conceptualization of citizenship is necessary to examine specific situations in which the activity of governing comes to be called into question. In other words, transformations in the concept of citizenship are crucial to ask how we shape or direct our own and others’ conduct. At this point, regulations that refer to citizenship in different German texts, such as the Basic Law or the Aliens Act, to mention these few, indicate not only how practices of governing give rise to specific forms of truth, but also how these forms of truth try to condition, normalize and regulate subjects’ attitudes and behaviours. These crucial dimensions of the process are the technical aspects of government- that is by what means, mechanisms, procedures, instruments, tactics and vocabularies and norms it is carried out. This puts an emphasis on the study of population and in turn directs the focus on the significance of bio-politics. Thus, within the conceptualization of citizenship, this research looked at the bio-political investments in our subject population. For instance different immigrant groups with or without German citizenship. Again practices of the self are (to some extent their business and transnationalism) analysed only in the perspective of the problematization of citizenship and in reference to the vocabularies of multiculturalism.

Furthermore, from a different perspective, it is also related with the problematization of the welfare state. According to the criticism of neo-liberalism, the welfare state is an excessive form of government and has become economically and socially costly to the economic performance and has led to the uncontrollable growth of the state. Thus autonomization of the society through the invention and proliferation of new quasi-economic models of action is promoted by neo-liberalism vis-à-vis the ‘too much’ government of society by the social measures of the welfare state. This generates the active involvement of individuals or collectivities to the issues that were once dealt with by authorized governmental agencies and paves the way to a form of responsibilisation, in which the governed are freely conducting 71 themselves. The concept of a social network is one of the forms of this responsibilisation since it is derived from an understanding of solidarity, where the state is not at stake in social relations but becomes a guarantor of progress (Donzelot, 1991). In reference to this formulation, exploring the social networks among African immigrants provides an extended picture of practices of government and practices of self, vis-à-vis incorporation strategies. In other words immigrants are taking advantage of the opportunity structures of the welfare state in order to incorporate. This is because the art of government in social networks is based on the assumption that common interests will develop through social exchanges and an expectation will be fulfilled in due time.

It can be remarked that the above looked at the Foucaultian governmentality with the problematization of the welfare state in two perspectives, citizenship and social networks in the associational practices of African immigrants in Berlin. To reflect the practices of government and practices of the self in problematizing and examining how African immigrant cultural associations are governed and how they govern themselves.

2. 2. 2) John Berry on Acculturation and Assimilation

Acculturation occurs when groups of persons in different cultures come into direct and continuous contact. In fact every culture constitutes a system with diverse elements (patterns/aspects of culture) which are re-elaborated each time two or more cultures come into contact. The contact can either be through an invasion, colonization or better still migration. During any of these occasions, there is the likely tendency of borrowing, exchange of culture and reinterpretation of the cultures involved. In the process of acculturation no one culture completely imposes itself on the other. Redfield et al. (1936) note that acculturation as a concept was first used in the nineteenth century by American social anthropologists. Its anthropological application led to the publication “American Anthropologist” in the 1930s. The process of acculturation takes various forms. According to Bastide (1960) material acculturation takes place when the populations adopts traits and modes of public life and secondary relations of the dominant culture, usually the host culture, but maintains their original cultural code in the domains of private and other primary relations. This is the case with immigrant populations. Still, formal acculturation takes place when the present population (host) modifies its structures and way of thinking; this leads to a new culture that is a synthesis 72 of two original cultures. This form of acculturation is usually taken by second generation immigrants.

Later in the 1970s, Berry and others in the Canadian context took delight in acculturation (Berry & Annis, 1974; Berry et al., 1977). This later led to the formulation of an acculturation model in the early 1990s by Berry et al. (1989); Berry (1990) which inculcated three aspects. According to Navas et al. (2005: 22-23), “acculturation attitudes or the way in which immigrants wish to maintain their own identity and at the same time relate to the other group in the host society; the precise changes in behaviour or ways of life in the new society; and finally the stress caused by acculturation, that is, the level of difficulty experienced by individuals in confronting their new situation”. The input of other authors in line with Berry gave birth to the RAEM (Relative Acculturation Extended Model) (Bourhis et al., 1997; Piontkowski et al., 2000; Piontkowski, Rohmann, & Florack, 2002). Concurring with Sabatier & Berry (1996), Navas et al. (2005: 23) define acculturation as “a progressive adaptation in which people disassociate themselves from their group of origin to join the dominant host society”. This means that culture and adaptation is always in the making for immigrants in order for them to succeed in integrating themselves in their new host society. Thus inability to adapt will lead to failure to integrate. But then again, adaptation is not only on a particular aspect of culture, it has to do with the whole cultural package. Berry has noted (Navas et al., 2005) how immigrants identify with a host culture from two perspectives and this led to his two attitudinal dimensions which are: firstly immigrants and the host culture and secondly immigrants and their original (home) culture. These perspectives gave birth to the four acculturation attitudes adopted by immigrants in their host country. These are “integration” (Yes-home/Yes-host), “assimilation” (No/Yes), “separation” (Yes/No), and “marginalization” (No/No). This shows that immigrants desire to be integrated not marginalized. But each immigrant group may prefer assimilation or the separation acculturation attitude for cultural reasons vis-à-vis their immigration.

Others have added to the work of Berry as they have introduced the interactive acculturation model (Bourhis et al., 1997; Piontkowski et al., 2000; Piontkowski & Florack, 1995; Piontkowski et al., 2002). Their model, like Berry’s, does not only consider immigrants but also takes into account the host since the two groups have to relate. But the interaction of the host group with immigrants according to Bourhis’ model, places emphasis on immigrants’ ethno-cultural origin and also on their own political and socio-economic welfare. On the other 73 side, immigrants’ interaction with their host depends on aspects such as origin, social class, age, gender or degree of identification with host group. These aspects are dynamic with time, immigrant generation and also their social mobility in host society (Bourhis et al., 1997). Another outcome of Bourhis model is clusters of state ideologies. This is in relation to which acculturation attitude immigrants and their host prefer vis-à-vis state policies and this can be problematic in the light of the relationships because of the acculturation attitude preferred by each group which may be either acceptable or not acceptable by both because they may be conflicting or coinciding.

On the other side, there exists syncretism in other cases. In the instance where populations of two different cultures come into prolonged contact, it results in the elaboration of new different original cultures. For instance the Brazilian religion: it inculcates aspects of Catholicism and myths and rites of African culture (Abou, 1981). The concept of acculturation is more often used in the larger sense of designating the process of borrowing, exchanges and reinterpretation leading to an individual or collective cultural elaboration, and this makes the concept of culture on one end a quasi-synonym but on the other end it advantageously replaces it because according to the social anthropological tradition, it is an ensemble of the ways of thinking, reaction and feeling of a community in an environment. Thus the term acculturation evokes the fact that a culture is never given or awarded but it is a continuous process of elaboration and re-elaboration.

2. 2. 3) James Coleman on Social Capital

The term social capital has been used by different authors in the social sciences, but however some have taken on a more concise definition of the term and what it entails. Landolt (2001: 237-38) defines social capital as “… the ability to secure resources by virtue of membership in social networks or larger social structures. Sources of social capitals are distinguished by the presence/absence of overarching structures defining the character of the transaction. Altruistic sources include: (1) granting resources to others out of moral obligation; and (2) based on particularistic loyalties to members of the same territorial, ethnic or religious community (bounded solidarity). Instrumental sources of social capital are also twofold: (1) face-to-face reciprocal transactions that carry the full expectation of commensurate return by the benefited party (simple reciprocity); and (2) resource transactions embedded in the larger social 74 structures that act as guarantors of full returns to donors either from the benefited party or from the community at large (enforceable trust)”.

Fukuyama (1999: 2) defines social capital as “....an instantiated informal norm that promotes cooperation between two or more individuals. The norms that constitute social capital can range from a norm of reciprocity between two friends, all the way up to complex and elaborately articulated doctrines like Christianity or Confucianism. They must be instantiated in an actual human relationship: the norm of reciprocity exists in potentia in my dealings with all people, but is actualized only in my dealings with my friends. By this definition, trust, networks, civil society, and the like which have been associated with social capital are all epiphenomenal, arising as a result of social capital but not constituting social capital itself. Not just any set of instantiated norms constitutes social capital; they must lead to cooperation in groups and therefore are related to traditional virtues like honesty, the keeping of commitments, reliable performance of duties, reciprocity, and the like”. This is the working perspective of social capital within the context of this research. At this point it is imperative to define some concepts used through and through in this dissertation.

2. 2. 4) Conceptual Frameworks

2. 2. 4. 1) German-Based African Immigrants/Sit-Tights

In the analyses of this study, I do not differentiate between migrants and refugees. My lack of differentiation of the categories of immigrants and refugees in my study follows Kibria (1993: 12): the argument that the refugee-immigrant dichotomy is not very valuable for analysis. He asserts that “in most cases, intention to flee one’s country is catalysed by a complex mix of political, economic and other factors, thus the official labels imposed are not a matter of choice”. In this regard therefore, refugees should be considered as immigrants as opposed to being treated as a group removed from other immigrants, be they refugees of the different stripes of refugee status as defined by the Geneva Convention that is they are either legal or illegal migrants. Findings from my research indicate that Kibrias’ (1993) assertion resonates with the experience of immigrants of African descent in Germany. Rather, I only talked of their reasons for immigrating into Germany. This is because life experiences upon arrival in Germany thwarted reason for immigrating into Germany. All participants of this study fall 75 under a substantial unit for analysis called German-based African immigrants. By combining these categories, I wanted to widen my sample so that I could get a representative group that could form a basis for my study. My research found out that, despite the different legal statuses accorded to the different categories of refugees, the experiences of legal migrants and refugees in Germany are not too different with regards to incorporating and integrating in the German society most especially. My conceptualization of the category immigrant is informed by Steiner’s (2000: 8) definition of immigrants. Steiner defines immigrants as “people who migrate willingly from one country to another, usually for economic betterment”. German– based African immigrants are defined here as first generation immigrants of African origin who migrated to Germany and have acquired legal stay in Germany (be it of any category) and are now residing in Germany. These are immigrants from varying backgrounds which is particularly true for Africans, who have acquired a status in their receiving society (here: Germany). The status they have acquired usually keeps them on the disadvantaged side of life (because of prejudice, discrimination, and racism). The situation leaves this category of immigrants unsatisfied (Idemudia and Boehnke, 2010) yet they have decided not to return to their home countries even though the law of their host does not favour their presence. In this dissertation the term German-based African immigrants will be used throughout but shall be specifically referring to first generation immigrants from West Africa.

2. 2. 4. 2) Transnationalism

Much of what characterizes the emergence and prominence of the concept of transnationalism has been described in earlier sections of this dissertation. It appears so fruitful because of the varying meanings given to it by different disciplines in the social sciences, particularly, and other schools of thought. Transnationalism according to Glick Schiller et al. (1992: 5) “… is the creation of a new social space [one spanning at least two nations] that is fundamentally ‘grounded in the daily lives, activities, and social relationships’ of quotidian actors”. In the same trend, Smith (1992: 493-494) has emphasized that moreover transnationalism from below describes “the ways that the everyday practices of ordinary people, their feelings and understandings of their conditions of existence, often modify those very conditions and thereby shape rather than more reflect new modes of urban culture”. In this thesis, transnationalism is used from the above sense by Glick Schiller et al. and Smith with focal emphasis on cross- border exchange of goods, capital and services (economic transnationalism) by German–based 76

African immigrants and the outcome of this activity on their identity in their host Germany. It shall consider transnational social spaces on issues of ethnic or functionally based collectives, their activities and identities as described by Smith and Guarnizo (1998) transnationalism from below.

2. 2. 4. 3) Strategies

Strategy as a verb is concerned with how different engagements are linked. It is a phrase used by the military. In fact it has gained examination from several perspectives. Chandler (1962:13) looks at the term from a linear model perspective, according to him “…determination of the basic long term goals of an enterprise, and the adoption of courses of action and the allocation of resources necessary for carrying out these goals”. This definition looks at the nature of strategy from a single perspective with its focus being on the means and ends, without consideration of society as a web, subject to continuous change with time in relation to different circumstances. Because of emergence of strategic problems which are seen to be much more complex, the linear model perspective gave way to another perspective of the definition, the adaptive model perspective (Chaffe, 1984). Hofer (1973: 3) defines strategy from adaptive model perspective as “concerned with the development of a viable match between the opportunities and risks present in the external environment and the organization’s capabilities and resources for exploiting these opportunities”. This definition according to Chaffe (1984) looks at the nature of strategy in the direction of achieving a match because of the multifaceted nature of the environment that remains open but does not change focus with the later definition, as means in a strategy is the pillar. Fahey (1981), Ginter and White (1982), Greenwood and Thomas (1981), Guth (1976), Murray (1978), Narayanan & Fahey (1982) have, in the same light, looked at the social, political and interactive components of strategy. Favaro et al (2012: 1) bring out the distinction of strategy from vision, mission, goals or plans that sprout from perspective neutralizing circumstantial and situational aspects. According to them, “strategy is the result of choices executives make, on where to play and how to win, to maximize long-term value” and it is highly situational. In any case, one can define strategy as a spontaneous plan of action targeted towards particular goal(s). Worthy of note is that there is putting of resources together (means) be it of any type or kind: economic, social or even manpower for getting ahead. In this dissertation, strategy is considered by German-based African immigrants in the above sense in relation to their statuses (being circumstantial and situational) giving 77 understanding of the environment in Germany (i.e. their world), then the mapping out and pursuance of the best possible way to success.

2. 2. 4. 4) Integration versus Incorporation

Integration according to the Federal Ministry of the Interior (2014: 189) “is a long-term process intended to ensure that all lawful and permanent residents are included in German society. Legal immigrants should be able to participate fully in all areas of society, on equal terms wherever possible. Immigrants are obligated to learn the language of the country in which they live and to know, respect and uphold the German constitution, German laws and the basic values of German society. And the receiving society is obligated to provide immigrants equal access to all areas of society, if possible”. The above definition lays out the integration prescription for immigrants in Germany and the obligation of receiving Germany towards immigrants suggesting that though it is a long term process, there is an end and or limit to integration. That is toeing diligently to the prescriptions laid out above, an immigrant(s) are considered to have integrated and there is no further worries about integration for Germany and immigrants alike. The definition seems to suggest a trade-off for the immigrant moving towards the direction of assimilation since immigrant background especially culture and experience is a no look area as the state or Germany is obligated to rather ‘provide’ but not to ‘accept’. Without debating this definition, I argue that in the integration of immigrants especially of a minority that does not belong like African immigrants12, paramount is the issue of ‘societal acceptance’ before ‘provision’. Provision does neither suggests acceptance nor a replaces acceptance. One thing to note about integration is that it is more relational than simply just providing perceived needs. When one accepts to relate with another, it opens the avenue for understanding the needs of both parties and vice versa. Cultural relativism is epiphenomenal for policy and practice of immigrant integration. Therefore, the conscious omission of the epiphenomenal issue of cultural relativism makes the whole mission of integration fallacious13. Employing melting (immigrants are expected to shade-off their original culture and acquire the host culture), the goal of integration without room for acceptance makes integration a one- sided coin since immigrants are targets but not players themselves bringing in a situation of

12 Considering the politics of the EU vis-à-vis acceptance of member states citizens Wunderlich and Bailey. (2010). 13 Given immigrant background and cultural differences that are evident 78 growth and accidental adversaries14 and thus making the integration of immigrants a ‘difficult to settle matter’. For instance, immigrants experience constant reminders of being outsiders in spite of their lengthy stays in Germany and this has been tantamount of Germany’s reluctance to accept her status as an immigrant country. This plays a vital role as it keeps some immigrant groups on the disadvantage making the playing field of integration undulating and encourages marginalization, discrimination, exclusion, ethnic enclavement to name but these. Therefore, immigrant incorporation is a reaction born out of the disadvantages of integration. The more reason why incorporation is more often than not engaged around pathways Glick Schiller et al (2005) instead of the nominal prescriptions of integration since immigrants often live transnational lives and this is embedded in social linkages, taking various forms of identity and harnessing social and cultural differentiations with natives. Chapter 7 of this dissertation grapples with the definition of incorporation and African immigrant incorporation in perspective.

2. 2. 5) Sub-Saharan African Migration in Perspective

The information contained in the sections here below is by Bob-Millar and Bob-Millar (2013) barely summarized. The scarcity of scholarly literature on sub-Saharan African migration patterns, has pushed a lamentation on the dearth of empirical research in sub-Saharan migration patterns by some scholars who equally noted the limitation of existing research on Libya especially as a transit and destination country. The regimented nature of human activities, especially under Colonel Gaddafi made it impossible for outsiders to carry out research Pargeter, (2013: 148). The origins of the global political issue of rights of aliens sprouted as result of government machinery failure in the North African states one after the other. In 2011, several North African states youths were pushed to confront the political establishments that dominated their countries for decades and these led to conflicts. Thus, migration in its various forms took center stage in the discourses surrounding the conflicts de Haas and Sigona (2012). Migratory flows to Europe was and is still mostly dominated by asylum-seekers and labor migrants. As a consequence, European policy-makers are concerned about boats full of sub- Saharan Africans reaching Europe (de Haas and Sigona, 2012). Though, in the 1990s, a

14 That is policy and practice is doing quite a lot in the light of immigrant integration, but still all immigrants are not integrated to a large extent. 79 minority of sub-Saharans were joining Maghrebis to cross the Mediterranean to Italy, Spain and France (Bredeloup, 2012; Lucht, 2012). The movement patterns of sub-Saharans Africans, development of ‘migration corridors’, the plight of migrants journeying through the Sahara desert or those trapped in the forests of Bel Younes at Ceuta, and those drowning in the Mediterranean Sea have been the likes of (Bredeloup, 2012; Tanle, 2012; Lucht, 2012, 2010; de Haas, 2008). Still, the brand of transit migration, trans-Saharan and Mediterranean migration discourse have been largely defined by Düvell (2012, 2006), Paoletti (2011), de Haas (2007; 2008), Bredeloup (2012), Bredeloup and Pliez (2011), Collyer (2007) and Boubakri (2004).

Düvell (2012), Bredeloup (2012) and Collyer et al. (2012) confront and, to a large extent, dispute the ‘new’ phenomenon of transit migration which describes the voluntary movement of sub-Saharan Africans between the regions separated by the Sahara desert and the Mediterranean coast. Putting these issues into their proper context, Düvell (2012: 416) defined transit migration as ‘the migration of citizens from distant countries who cross several other countries before they arrive at the external borders of and finally in the EU. Similarly, according to Bredeloup (2012: 459) ‘a transit migrant leaves their place of origin to temporarily reach an intermediate space which would necessarily stand as a gateway to durable settlement in a third country, the country of destination.’ Both definitions are influenced by European experiences (Düvell, 2006) and, therefore, appear over simplified. The first branch ‘flowed northwards to the Sudan, and then across the Sahara to countries of North Africa – Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Libya and Egypt – and even across the Mediterranean to southern Europe and the Middle East’ (Webster and Boahen, 1978: 60). Thus transit migration in sub-Saharan Africa is not a new phenomenon rather, the ‘newness’ of the concept of transit migration is seen in its politicization (Düvell, 2012; Collyer and de Haas, 2012; Bredeloup, 2012). International organizations engaged in migration management in the Global South tend to favor discourses that see the Sahara desert merely as a land route used by ‘illegal’ or irregular migrants, human and drug traffickers (Bredeloup, 2012; Collyer and de Haas, 2012). Bredeloup (2012: 462) notes that the transit settlements have recorded ‘spectacular growth rates as a result of in migration’; and also, migrants account for 20 per cent of the population of the Algerian Sahara. Making it important to emphasize that the ‘newness’ of the transit migration phenomenon has been blown out of proportion.

A minority of labor migrants continue to use clandestine means to cross the Mediterranean into European destinations. Lucht (2012: 72) observed that ‘shrinking immigration opportunities’ 80 has led to increasing numbers of Africans using ‘informal alternatives’ to reach their destinations. Meanwhile, each destination country in the Maghreb has its distinctive attraction: economic opportunities explain why young West Africans undertake the perilous journey across the desert to North Africa, and possibly across the Mediterranean Sea. For instance, Libya, the most popular of all the Maghrebian states, attained the new status of ‘North Africa’s migration pole’ following the 1973 oil crisis (de Haas, 2006). Rather, Libya’s so-called international isolation or pariah status forced it to turn southwards to sub-Saharan Africa and this move culminated in the ‘consolidation of migration routes and networks’ (de Haas, 2006; Prior to the emergence of Libya as a ‘migration pole’ in the Maghreb, sub-Saharan migration, especially in West Africa was largely intra-regional and limited to three growth poles that included Ghana, Nigeria and Cote d’Ivoire (Van Hear, 1998; Akyeampong, 2000)

The Tunnel Forward

BoB-Millar and Bob Millar (2013) bring to the fore several structural factors explaining the likelihood of the continuation of sub-Saharan migration to the EU, why and how North African countries statuses evolve into transit countries. In fact, the demand for cheap (unauthorized) immigrant labour in Europe, is likely to persist or even increase, and a new generation of educated and ambitious sub-Saharan Africans are likely to respond.

2. 2. 6) Conclusion

Having positioned the empirical data to come in a selection of migration theories and the frame of the research, the data for this study was gotten from a particular setting with its own culture and its own ways of life. Since sociologists and anthropologists always talk with ethnographic facts, in order to give this research a social context and ecological validity my preoccupation in the next chapter three is a presentation on the background information on the area of study.

CHAPTER THREE

HISTORY AND STATE FORMATION OF BERLIN IN GERMANY

3) Introduction

Every culture is a complex whole made up of both material and immaterial elements, these elements form a continuum and are interrelated; thus a meaningful understanding of any group of people implies considering their culture from a holistic perspective. Without this vision, one shall mistake trees for the forest (whole) and miss the point. In the last chapter, I reviewed literatures which are directly or indirectly relevant to my research and equally provided the theoretical paradigm guiding and informing this research. This chapter, in itself handles the history and state formation of Berlin as it has impacted on several aspects of the culture of Berlin and Germany from the war faring days through the period of the collapse of the iron curtain and unification of West and East Germany to present-day modern Berlin, Germany. It treats, through an analysis of the intersection of various historical processes that have led to social and cultural change among Germans and immigrants/minority populations’ side-by-side in Germany. This implies an examination of how aspects such as history, geography, politics, economy (structural economic changes), demographics, education and culture of the city of Berlin and beyond (strategic location of Berlin, Germany in Europe). These have impacted on values and practices between generations with immigrant groups especially African immigrants living among them. In order to familiarize readers of this dissertation who are not familiar with Germany in general and Berlin in particular with the context in which this study took place I have collected information on history, geography, politics, demographics, economy, education and culture of Berlin. The information has been amalgamated freely from internet sources that I cite when coming to pertinent texts section. Readers familiar with Germany and Berlin in the areas of interest that I am addressing might best be advised to skip this chapter of the dissertation. However, readers, who are alien to such information, need it to understand the greater context of the study. Firstly, I present the geographical location of the national capital city of Germany in the figure that follows.

Figure 9: Political Map of Germany showing Berlin, the national capital city Source: http://www. Mapsofworld.com/germany

3. 1) Background Layout

The present agglomeration of the 16 federal states with each independent of state authority constituting present day Germany, presents a classic example nation building and of the process of linguistic and social assimilation, which also occurred elsewhere Europe. The location and composition of the 16 states of Germany has been greatly influenced by the four decades of cold war as well as by subsequent unification of West and East Germany. Resulting from Article 23 of the West German Basic Law, and the 1990 1000 page treaty of political union for Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) or West Germany and the German Democratic Republic (GDR) or East Germany. Figure 9 above shows that present day Germany is situated at the heart of Europe, in the midst of the several nations. It is flanked on the North by Denmark and the Baltic Sea, (in the) North-East and East by Poland and the Czech Republic, and South-East by Austria. Still, it is bounded on the North West by the North Sea, on the West by Netherlands, Belgium, Luxembourg and France and on the South West by Switzerland with a land size of 357,021 km². The Federal Statistical Office (Statistisches Bundesamt, 2008) has it that the geographical locality of Germany is home to some 82.3 million people with foreigners making up about 7.3 million, making Germany a renowned multicultural giant in Europe and the European Union. Berlin, the nation’s capital, is the largest city with a population density of about 3.5 million persons, immigrants included (Amt für Statistik Berlin-Brandenburg, 2011). I now turn to look at Berlin in its entity which is the setting for this study.

3. 1. 1) History and State Formation of Berlin

Berger (1999) writes that the name Berlin is of unknown origin, but may originate from the area's former West Slavic inhabitants, and be related to the Old Polabian stem berl-/birl- ‘swamp’. This is because when the territory of the German tribes was first described in 98 AD, today’s Berlin was well out of the frontiers of the Roman Empire. The earliest evidence of settlements in today's Berlin’s central areas is a wooden beam dated from approximately 1192. The Berlin Tourist Board (2008) archives that the first written mention of towns in the area of present-day Berlin dates from the late 12th century, Spandau is first mentioned in 1197, and Köpenick in 1209, though these areas did not join Berlin until 1920 but the central part of Berlin can be traced back to two towns. Still, an Associated Press documents that Cölln on the Fischerinsel is first mentioned in a 1237 document, and Berlin across the Spree in what is now 84 called the Nikolaiviertel, is referenced in a document from 1244. The former is considered to be the "founding date". From the beginning, the two cities formed an economic and social unit and in 1307, the two cities were united politically and also the twin cities became to be known as Berlin over time. The write up of the “The Hohenzollern Dynasty” shows that in 1435, Frederick I became the elector of the Margraviate of Brandenburg, which he ruled until 1440. His successor, Frederick II Irontooth, established Berlin as capital of the Margraviate, and subsequent members of the Hohenzollern family ruled until 1918 in Berlin. They ruled first as electors of Brandenburg, then as kings of Prussia, and finally as German emperors. In 1448 citizens rebelled in the ‘Berlin Indignation’ against the construction of a new royal palace by Frederick II Irontooth. This protest was not successful, however, and the citizenry lost many of its political and economic privileges (Antipas, 2007). In 1451 Berlin became the royal residence of the Brandenburg electors, and Berlin had to give up its status as a free Hanseatic city and, in 1539, the electors and the city officially became Lutheran. The Thirty Years' War between 1618 and 1648 had devastating consequences for Berlin as a third of the houses were damaged and the city lost half of its population. The then Frederick William (Great Elector one of Europe's enlightened monarchs), successor of George William as ruler in 1640, initiated a policy of promoting immigration and religious tolerance. In this vein, Frederick William offered asylum to the French Huguenots and more than 15,000 Huguenots went to Brandenburg, of whom 6,000 settled in Berlin. By 1700, approximately 20 percent of Berlin's residents were French, and their cultural influence on the city was immense. Many other immigrants came from Bohemia, Poland, and Salzburg. Berlin became the capital of the German Empire in 1871 and expanded rapidly in the following years (SMP Protein, 2006). This implies that, the cosmopolitan nature of Berlin today is not a phenomenon of recent times but a historic experience though multiculturalism lacked credits to be spoken of at the time.

Furthermore, Mayer and Strom (1998) note that at the coronation of Frederick I as king in 1701 Berlin became the new capital of the Kingdom of Prussia. This was a successful bid to centralize the capital in the much outspread Prussian Kingdom, and it was the first time the city began to grow. In 1740, Berlin came, under the rule of the philosophically oriented Frederick II (1740–1786), and also a centre of the Enlightenment. Following France's victory in the War of the Fourth Coalition, Napoleon Bonaparte marched into Berlin in 1806, but granted self- government to the city. In 1815 the city became part of the new Province of Brandenburg. This also suggests that influences of the kind state-government independence that operates on the political landscape of Germany today is a borrowed form of government from the French. The 85

Industrial Revolution transformed Berlin during the 19th century; the city's economy and population expanded dramatically and it became the main rail hub and economic centre of Germany. In addition, suburbs soon developed and increased the area and population of Berlin. In 1861, outlying suburbs including Wedding, Moabit, and several others were incorporated into Berlin. In 1871, Berlin became capital of the newly founded German Empire and on April 1, 1881 it became a city district separate from Brandenburg (Mayer and Strom, 1998).

At the end of World War I in 1918, a republic was proclaimed in Berlin and in 1920, the Greater Berlin Act incorporated dozens of suburban cities, villages, and estates around Berlin into an expanded city. This new area encompassed Spandau and Charlottenburg in the west, as well as several other areas that are now major municipalities. After this expansion, Berlin had a population of around four million. During the Weimar era, Berlin became internationally renowned as a centre of cultural transformation, at the heart of the roaring twenties. On January 30, 1933, Adolf Hitler and the Nazi Party came to power (Machtergreifung). Nazi rule destroyed Berlin's Jewish community, which had numbered 170,000 before 1933. After the Kristallnacht pogrom in 1938, thousands of the city's German Jews were imprisoned in the nearby Sachsenhausen concentration camp or, in early 1943, were shipped to death camps, such as Auschwitz. During the Second World War, large parts of Berlin were destroyed in the 1943–45 air raids and during the Battle of Berlin. Among the hundreds of thousands who died during the Battle for Berlin, an estimated 125,000 were civilians (Clodfelter, 2002). The FDR library documents the “Agreement to divide Berlin” after the end of the war in Europe and in 1945 Berlin received large numbers of refugees from the Eastern provinces. The victorious powers divided the city into four sectors, analogous to the occupation zones into which Germany was divided. The sectors of the Western Allies (the United States, the United Kingdom and France) formed West Berlin, while the Soviet sector formed East Berlin (Modern History Source Book, 1848-1871). All four allies retained shared responsibility for Groß- Berlin. However, in 1948, when the Western Allies extended the currency reform in the Western zones of Germany to the three western sectors of Berlin, the Soviet Union imposed a blockade on the access routes to and from West Berlin, which lay entirely within Soviet controlled territory. The allies successfully overcame the blockade by the Berlin airlift, which flew in food and other supplies to the city from June 1948 to May 1949. In 1949, the Federal Republic of Germany was founded in West Germany, and eventually included all of the American, British, and French zones, excluding those three countries' zones in Berlin. While the German Democratic Republic, was proclaimed in East Germany. West Berlin officially 86 remained an occupied city, but for all practical purposes, it was assimilated to the Federal Republic of Germany without actually being a part of it. West Berlin issued its own postage stamps which were often the same as West German postage stamps but with the additional word 'Berlin' added. Airline service to West Berlin was granted only to American, British, and French airlines. The founding of the two German states increased Cold War tensions. West Berlin was surrounded by East German territory. East Germany, however, proclaimed East Berlin (which it described only as "Berlin") as its capital, a move that was not recognized by the Western powers. Although half the size and population of West Berlin, it included most of the historic centre of the city and the West German government, meanwhile, established itself provisionally in Bonn. The tensions between east and west culminated in the construction of the Berlin Wall between East and West Berlin and other barriers around West Berlin by East Germany on 13 August 1961 and were exacerbated by a tank standoff at Checkpoint Charlie on 27 October 1961. West Berlin was now de facto a part of West Germany with a unique legal status, while East Berlin was de facto a part of East Germany (Berlin official website). Berlin was completely divided. It was possible for Westerners to cross over from one to the other only through strictly controlled checkpoints. For most Easterners, travel to West Berlin or West Germany was no longer possible. In 1971, a Four-Power agreement guaranteed access across East Germany to West Berlin and ended the potential for harassment or closure of the routes (Ostpolitik, 1971). In 1989, pressure from the East German population broke free across the Berlin Wall on November 9, 1989, which was subsequently demolished (Encyclopædia Britannica). Not much of the Wall is left today; the East Side Gallery in Friedrichshain near the Oberbaumbrücke over the Spree preserves a portion of the Wall. Democracy and market economy changed East Germany and East Berlin. On 3 October 1990 the two parts of Germany were unified as the Federal Republic of Germany, and Berlin became the German capital according to the unification treaty. In June 1991 the German Parliament, the Bundestag, voted to move the (West) German capital back from Bonn to Berlin. In 1999, the German parliament and government began their work in Berlin and since then, Berlin has seen a new phase.

3. 1. 2) Geography of Berlin

The unavoidable Google Maps show that Berlin is located in eastern Germany, about 70 kilometres (44 mi) west of the border with Poland in an area with marshy terrain. Berlin's landscape was shaped by ice sheets during the last Ice Age. The city centre lies along the river 87

Spree in the Berlin-Warsaw Urstromtal (ancient river valley), formed by water flowing from melting ice sheets at the end of the last Ice Age. The Urstromtal lies between the low Barnim plateau to the north, and the Teltow plateau to the south. In Spandau, Berlin's westernmost borough, the Spree meets the river Havel, which flows from north to south through western Berlin. The course of the Havel is more like a chain of lakes, the largest being the Tegeler See and Großer Wannsee. A series of lakes also feeds into the upper Spree, which flows through the Großer Müggelsee in eastern Berlin. Substantial parts of present-day Berlin extend onto the low plateaus on both sides of the Spree Valley. Large parts of the boroughs Reinickendorf and Pankow lie on the Barnim plateau, while most of the boroughs Charlottenburg- Wilmersdorf, Steglitz-Zehlendorf, Tempelhof-Schöneberg, and Neukölln lie on the Teltow plateau. The borough of Spandau lies partly within the Berlin Urstromtal and partly on the Nauen Plain, which stretches to the west of Berlin. The highest elevations in Berlin are the Teufelsberg in the borough of Charlottenburg-Wilmersdorf and the Müggelberge in the borough of Treptow-Köpenick. Both hills have an elevation of about 115 meters (377 ft). The Teufelsberg is in fact an artificial pile of rubble from the ruins of the Second World War. Köppen climate classification (Köppen, 1931) system notes that Berlin has a humid continental climate as such the city features a temperate climate. I now turn to look at the political structure of Berlin.

3. 1. 3) Berlin’s Political Structure

Berlin as the capital of the Federal Republic of Germany is the seat of the President of Germany, whose official residence is Schloss Bellevue. Since German unification on 3rd October 1990, it has been one of the three city states, together with Hamburg and Bremen, among the present 16 states of Germany. The Bundesrat ("Federal Council") is the representation of the Federal States (Bundesländer) of Germany and has its seat at the former Prussian House of Lords. Though most of the ministries are seated in Berlin, some of them, as well as some minor departments, are seated in Bonn, the former capital of West Germany. The city and state parliament is the House of Representatives (Abgeordnetenhaus), which currently has 141 seats. Berlin's executive body is the Senate of Berlin (Senat von Berlin). The Senate of Berlin consists of the Governing Mayor (Regierender Bürgermeister) and up to eight senators holding ministerial positions, one of them holding the official title "Mayor" (Bürgermeister) as deputy to the Governing Mayor. The Social Democratic Party (SPD) and The Left (Die Linke) 88 took control of the city government after the 2001 state election and won another term in the 2006 state election (Die Landeswahlleiterin für Berlin, 2006). The Governing Mayor is simultaneously Lord Mayor of the city (Oberbürgermeister der Stadt) and Prime Minister of the Federal State (Ministerpräsident des Bundeslandes). The office of Berlin's Governing Mayor is in the Rotes Rathaus (Red City Hall). Since 2001 this office has been held by Klaus Wowereit of the SPD. (Europe Time, 2005; Landler Mark, 2006) The city's government is based on a coalition between the Social Democratic Party and Die Linke.

Today’s Berlin is subdivided into 12 boroughs (Bezirke in German), which are administrative units with political rights comparable to incorporated communities in the rest of Germany but not separate legal entities from the city. Before Berlin's 2001 administrative reform, there were 23 boroughs; each borough subdivided into a number of localities (Ortsteile). Many residents strongly identify with their localities or boroughs and some of which have been rearranged several times over the years. At present the city of Berlin consists of 95 such localities, the localities often consist of a number of city neighbourhoods (usually called Kiez in the Berliner dialect) representing small residential areas. Each borough is governed by a Borough Council (Bezirksamt) consisting of five Councillors (Bezirksstadträte) and a Borough Mayor (Bezirksbürgermeister). The Borough Council is elected by the Borough Assembly (Bezirksverordnetenversammlung) also; the boroughs of Berlin are not independent municipalities. The power of borough governments is limited and subordinate to the Senate of Berlin, the borough mayors form the Council of Mayors (Rat der Bürgermeister), led by the city's Governing Mayor, who advises the Senate. The localities have no government bodies of their own, even though most of the localities have historic roots in older municipalities that predate the formation of Greater Berlin on October 1, 1920. The subsequent position of locality representative (Ortsvorsteher) was discontinued in favour of borough mayors. The figure that follows exhibits the different boroughs of today’s state of Berlin

Figure 10: Map showing the different boroughs of the present city of Berlin Source: Klockmann (2004).

According to the Unification Treaty which was signed between the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic on 31 August 1990, it also formalized the unification of Berlin. According to this treaty, western and eastern boroughs formed Berlin with its boundaries being basically defined by the law on the formation of a new Berlin Municipality (Gesetz über die Bildung einer neuen Stadtgemeinde Berlin) of April 1920 (Statistisches Landesamt Berlin, 2000). In addition to this, the external boundaries of the western part of Berlin that had been agreed with the Berlin Senate and the German Democratic Republic remained unchanged and all former exclaves fell to the state of Brandenburg15. The territorial reform of 2001 reduced Berlin’s 23 boroughs to 12 boroughs by joining neighbouring regions. The section that follows grapples with Berlin’s demography as cosmopolitan city, I

15 Though is surrounded by the state of Brandenburg, Berlin does not belong to this region and constitute a state in itself. 90 equally use a subsequent sub-section below to trace the presence of African immigrants in Berlin.

3. 1. 4) Demography of Berlin

Multiculturalism is a green signal to the demographical composition of Berlin besides native Germans who live in the city. The statistics of 2004 revealed that Berlin is experienced populations increase during the first half of the 1990s though the increase is mostly related to the influx of foreigners, it did not prevent the decreasing population in the second half of the 1990s. In addition, the population increase in the western districts of Berlin is not parallel to the increase of foreigners in the eastern districts (Statistisches Landesamt Berlin, 2000). Another important indicator in terms of the demographic analysis is the increasing number of singles and the decrease of multi-person-households. This trend, however, contradicts with the statistics in the western districts that is populated with more foreigners than eastern districts in the western districts, 67 percent of the foreign households are multi-person-households (Statistisches Landesamt Berlin, 2000). In general, Berlin is faced with fewer families with children, more children living with one parent and more unmarried partners. According to Piening (2008: 10), “immigration has played a major role in the demographical composition of the city of Berlin and it transformed the city into a European metropolis, as is revealed in the contemporary population structure of Berlin. The period after World War II was characterized by reverse demographic developments; on the one hand, being the frontline and divided city, Berlin was most severely hit by the demographic consequences of the Cold War and this was particular true before the erection of the Berlin Wall. On the other hand, the Cold War and the construction of the Berlin Wall led to a great loss in population primarily due to the displacement of companies and their employees to West Germany”. In the late 20th and 21st centuries, the population of the city of Berlin has been much influenced by the possibilities for immigration into Germany in general, and Berlin in particular. Piening (2008) notes that, immigration into Berlin is regulated by, national and European regulation on grounds of the various lawful regulations. The legal and residence status of immigrants is classified into six categories viz.: labour migration, family reunion, internal migration of EU citizens, repatriation of ethnic Germans, asylum and flight and illegal/undocumented migration.

As of March 2010, the city-state of Berlin had a population of 3,440,441 registered inhabitants (Amt für Statistik Berlin-Brandenburg, 2011) occupying an area of 891.82 km² (344.33 sq mi), with a population density of 3,848 inhabitants per km² (9,966/sq mi). The urban area of Berlin stretches beyond the city limits and comprises about 3.7 million people. While the metropolitan area of the Berlin-Brandenburg region is home to about 4.3 million in an area of 5,370 km² (2,070 sq mi) and in 2004, the larger urban zone was home to over 4.9 million people in an area of 17,385 km² Urban Audit (2004). National and international migration into the city has a long history. The Greater Berlin Act of 1920 incorporated many suburbs and surrounding cities of Berlin and it formed most of the territory that comprises modern Berlin and the Act increased the area of Berlin from 66 km² (25 sq mi) to 883 km² (341 sq mi) and the population from 1.9 million to 4 million. Spooner (2007) notes that active immigration and asylum politics in West Berlin triggered waves of immigration in the 1960s and 1970s. Also, Berlin is currently home to about 250,000 Turks (especially in Kreuzberg, Neukölln and Wedding, a locality in the borough of Mitte), making it the largest Turkish community outside of Turkey.

In the 1990s the Aussiedlergesetze enabled immigration to Germany of some residents from the former Soviet Union. Today, ethnic Germans from countries of the former Soviet Union make up the largest portion of the Russian-speaking community16. The current decade experiences an increasing influx from various western countries, and young EU-Europeans especially are settling in the city. Additionally, Berlin has seen a rise of African immigrants during the last two decades Piening (2008). In December 2010, 457,806 residents (13.5% of the population) in Berlin were of foreign nationality, originating from 190 different countries (Amt für Statistik Berlin-Brandenburg, 2011). The largest groups of foreign nationals are those from Turkey (104,556), Poland (40,988), Serbia (19,230), Italy (15,842), Russia (15,332), France (13,262), Vietnam (13,199), the United States (12,733), Bosnia and Herzegovina (10,198), the United Kingdom (10,191), Croatia (10,104), and Israel (estimated 10,000; Spiegel Online, 2011). Still, the Amt für Statistik Berlin-Brandenburg (2011) has it that an estimated 394,000 citizens (12.2%) are descendants of international migrants and have either become naturalized German citizens or obtained citizenship by virtue of birth in Germany. All in all, about 25-30 percent of the population of Berlin is of foreign origin. The most common foreign languages in Berlin are Turkish, Russian, Arabic, Polish, Kurdish, Vietnamese, English, Serbian, Croatian, and Greek. Turkish, Arabic, Kurdish, Serbian and Croatian can be heard

16Berlin is speaking Russians' language, The Russia Journal. (2001) 92 more often in the western part, due to the large Middle-Eastern and ex-Yugoslavian immigrant communities, whereas Vietnamese, Russian and Polish have more native speakers residing in the eastern part of Berlin. Below I trace the presence of African immigrants in Berlin who mostly speak English, French and Creole apart from their ethnic dialects.

African Immigrants in Berlin

Though mention is made about the rise of the African Diasporas in Berlin only in the last two decades Piening (2008), (Jones, 1985; Reed-Anderson, 2000) trace the presence of persons of African descent in Berlin since the 17th century. Research documents very little about their numbers, missions and activities. However, research evidence suggests that among Africans in 17th century Berlin, Germany were African slaves and traders at the founding of the trade society Brandenburg-African company in 1682 and also a concise and chronological history of Africans in Berlin is presented by (Reed-Anderson, 2000). Africans were shipped in large numbers to work in plantations in Europe because they were assessed by Europeans to be physically strong to do hard work and also, among the earliest African migrants to Germany were very wealthy individuals who arrived with a retinue of domestic servants (Ngoh, 1998).

Since the 1990s, it is easily noticeable that the number of Africans living and working in Germany and Berlin has increased and (Koser, 2003) cloth them with the term ‘new African diasporas’. This is principally to designate the wilful transatlantic migrations and settlement of black Africans in the West much later after World War II which is unrelated to slavery. The African immigrant groups in Germany more or less fit Koser’s description of ‘new African Diasporas’. Considering that the increased presence of African immigrants in Germany is only a recent phenomenon-far later after England and France have experienced large numbers of African immigrant groups, it suggests therefore that the analysis of the situation of Africans Ugba (2004) in Germany should encompass the varying factors fuelling migrations from Africa to Germany in recent times. There has been different explanations and perspectives for the reason of increased African immigrants in Germany and in Europe (Fleischer, 2007; 2008; Reinhilde & Marina, 2010). Some African immigrants are of the view that Germany is a more democratic country and therefore a better place where one can attain his or life’s dreams, others credit the technological and industrial strength not leaving out the healthcare system as super; yet still some cite the welfare state as a magnet and with this line of reasoning therefore, 93

Germany ought to be a migration destination for Africans. She equally shares some strong direct missionary and colonial ties with some countries of Africa implying that contacts between some African countries and Germany dates back more than a century. An ignored factor is the geographical proximity of Germany to Africa. Since the last three decades, many African immigrants in Germany, who lived in Germany, had either relatives or friends whom through them (relatives or friends) have consumed German products. Through such social networks, the drive for immigration into Germany and subsequent chain migrations from Africa to Germany with guaranteed reception and help of adaptation into Germany after arrival.

In Berlin, African women and men are easily noticeable in many areas with either their colourful African attire or by their African braided hair do, especially when they use the U- Bahn line 9 to go to the Afro shops at Amrumer Straße. Africans can also be seen at the wheels of the yellow-coloured local Berlin buses, (i.e. BVG buses - the Berlin local transportation company). At the University teaching hospital Charité and many other universities in Berlin, there is a visible increase in the number of Africans, validating official statistics and perception about more African students who are have enrolled at Berlin universities (Federal Statistical Office, 2004) and also more African immigrants living in Berlin in recent decades. According to the Einwohnerstatistik Berlin (2007) a greater majority of African countries are represented in Berlin and there is a total of 18,174 African immigrants who are resident in Berlin. In fact, three major nationalities form the largest immigrant groups from Africa in Berlin, these are Ghana, Cameroon and Nigeria who make up a total of about 4844 persons that is 1862 Ghanaians, 1609 Cameroonians and 1373 Nigerians (Einwohnerstatistik Berlin, 2007). These three major nationalities form the greater part of the sample population for this study. Although immigrants from Africa live in different parts of Berlin, a majority of them inhabit in the boroughs of Mitte, Neukölln and Tempelhof-Schöneberg which are the centre and south parts of the city. Except for the district of Neukölln, (this used to be a western district before German unification). Mitte is formed with the unification of two western districts of Wedding and Tiergarten and an eastern district of Mitte, while Tempelhof-Schöneberg used to be two separate western districts. In addition, the districts of Wedding, Tiergarten and Neukölln are considered as traditional working class neighbourhoods in Berlin’s urban development. I shall now shift to look at the economy and economic structure of Berlin

3. 1. 5) Berlin’s Economy

According to Aschhoff, et al (2013), Germany is the largest national economy in Europe, and the fourth-largest by nominal GDP in the world. She is an advocate of closer European economic and political integration. Since industrialization, Germany has been a driving force in the globalized economy. It is a major player in exports with over a trillion in exports per year. This makes up for more than one-third of national output. Most products are in engineering, especially in automobiles, machinery, metals, and chemical goods. Germany is also the leading producer of wind turbines and solar power technology in the world. The service sector contributes around 70 percent of the total GDP. Aspects of the Germany economy are reflected in the city state of Berlin.

The economy of Berlin was once a major manufacturing centre and the economic and financial hub of Germany. It is located at a point where trade routes crossed the river Spree and quickly became a commercial centre (Berlin Tourist Board, 2008). During the early modern period, the city prospered from its role as Prussian capital by manufacturing luxury goods for the Prussian court and supplies for the Prussian military (Antipas, 2007). The Cold War permanently changed the landscape and after re-unification the city has relied increasingly on economic activity in the service sectors. Therefore, some remarks are necessary to reflect the structural transformations of Berlin’s economy. Between 1990 and 1999, East Berlin lost 79.9 percent and West Berlin 43.2 percent of their manufacturing labour forces (Statistisches Landesamt Berlin, 2000). In addition to this, while the intermediate goods industry remained with the highest number of employment as the manufacturing sector, the investment industry was affected most severely during this period. Though there was an increase in the number of companies dealing with the construction sector, especially in the eastern part of the city, the massive decline in the mid-1990s was reflected in the employment and turnover rates at the end of 1998 Statistisches Landesamt Berlin (2000). Still, the turnover of small handicraft enterprises increased in relation to the diminishing costs and East Berlin was able to produce only half the turnover produced in West Berlin. Moreover, during this period, Berlin’s exports lessened and Berlin’s share in the overall German exports fell and imports equally saw a decline and on this note, the expenditure of the city was always higher than its revenues which were mostly covered by shared trade and municipal taxes (Statistisches Landesamt Berlin, 2000). The city is not only faced with a diminishing labour force but also with an increasing unemployment rate; this is reflected in the labour market report by the Chamber of Industry 95 and Commerce (Industrie- und Handelskammer, IHK) as of March 2006 (Rothe, 2006). On the other hand the majority of the labour force is concentrated on the services sector which is quite parallel to the trend in Germany; however the number of persons employed in the services sector in Berlin is five times more than those in the manufacturing sector.

Though with the lowest per capita incomes of all metropolitan regions in Germany and a record accumulated state debt, the government has made significant improvements and in the last 15 years Berlin’s economy has undergone fundamental structural change (Ribbe, 2002). In 2009, the nominal GDP of the city state of Berlin experienced a growth rate of 1.7 percent (-3.5% in Germany) and totalled €90.1 (-$117) billion. Berlin's economy is dominated by the service sector, with around 80 percent of all companies doing business in services (Reuters, 2008). The growth of the service sector has gone hand-in-hand with a decline in industry and construction. Still, Reuters notes that today’s Berlin and the area surrounding it boast many strong companies and this development was assisted by significant funding from the European Structural Funds used to target the economy and infrastructure; Berlin received almost €1.3 billion in the six- year funding period that ended in 2006, and roughly the same amount was been made available which ran till 2013. The unemployment rate has steadily decreased over the past decade and reached a 13-year low in 2008; as of April 2010, unemployment was at 11.0 percent (German average: 7.9%) Amt für Statistik Berlin-Brandenburg (2013). The current dynamic of Berlin’s working population by economic sector is depicted in the figure which follows:

Figure 11: Comparison of working population in Berlin by economic sector 1992/2012 share of working population by economic sector. Source: Amt für Statistik Berlin-Brandenburg

According to the Amt für statistik Berlin-Brandenburg (2013), small and medium-size companies are vital to Berlin’s economy. Every 12 minutes a new company is founded in Berlin and every 19 hours a new start-up appeared in the digital economy. This economic vitality has created 45,200 new jobs and attracted almost 49,200 new residents to Berlin. The growth in the public and service provision sector, between 1992 and 2012, underscore the productivity of Berlin’s industry. Along with electrical engineering, food products, chemicals, mechanical engineering, and motor-vehicle manufacturing are some of Berlin’s traditionally strong sectors. In addition to construction and the skilled trades, which are usually organized in small businesses, trade and services also play a major role. The founding of new businesses continues unabated in Berlin. The private service sector has generated more than 100,000 new jobs in the last ten years, including the areas of trade, banking, and insurance, as well as transportation and communications, more than 50% of the people employed in Berlin work in the private service sector. In this sector the overall total comes to around 890,000 (83%) (Eurostat, 2010).

The Berlin fact sheet17 documents communications, life sciences, and transportation among the fast-growing economic sectors. Specifically, services that use information and communication technologies, as well as media and music, advertising and design, biotechnology, environmental services, and medical engineering. The Science and Business Park of Berlin- Adlershof is among the 15 largest technology parks worldwide. Research and development have high economic significance for the city. The Berlin–Brandenburg region ranks among the top-three innovative regions in the EU. Moreover, the European Commission initiative has made it such that the European Union invests in several projects within the city of Berlin. Infrastructure, education and social programs are co-financed with budgets taken from EU cohesion funds, this has attracted citizens from within EU without the EU and this has made Berlin a metropolitan in Europe and the EU (Eurostat, 2010).

Germany’s commercial policies are increasingly determined by agreements among European Union (EU) members and by EU legislation. Her monetary policy is set by the European Central Bank. Two decades after German unification, standards of living and per capita incomes remain significantly higher in the states of the former West Germany than in the former East. The modernization and integration of the eastern German economy is a long-term process scheduled to last until the year 2019 (Eurostat, 2010). I now turn to look at Berlin’s religious facet.

3. 1. 6) Religion in Berlin

Berlin reflects the religious facet of Germany. Germany was the homeland of the Protestant Reformation, but, in the politically fragmented Holy Roman Empire of the 16th century, many territories remained faithful to Roman Catholicism or reverted back to it, depending of the policy of the ruling house. This gives essence to at least look at what definition religion carries. In fact, religion joins many phenomena in anthropology whose definitions are difficult but is needed. Geertz (1966:90-91) sees religion as ''a system of symbols which act to establish power, persuasion and long lasting moods and motivation in men by formulating concepts of a general order of existence and clothing these conceptions with such an aura of factuality that the moods and motivations seem uniquely realistic''. Emile Durkheim looks at religion from a

17http://www.visitberlin.de/en/article/figures-and-facts-about-berlin 98 functionalist stand point as the ‘cement of society’. In the final analysis, we might maintain that no matter how poly-dimensional or how imperfect, the definition of religion might appear because of human and cultural diversity, Geertz’ definition is however a fitting one here as it describes or situates medieval Europe through to modern times. Many Berliners, like other Germans, have no religious affiliation. Connolly (2009) indicates that more than 60% of Berlin residents have no registered religious affiliation and Berlin has been described as the atheist capital of Europe. The largest denominations are the Evangelical Church of Berlin- Brandenburg - Silesian Upper Lusatia (a united church within the Evangelical Church in Germany) with 19.4 percent of the population as of 2008, and the Roman Catholic Church with 9.4 percent of registered members (Kirchenmitglieder, 2007). About 2.7 percent of the population identify with other Christian denominations and 8.8 percent are Muslims. Approximately 80 percent of the 12,000 Jews now residing in Berlin have come from the former Soviet Union (Radio Free Europe, 2007). Berlin is the seat of a Roman Catholic Bishop (Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Berlin) and also of the Protestant Bishop (Evangelical Church of Berlin-Brandenburg-Silesian Upper Lusatia). The Independent Evangelical Lutheran Church has eight parishes of different sizes in Berlin according to the Selbständige Evangelisch-Lutherische Kirche. There are also a number of humanist and atheist groups in the city. There were other aspects about Berlin on which I could hardly lay hands on extensive information; the section below represents these aspects.

3. 1. 7) Other Aspects about Berlin

The table which follows presents other aspects of Berlin in figures as of December 2007 through to October 2008.

Facts: Figures*: As of: Area 892 km² Boroughs 12 Total population 3,292,400 05/2011 Male population 48,6% 05/2011 Female population 51,4% 05/2011 Foreign nationals 372,300 05/2011 Naturalizations 6,959 12/2011 GDP 94,700 Mio. Euros 12/2011 Average monthly income 1,475 Euros 07/2008 capacity of budgetary 21,948 Mio. Euros 12/2011 Marriages 12,394 12/2010 Births 33,100 12/2011 Unemployment 198,993 = 11,0 % 11/2013 Doctors 7,765 12/2010 Courts 20 01/2012 Public and private schools offering general 777 01/2012 education Elementary and high school students 317,830 2012/2013 Trainees 51,036 12/2011 Colleges and universities 39 12/2011 College and university students 160,100 2012/2013 * Unless otherwise stated, figures refer to the number per year

Table 3: Facts about Berlin 2008-2013 Source: Amt für Statistik Berlin-Brandenburg (2013)

3. 2) Conclusion

Presentation of background information on my area of study Berlin, the capital city of Germany, has been the primary goal of chapter three. The next chapter grapples with the methodology and methods employed in this study in detail and also a presentation of participants.

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CHAPTER FOUR

SECTION A METHODS

4. 1) Introduction

Chapter 4 focuses on the methodology informing the conceptualization and implementation of this ethnographic study, therein the main features of the research strategy, the study design adopted, sampling procedures, data gathering instruments and data analysis techniques used to investigate and analyse German-based African immigrants. These are regarding their ways of coping and their incorporation patterns and mechanisms, their transnational activities, and the creation of identity in multicultural Berlin, Germany. Relevant issues of practicality, ethics, and research politics are taken into consideration as they arise.

4. 1. 1) Ethical Issues in the Study

In keeping with standard research practice, general ethical considerations guided my actions in the implementation of this ethnographic study. An example here has to do with the principle of access, given the sensitive nature of the topic under investigation vis-à-vis those involved. Having attended a few events organized by the target group, they accepted to provide relevant private information in strict confidence. My national/continental origin, kinship ties to some of the people, knowledge of the local Creole lingua franca/pidgin English, French, and a fair understanding of German, permitted me to be able to have access unlike if I were a stranger with no knowledge of any African language. Though my identity and way of interacting with the participants also affected all other phases of the research, especially the sampling (who agrees to participate in the study) and the data collection.

Secondly, respondents on every occasion before the conduct and tape recording of an interview were informed of their rights to participate or not to participate. In fact, the issue of voluntary informed consent is at the very centre of research ethics in the social sciences. The human subjects of research according to this notion are entitled to know, the nature, purposes and

101 implications of the research and to autonomously choose whether to take part in it or not (McNamee and Bridges, 2002). The principle to respect the terms of negotiation with participants (Reynolds, 1982) underpinned this study. This actually had to do with issues related to trust, anonymity of persons, places and confidentiality is of utmost importance to this research initiative (an oral informed consent form is presented in the data collection section below).

Some participants revealed that they enjoyed the opportunity to ‘review’ their lives so far, in the qualitative study. They stated that their participation helped them clarify and assess their thoughts on some issues especially on their incorporation strategies, or they enjoyed talking about themselves, rehearsing their previous experiences to questions and being given the chance to reflect on their lives. This aspect of qualitative interviews has been noted before, but one cannot know in advance whether such self-reflection will be a positive or negative experience (Patton, 2002).

At every stage in the research, though against the expectations of some informants as some strongly expressed the zeal and enthusiasm to be quoted, research participants were given the assurance that, information collected will be reported in an anonymized form.

4. 1. 1. 1) Paradigmatic Considerations

The main research question was exploratory, implying that a qualitative research method appeared most promising. It permitted access to changes in the survival and incorporation strategies over time and its impact on German-based African immigrants. Doing fieldwork and participating “for real” also gave a feel of the natural environment and the socio-cultural realities (“ecological validity”, Vuillamy et al., 1990: 12) of the setting under investigation. I strongly hold that it is only through a researcher’s presence in the natural setting and direct contact with respondents that information about people’s ‘lived experiences’ and realities can be elicited. Although I have adopted a qualitative research strategy, I have nevertheless included tables and statistics wherever necessary to describe and summarize my findings. This is particularly in keeping with the method of statistical documentation as emphasized by Malinowski (1922). However, to carry out this ethnographic study, I needed access into the research site. 102

4. 1. 1. 2) Negotiating Access and Entry into the Research Site

Initial contacts were made through visits well in advance, through meetings and a field pre- visit. For instance I had met and exchanged views with some African immigrants during a meal at a restaurant at Kameruner Straße in the Wedding district of Berlin. I further contacted several members of the GCGCA (German-Cameroon Grassland Cultural Association). This association brings together Cameroonians, particularly those from the grassland region of Cameroon. Also the FIB was contacted (Flüchtlingsinitiative Brandenburg). The FIB is a political pressure group and is composed of different nationalities, but mostly Africans. I undertook this pre-visit during July and September 2006. Through these opportunities for contact, I met with three gate keepers who are of African origin and have been living in Germany for at least ten years and asked questions which partly guided the scope of this study. This equally exposed the gulf between German and European Union laws and policies and African immigrants’ incorporation strategies. During these informal meetings, people who used either a marriage or a reproductive ritual to incorporate expressed their willingness to provide relevant information about the subject under study.

Entering the field was not overly formal for me, given the multicultural nature of the field. However, as I also explained to some Africans I came into contact with and to the German police each time they harassed me to identify myself, using my research permit issued and legalized by Jacobs University, contact became somewhat formal in a way through the actual process. The first African I came into contact with served as a research assistant. He was exceptionally knowledgeable on the subject matter and was somebody of good reputation among most Africans ‘out there’. So each time I appeared with him anywhere, where he thought I could get information, we were welcomed without prior phone calls and the ever busy informants were ready to give their ears and time.

4. 1. 2) Research Design and Sampling

4. 1. 2. 1) Criteria for the Selection of Participants

First generation West African immigrants who migrated as adults and have been living in Germany the last two decades were my choice of participants. The selection of first generation 103

African immigrants was purposive in the sense that it “serves the real purpose and objectives’ of the research by enabling a researcher to discover, gain insight and understanding into a particular phenomenon” (Burns, 2000: 465). Furthermore, this category of participants have differing experiences from earlier African immigrants and even more so from second generation immigrants. Ryan (1995) and Bernard (1994) see this sampling approach as a compass that the researcher uses in order to move from all potential data on a phenomenon to a limited set of data that is analysed in the final report of an investigation.

On the one hand, participants who are African immigrants have diverse coping, business practices and beat-the-system strategies of incorporation/integration. These, which makes this group particularly fruitful to generate hypotheses. Theory could be grounded in this light using the grounded theory approach as postulated by Glaser and Strauss (1967). On the other hand, the selection of first generation German-based African immigrants was also in conformity with the main objective of my study: to explore the various strategies of incorporation used by African immigrants, the dynamics of these strategies over time. Moreover, how they are creating and recreating their individual and group identities in German society with all the tremendous changes that have been ushered in by the expansion of the European Union and economic hard times in Germany and thus the use of a ‘sampling logic’ or “those that are representative of the total population of similar cases” (Yin, 1994: 47). Certainly, many authors have attacked this latter sampling method in case study research on the grounds that such research is no more concerned with generalizations via representative sampling as the generation of theoretical insights (see for instance Yin, 1989; 2014; Gomme et al., 2000). In my own opinion, attempts should be made in qualitative studies to consider the extent to and the conditions under which findings from a given number of cases studied can resonate on the smaller, if not the wider population from which cases were drawn. In addition, and also crucial is that most Africans are based in Berlin contrary to the other cities. This fact further exposes them to multiple forces or multiple fields of contestation and dynamism given for instance, the multicultural nature of the city of Berlin with priorities, the near-by Polish borders, and general statuses of Africans especially upon arrival. The German pessimism vis-à-vis this group of immigrants makes the situation even more precarious. This pessimism has caused many studies to concentrate on the other immigrant groups like Turks in Berlin (Peccoud, 2001; Ostergaard- Nielsen, 2001). In regard that less has been researched on African immigrants, I opted to work with this minority group that meets the aforementioned criteria of multiple forces of contestation and dynamism in the city space. German-based African immigrants are sparsely 104 distributed all over Berlin. This made accessibility to them difficult in a limiting sense. African immigrants are mostly concentrated in the residential areas of the North Western quarters of the city of Berlin, but they have shops and other petty businesses away from this residential area. However, having had earlier encounters with many of them and having spoken with them early on, I knew some key informants in advance, most of whom showed their willingness to be part of the study in strict confidence.

The choice of German–based Africans immigrants equally made sense from a sampling point of view to be spelt out in the following section.

4. 1. 2. 1. 1) Sampling

Two major sampling strategies were used to get participants who participated in the study in different categories: either as individuals or as groups. Below are details of the sampling strategies used.

4. 1. 2. 1. 1. 1) Purposive Sampling

I used the purposive sampling strategy. In and by itself such strategies can be and were indeed utilized in bottom-up, top-down, and mixed manner. Either of these variants of purposive sampling was used separately with the different data collection methods (see below). The bottom-up and mixed was of primary importance. This is because I had my objectives in mind, the main objective being to explore the various strategies of incorporation used by African immigrants, the dynamics of these strategies over time and how they are creating and recreating their individual and group identities in the German society with all the tremendous changes that have been ushered in by the expansion of the European Union and economic hard times in Germany. Other sub-objectives were to further explore strategies of incorporation and identity reproduction among individuals and various groups of African immigrants, explore African immigrants’ perceptions and experiences of incorporation in Germany, explore African immigrants’ support networks, types and impact, explore and evaluate the patterns, features, frequencies and volumes of African immigrants local and transnational activities, and to investigate if these strategies put in place by these African immigrants have met with their 105 objectives, which I wished my informants to serve. The only limiting factor was that I did not determine the number of informants a priori.

The objectives also aided in defining case appropriateness. This is especially those who were considered for individual in-depth interviews and also which groups were appropriate for the community group interviews, while I also use the top-down approach to purposive sampling with a lot of strictness, given the nature of my research. In fact the nature of this research seeks to maximize variations in the cases studied and tries to capture central tendencies of the phenomenon of incorporation and identity creation and as such participants were supposed to have some aspects that are typical. Meaning that not every African in Berlin who either owns, operates a business, or works qualified as a participant. This is because there were for instance immigrants who own and operate businesses, are first generation immigrants but have lost ties with home, immigrated into Germany as children not as adults and have lived up to 30 years in Germany or more; most of such immigrants were of Ghanaian and Nigerian origins. This category of immigrants had acquired stays long before the expansion of the European Union and most of such immigrants did not seek asylum rather they immigrated for family reunion purposes. Moreover, some Cameroonians who immigrated as students at the dawn of the 1980s, have lived in Germany for about 30 years, had and could provide knowledge on the history of incorporation strategies but were themselves not appropriate cases. I assumed these persons did not face identity crisis at the time they immigrated into Germany to the extent to which those who immigrated the last two decades did because this forced them to do anything to incorporate and continue staying in Germany.

The number of male and female participants included in the study was determined only after the first phase of the study. Nonetheless although gender representation was initially considered as well, a gender balance seemed highly desirable in order to secure unbiased information on the issues under study and to thereby ground the data on evidence not grossly influenced by the gender of the participants. The overall number of persons I talked to was forty-two (42)18 persons who acted as participants of the study. Details of the participants’ profiles are provided in Chapter 6.

18 Five native German women inclusive. 106

4. 1. 2. 1. 1. 2) Snowball Sampling

Those interviewed first helped locate additional knowledgeable individuals who were candidates for the study, i.e., people -men and women of African origin -with a highly specialized knowledge on the domains under investigation - incorporation strategies, business operation/ transnationalism and identity creation. Such a strategy is used in studies of social networking Nkwi et al (2001). In the process of snowball sampling I also got involved with individuals from ‘German Mothers of Black Children,’ a group that organizes meetings of parents with African/partly African children in Berlin. This served the purpose to find out what being a parent of black children means to them and what being black in Berlin means to their children. Equally, I attended monthly gatherings of a cultural association of black people in Germany (Initiative Schwarzer Menschen) called Bundestreffen I also visited—sometimes as an associate member—African migrants’ community groups, such as the Cameroonian, Nigerian, Ghanaian, or Sierra Leonean communities in Germany, particularly those in Berlin. It should be emphasized that the use of snowball sampling was always controlled, in the sense that I only selected interviewees through this sampling modality if they ‘fit’ to the research question (the role of transnationalism in identity formation). In that sense, my snowball sampling strategy might be labelled ‘theoretical snowball sampling’ as -to stay with the confines of the metaphor -I only picked up the snowball if interviewees promised to aid me in the development of theory. Thus generally participants who took part in this study were:  First generation African immigrants,  Necessarily from West Africa, South of the Sahara,  Immigrated into Germany only within the last two decades,  Face a serious identity crisis with the expansion of the European Union,  Have applied different available strategies of incorporation in order to cope and incorporate in the mainstream German society in order to continue living in Germany. For instance, they were, and are either married to Germans, reproduce with Germans, own and operate business, studied or work to incorporate in order to fulfil their ambition at the onset of migration,  Are necessarily black Africans,  Have lived only a maximum of about 22 years in Germany,  Have experienced Germany in reality and have a changed perception of what Germany and Europe actually mean and what it is,

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 Have experienced changes in their socio-economic status vis-à-vis what it was before migration or immigration into Germany.

4. 1. 2. 2) Methods for Data Collection

I used both qualitative and quantitative data collection methods to answer my research questions. To illustrate this: one of my questions was, for example, how German-based African immigrants manage to incorporate into (the) German society? This question gave room for different incorporation strategies. Photos were also taken of things and circumstances that were significant for the research, alongside in-depth interviews. For those who own Afro markets, I gave them my photo camera to take photos of what was African in their shops and later on used these photos to ask questions. For instance during my discussion with an informant, I asked how the depicted clothes were obtained or certain other things like the food stuff, arts objects and films as example.

Community group interviews, life and case histories, observation and participant observation were other data collection methods employed. I am in line here with the “multi-method embedded case study” (Burton, 2000: 219). Using these combinations of methods and in keeping with research ethics; for the entire study, I successfully obtained information from fourteen (14) women and twenty eight (28) men. The participants came from different West African countries, namely Cameroon, Nigeria, Ghana, Sierra Leone, Guinea (Conakry) and Liberia. I sought to become acquainted with their coping strategies, their integration in German society, given that they are the ‘other’ and how are they forging an identity for themselves.

I have also been keeping a field note book, in which I wrote down pieces of relevant information collected informally and my own personal observations of important socio-cultural events. Furthermore, patterns of everyday life, and inter-gender relations, and also interviews which some participants who refused the use of a tape in the study area found their way into the note book; something very useful, as I was doing case study research in a multi-cultural environment. Below is the oral consent and the interviewing protocol as laid out before data collection.

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Oral consent-Project “German-based African Immigrants Transnational Sphere: Strategies of Incorporation and the Creation of Identity in an Expanded European Union”.

My name is Gukaah Brenda Nwana. I am a sociology student reading towards a PhD degree at Jacobs University Bremen. I am carrying out a research on my PhD dissertation project on how German-based Africans (particularly Cameroonians, Nigerians, Ghanaians, Sierra Leoneans, Liberians and Guineans- Conakry) migrants arrived and get along in Berlin, what kind of decisions and strategies did they take in order to regularize their statuses in Germany and what are their experiences staying in Germany generally as black people.

I have contacted you because I would like to conduct a non-standardized interview with you regarding your experiences of incorporation that is, how you managed to get your resident permit as an African immigrant living in Berlin or in Germany. I ask that you listen to my explanations and ask any questions you may have before agreeing to be interviewed.

The interview will take about one hour of your time. I beg your permission to tape-record it. I will ask you to talk about your experiences living in Germany as an African immigrant and how you get your papers (referred to as ‘qually’ by all African immigrants). At no time will I ask you for anything interfering with your confidentiality.

I would kindly request you to accept this interview, though I recognize that you have a very busy schedule. Your contribution will be most valuable as talking to you and other African immigrants in Berlin is the only way to find out and understand the real life worlds of African immigrants in Germany. It is important because it will furnish me with the necessary data and perspectives needed to write me PhD dissertation. Again, it could also provide important law and policy lessons for Germany concerning immigration and integration of people of African descent. If you decide to provide me with your address, I will send you copies of the final publication of this project (but it will take years for the publication to appear in print).

Some of the questions I ask may awaken difficult memories. Please know that I am sympathetic, and will keep everything you tell me confidential. I will provide you with all information at my disposal that can provide support of any kind should you be in need.

As I said earlier, your interview will be tape-recorded, transcribed and or translated into English by me. I will keep your identity confidential and will use pseudonym when referring to you or

109 your association. I will let you choose your own pseudonym before turning on the tape, so that your real name will not appear in the interview. I will take every step and make all efforts to keep all facts about you private and will keep all records private, under lock and key. I will refer to your interview in the dissertation using your initials and or pseudonym you provided. In no instance shall I cite your full names but reading the dissertation later one may recognize you by your activities/experiences and photographs mentioned and used in the interview excerpts19. I cannot avoid this, but please understand that your particular experiences and activities are of great value to my study and to fostering a profound understanding of the complexities and challenges African immigrants are facing in the light of integration and the phenomenon of expanded European Union in Germany. Please take note that, the only second parties to read this interview are my supervisors.

Your participation for this study is voluntary and no compensation will be offered, although I would be happy to share a drink or a meal with you. Please share only what you are comfortable with sharing. You may decline to participate, or you may choose not to answer any particular question that I ask. If you change your mind about participating, you may stop the interview at any time.

I will give you a sheet about with information about the project, as well as my contact information. Please feel free to contact me if you have any questions, concerns or comments about the project.

Thank you, Gukaah Brenda Nwana PhD candidate, Jacobs University Bremen Tel: 017627320563 or Jacobs University Bremen gGmbH Campus Ring 1 28759 Bremen Germany Tel: +49 421 200-40

19 One thing to take note of is that for most greener pastures migrants who acquired the asylum status after arrival, their stories and experiences seem somewhat the same and can also enhance anonymity and also bear less weight on the content of the data or information provided. 110

Protocol on Interview Setting/Location and Process (Interviewing Protocol)

The interviews were conducted in different places. Some individual in-depth interviews were conducted at the homes of participants who co-habit with other persons, even though with some noise but room was not given for third or other parties to influence the discussions. Participants were ever willing to talk. For participants who own businesses, I interviewed this category in their business lieu and offices; there was also usually noise during the interviews and discussions because of business calls and other customers who knocked because of the need for service or attention from the business men. Participants of this category were open minded and willing to talk but had limited time because they had to attend to customers at the shops or offices. Some of them spoke in honour of their commitment with me, because not all participants were given phone calls a priori. Before the start of every interview discussion, I asked for permission from participants for the use of a tape, which was granted by most participants and as such, most of the interview discussions were tape recorded. Although my tape was constantly being switched on and off during perturbations, the interviews and recordings went on successfully. Some of the participants were eloquent enough at the beginning but some were not eloquent enough at the beginning but picked up in the discussions a little a later. The first contact with participants had a strong impact, particularly in determining the relationship with me. Therefore, during the interview discussions, facts and issues flowed from the participants with no hitches especially with regards to the origin of the interviewer though some participants entertained some minor fear at the beginning. Most individual participants used “eeehhh”, and “eeemmm”, or rather stayed quiet for a while as a means to recollect their ideas before saying them out. Participants of the business category usually had difficulty sparing time to entertain discussions that are long like the interview-type discussions I was doing. Most interview discussions lasted between two and three hours or even more, especially with key participants and I also took copious notes in my note book during and after the interview discussion sessions.

The community group interview discussions sessions were conducted at the meeting venues of the associations: at Pankstraße with the German Cameroon Grassland Cultural Association and at Amrumer Straße with the Mano River Multi Cultural Organization. Before the commencement of the group interview discussion sessions, I pleaded permission for the use of a tape, which both groups granted and thus the community group interview discussions were tape recorded. To begin the discussions, I raised all the issues and aspects that needed to be 111 discussed with the each group in the form of questions as participants requested to know if the issues/questions were issues that they would like to release information about. There was little or no noise during both community group discussion sessions as the president of each group acted as a moderator to make sure that there was order which secured a saving of time Also, that the interview would be conducted smoothly free of unnecessary interruption, which could mar the smooth running of the group discussions. During the discussion sessions, a few members of the associations who also qualified as participants walked in. My tape was switched on and off during these perturbations, even so, the moving in and out of some participants during the discussion did not perturb the group interview. All participants were open minded and willing to talk on the subject as some recounted their life stories. There was a serious argument during the one of the group interviewing discussion sessions over the issues under study. The reason was that what some people know and have experienced differed from what others know and have also experienced. Although two participants during one of the community group interview refused to fill out the personal information form for fear of what the data might be used for, I bore with it for that moment and later got the necessary information from their president. The participants spoke in honour of their rendezvous with me. Not all participants were eloquent enough but a majority of participants for the community group interview discussions were sufficiently eloquent, had no difficulty at the beginning of the interview. First contact with the participants was also impactful, particularly, regarding the relationship between participants and the interviewer. And so, during the community group interview discussion sessions, facts and issues flowed from participants with no hitches with regards to the origin of the interviewer. Some participants used “eeehhh”, and “eeemmm”, or rather stayed quiet for a while to collect their ideas before saying them out. Each community group interview discussion session lasted four to five hours, and I also took copious notes in my notebook during and after the interview discussion sessions.

Finally, the guide I prepared for the community group interview sessions served as guide to the discussions I had with the president of Bali Cultural Association Germany (BCA-Germany) who also responded to the issues unreservedly.

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4. 1. 2. 3) Specifics of Approaches to Data Collection

The questions were developed side-by-side with the research objectives and this gave a clue to the data collection instrument and considerations for the data analysis.

4. 1. 2. 3. 1) Individual In-depth Interviews

In-depth interviews were conducted with eighteen (18) immigrants using interview guides. Issues under the first, second, fourth and fifth sub-objectives [explore strategies of incorporation and identity reproduction among individuals and various groups of African immigrants; explore African immigrants’ perceptions and experiences of incorporation in Germany; explore and evaluate the patterns, features, frequencies and volumes of African immigrants local and transnational activities; and to investigate if these strategies put in place by these African immigrants have met with their objectives] were raised and discussed in intimacy with both men and women in a one-on-one encounter because third parties could influence the discussions. Interviewing generates qualitative data, which provides a better feel of issues in a single-case study. It is adaptable and permits a skilful interviewer to follow up ideas, probe responses and investigate motives and feelings behind interviewees’ statements. ''It provides lenses and looking glasses to us and serves as the eyes of those researched'' (Nkwi et al., 2001: 6). According to Cohen et al. (2000: 172) such an approach “generates detailed and more valid responses of respondents’ perceptions of reality. It equally makes data collection systematic for each respondent and interviews remain fairly conversational.”

4. 1. 2. 3. 2) Community Group Interviews

Using this instrument/technique, I carried out two Community Group Interviews. Among the two groups (both of them were made up of twelve (12) persons at the most and these groups came from four different African countries south of the Sahara; that is from Cameroon, Sierra Leone, Liberia and Guinea, cited under snowball sampling) three participants representing three different communities were interviewed. The fact that participants involved in the community group interviews came from the same background, made them (to) feel at ease with each other and with the researcher. Therein, I explored issues under the first, second, and fifth

113 sub-objective [such was to explore strategies of incorporation and identity reproduction among individuals and various groups of African immigrants; explore African immigrants’ perceptions and experiences of incorporation in Germany; and to investigate if these strategies put in place by these African immigrants have met with their objectives of incorporating and staying in Germany]. The perspectives from participants explored during the community group interviews in light of the objectives as stated above, permitted me to highlight points of convergence and divergence and to generate appropriate questions for formal interviews and issues to follow up. For instance during one of the community group interviews, views from immigrants who sought asylum and those who studied clashed and this caused me to consider how students manage to incorporate. I equally engaged people in discussions without prior arrangement and in a casual manner. Information accruing from these sessions was used to more precisely formulate research topics and questions. The overall idea was to talk to people about social issues such as immigrants’ problems, connections with Africa, and developments that are of interest to the immigrant community. This permitted me to obtain hints from which to probe further. Worthy of note with the carrying out the community group interviews is that, it took months for the community group interviews to be carried out. This is because associational meetings are held once a month or at times once in two months for executive meetings.

4. 1. 2. 3. 3) Life and Case Histories

Life and case histories are specialized interviews that seek to make sense of an individual’s life experiences in both Africa and Germany. Under this rubric eight (8) persons were recruited as participants. The instrument had as its goal gaining an insight into the biographical context of transnationalism and its path dependency. Focus was on what had happened that African immigrants/participants found themselves in Germany, and how they construct Germany and Europe. The life and case histories of participants probe into individual experience at different stages in one’s life. Still, through the life and case histories I could make inferences about social changes that have taken place in the individual’s life. The biographical interviews opened so- to-speak, a window through which we can see the past. Emphasis was on the various influences on the individual’s identity in German society, his/her networks, and social capital amassed to help the immigrant/participant to incorporate. (Bertaux, 1981: 23) writes that: "each individual does not totalise directly a whole society he totalises it by way of the mediation of his 114 immediate social context, the small groups of which he is a part". The information on participants’ life stage that is come, exclusion, incorporation and stay provided contextual background for the issues under the main objective of this study, which was to explore the various strategies of incorporation used by African immigrants, the dynamics of these strategies over time and how they are creating and recreating their individual and group identities in German society with all the tremendous changes that have been ushered in by the expansion of the European Union and economic hard times in Germany. An interview guide was used to ensure that specific aspects were covered. Tape recording and detailed recording in written form went on for several days. In addition, I used case narratives, which are similar to life histories but are shorter. Here, I opted for in-depth narrative accounts of specific events particularly recent episodes such as the expansion of the EU, the liberalization of German society to high skilled immigrants among others. Hatch and Wisniewski (1995: 118) summarise pro-views saying: "Life history and narrative approaches are person centred, unapologetically subjective. Far from a weakness, the voice of the person, the subject's own account represents a singular strength. Life history and narrative are ancient approaches to understanding human affairs - they are found in history, folklore, psychiatry, medicine, music, sociology, economics and of course, anthropology. Their relative newness to us is a reminder of how often we tail behind". This was appropriate to the exploratory nature of the research questions asked. Yin (1989) agrees that such an approach is appropriate for studies that focus on contemporary phenomena within real life contexts.

“As a research endeavour, the case study contributes uniquely to our knowledge of the individual, organizational, social and political phenomena…. The need for case study arises out of the desire to understand complex social phenomena. This strategy allows the researcher to retain the holistic and meaningful characteristics of real life events” (Yin, 1989: 14). Lamb (2001) also acknowledges narratives and life histories from ethnography as one of the practices by which people construct meanings, contest interpretations of things, feel sorrow, hope and reflect on their lives and also exercise agency. For instance, Fielding (1992: 201) does not only observe that “the feelings associated with migration are usually complicated, the decision to migrate is typically difficult to make, and the outcome involves mixed emotions” but also laments that the individual worldview (migrant) as an extremely cultural event is side-lined during scientific studies. Therefore, in the study of the migration process a combination of the cultural, social patterns and their transformations, as migrants settled, should intensify and need to be studied as they apply to the individual particulars. In this light therefore, Brettell (2003) 115 and Lamb (2001) note that studying the particular is enlightening, and can be richly explored and analysed (that is the pattern, structure, culture and role of the individual in the migration process and also what is distinctive about particular immigrant population and their experiences) using the methodology of case narratives and life histories in ethnographic research.

Still, to ensure anonymity, identities, locations of individuals and places are concealed in published results, data collected are held in anonymized form and all are kept securely confidential although most informants did not fear being quoted and even expressed that they could be quoted. To this end, I followed Bulmer’s (1982) advice to use pseudonyms for institutions as well as people and places. The above concerns issues under the main and first sub-objective of the study [which are to explore the various strategies of incorporation used by African immigrants, the dynamics of these strategies over time and how they are creating and recreating their individual and group identities in German society with all the tremendous changes that have been ushered in by the expansion of the European Union and economic hard times in Germany and also to explore and evaluate the patterns, features, frequencies and volumes of African immigrants local and transnational activities; and to investigate if these strategies put in place by these African immigrants have met with their objectives].

4. 1. 2. 3. 4) Observation and Participant Observation

Systematic observation and probing. I observed the transnational activities and patterns of interaction among African immigrants and Germans using an observation guide. For example those engaged in businesses firstly, those who own and run Afro Markets—the location and how they get what they sell at the markets. In addition, I observed those who came to buy at the Afro markets, the assorted products that are sold there and also even followed up the topic of discussions that took place between these shop owners and their customers and how much money was needed to operate such business. Secondly, those who owned automobile export companies, the location and how they get the cars and vehicles which they deal in. I observed the kind of vehicles that they sell and export. Again, the kind of documents other immigrants who needed the service usually furnish for the service; how much money they needed to operate such business and I observed those who help in the running of this kind of business. Thirdly, I observed owners and runners of restaurants-how the dishes are prepared and also those who 116 come to eat. Fourthly, those who own internet cafes and Spätkauf shops20,those who come to these late night shops, what is sold in these shops, the kind of services provided as well as the relationship between service providers and customers. Thus substantial data was collected to enable the description of the issues therein listed under the third, fourth and fifth sub objectives of the study which again was to explore African immigrants’ support networks, types and impact, explore and evaluate the patterns, features, frequencies and volumes of African immigrants local and transnational activities; and finally to investigate if these strategies put in place by these African immigrants have met with their objectives. My status as a native made me privy to plenty of insider information. I observed behaviour in the natural context. This method enabled the incorporation of other qualitative data collection in the field. Systematic participant observation was also vital. It helped me to compare, verify and ameliorate data I got using the earlier described methods. Photo Voice was another qualitative data collection technique that was used, hand-in-glove during the Participant Observation period. This is a technique that enabled compilation of images generated by the participants that provide insight into environmental factors that affect their realities. As a qualitative research method, it can also be used to generate in depth interviews with participants (see Boehnke, 1999). Informants were aided by me to take photographs of their activities and the photos were used as stimuli for interviews and for illustration with the analysis. To explore strategies of incorporation and identity reproduction among individuals and various groups of African immigrants, explore African immigrants’ support networks, types and impact, explore and evaluate the patterns, features, frequencies and volumes of African immigrants local and transnational activities and to investigate if these strategies put in place by these African immigrants have met with their objectives, were the target with this instrument.

4. 1. 2. 3. 5) ComQol (Comprehensive Quality of Life Scale)

Some quantitative data was collected using the following methods, ComQol and semi- structured questionnaires. ComQol is a health research instrument borrowed from medical psychologists. Quality of life scale instruments were first designed to follow up medical conditions or medical processes; this however made their use unsuitable for the general population as a result. Cummins (1991) and Cummins et al. (1994) designed ComQol inclusive of quality of

20 Late night shop 117 life components which can be used and is suitable for different population subgroups. In this light therefore Cummins, 1997a) defines the comprehensive quality of life as: “Quality of life is both objective and subjective, each axis being aggregated of seven domains: material well- being, health, productivity, intimacy, safety, community, and emotional well-being. Objective domains comprise culturally-relevant measures of objective well-being. Subjective domains comprise domain satisfaction weighted by their importance to the individual” (Cummins, 1997a: 6)

Cummins’ definition incorporates five perspectives which are: (a) Multidimensional perspective of ComQol that is the objective and subjective; (b) Multi-axial perspective of ComQol which are the separate parameters of the objective and subjective components; (c) the fact that it can be used with any sub-group of a population; (d) the stability and reliability nature of the scale and (e) the gold arithmetic of the scale which is 75% +/-2.5% of the scale maximum. The different forms of ComQol explain which sub-group it is suitable for these are: ComQol – A: designed for the use with the general adult population. ComQol – I: designed for the use of people who have an intellectual disability or other form of cognitive impairment. ComQol – S: designed for use with adolescents 11 to 18 years who are attending school (Cummins, 1997: 6), Cummins (1996). Though, other perspectives of the quality of life scale have been dealt with by Phillips (2006: 15). According to him, the quality of life includes components such as “happiness, life satisfaction and subjective well-being as ’the basic building blocks of quality of life‘, and ’the actual sensations of pleasure and pain that are the foundations of feelings of happiness’”. Doyal and Gough (1991) in their theory of human need (THN) talk of prudent values and capabilities, and in this light Sen (1993: 36) takes on the capabilities of “being happy, achieving self-respect, taking part in the life of the community”. Whatever is the case, the individual is the direct object since it involves how he/she (in this case the African immigrant) thinks, feels and perceives of current events and situations (Kwak, 2010). For the purpose of this study, I used ComQol which is designed and appropriate for use with adult populations in general. In the light of using the ComQol data collection instrument, I formulated questions such as:  When you arrived, what did you expect to get and what did you get?  Has your perception of things changed after your arrival in Germany?  What do you consider yourself to be (a German-African or simply an African)?  What is the general assessment of your life at this point in time?

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 What does your child/do your children mean to you?

These questions permitted me to capture African perceptions of Europe and Germany in particular and what it is in reality; what immigrants consider their lives to be and how they make sense of their lives as the ‘other’ vis-à-vis other immigrant groups.

Also, semi-structured questionnaires were used to collect demographic and the history of migration data from participants. I helped the participants to fill in the scales in case they did not understand.

4. 1. 3) Research Strategy: The Extended Case Study Method and Grounded Theory

These methodological paradigms aim at using holistic evidence to describe, understand and analyse the cases and issues under study, ground theory and theory development more precisely in evidence instead of testing a hypothesis deducted from pre-existing theory. Mills et al (2010) in the reference publication note that the extended case method (ECM) is an ethnographic research method that focuses on a detailed study of concrete empirical cases with a view to “extract” general principles from specific observations. Typically, a researcher would participate in and observe a number of related events and actions of individuals and groups over an extended period of time. The researcher would then construct his or her (ethnographic) story and theorize about a social phenomenon, rather than start with a theory to explain an empirical reality. ECM is at once a method of data collection, analysis, and theory building. While Burawoy (1998) has put a clear road map to the extended case study method. In this method, Burawoy talks of Critical Social Science (CSS) which incorporates reflexive science. Neuman (2000: 82) describes the four patterns of Burawoy’s reflexive science as: “(1) The researcher interacts with subject-participants. Disruptions or disturbances that develop out of their mutual interaction help to expose and better illuminate social life. (2) The researcher adopts the subject-participants view of the world in specific situations but does not stop there. The researcher adds together many views from individual subject and specific situations, aggregating them into broader social processes. (3) The researcher sees the social world simultaneously from inside outward (i.e., from the subjective view point of the people being studied) and from the outside inward (i.e., from the view point of the external forces that act 119 on people). (4) The researcher constantly builds and rebuilds theory. This takes place in a dialogue with the people studied and in a dialogue with other researchers in the scientific community”. In fact, Burawoy (1998: 30) further argues that such CSS approach finely situates in arenas where the “people are powerless to resist wider systems economy and polity” that is where people have little or no control over issues concerning them. Though Mills et al (2010) notice that the conceptualization and the application of the ECM have changed over time. The use of CSS in the light of the extended case study method enabled me to understand, describe and analyse with ethnographic evidence the issues under study. Given the inductive nature of the study, the grounded theory approach was of utmost importance to compliment with the extended case study method as it helped me to identify theoretical categories for the eventual development of theory. The pace setters of this approach are Glaser and Strauss (1967). The ambition of the grounded theory approach is to gather empirical data from fieldwork for analysis for the development of theories grounded in data. In fact, Lepper and Riding (2006: 118) write that “the objective of grounded theory is not verification, but theory building. Glaser and Strauss did not see grounded theory replacing verification, but rather as supplementing the scientific process with a specific and systematic method of developing theory from an empirical, rather than a conceptual, base”. According to Strauss and Corbin (1998: 8-10) the goal of grounded theory approach is, “the nonmathematical process of interpretation”. Luca (2010) sees the aim of the grounded theory as the exploration of social processes in peoples’ interaction meaning that it touches on the symbolic interactional perspectives of social psychologists and sociologists (Merilyn, 1996) and also the bottom-top approach of grounded theory. In this light therefore, Piantanida et al. (2002: 3) have put down the tenets of grounded theory as “grounded theory provide interpretive researchers with a disciplined process, not simply for generating concepts, but more importantly for coming to see possible and plausible relationships among them. It is the researcher’s portrayal of these conceptual relationships that constitutes a grounded theory. Within an interpretive epistemology, such grounded theories are understood to be heuristic, not predictive, in nature”. Like the extended case study method, grounded theory too shares the positivist perspective. Such approaches have also been labelled ‘situational analysis’ (Gluckman, 1940). Burawoy (1991) rightly notes that such a situational analysis approach is capable of highlighting discrepancies between normative prescriptions and everyday practices. Both methods are however used to complement each other. In this light therefore, using the extended case study method and grounded theory approach simultaneously, I interacted with German-based African immigrants formally and informally and equally asked questions for clarifications on events and things that I observed. 120

For instance, I took part formally in some of the activities (the cultural week activities) of the associations sampled for study and simultaneously informally observed and followed up discussions between Africans and Germans who interacted during these activities. This gave insight to some of the avenues through which some Africans and Germans get a German for the former or an African for the latter for marriage. In fact, to date not all immigrants have access to inside information on deportation issues, it shed light on how African immigrants are arming themselves vis-à-vis the harsh deportation measures in recent times in Germany. Again, using the extended case study and grounded theory approach, it brought to light the fact that Africans use the African markets as a central hub to advertise their activities in Berlin and Germany. Furthermore, the extended case study and grounded theory methods brought to exposition the fact that African immigrants in Germany with strained home ties can have access to particular home services from Germany. Other bottlenecks of African immigrants’ transnationalism and how German-based African immigrants are using the above aspects to create and re-create an identity for themselves (details will be given in the results chapter). After obtaining all the necessary information, the next task was how to analyse them.

4. 1. 4) Data Analysis

Tape recorded interviews (data) were transcribed at the end of each day in the field and analysed for recurrent patterns from which themes were drawn. Generally, they flowed from the issues raised and discussed with the participants. Similarities and differences among and within the various groups depending on gender, position within the social structure, socio- economic status, marital status, religious affiliation, level of formal educational attainment, age were noted. Analyses implied the grouping and eventual classification of information by type of information and informant. This enabled me to compare utterances across participants and to arrive at similarities and nuances of meaning in their accounts regarding Germany and Europe. Within and above, I attempted to “identify themes, patterns and processes, commonalities and differences of opinion” (Miles and Huberman, 1994: 9). These issues reflected the main objective of the study to explore the various strategies of incorporation used by African immigrants, the dynamics of these strategies over time and how they are creating and recreating their individual and group identities in German society. Especially with the tremendous changes that have been ushered in by the expansion of the European Union and economic hard times in Germany and the general assumption that identity crisis for African 121 immigrants only heightened with the expansion of the European Union. Therefore a qualitative form of ‘cluster analysis’ was done. Analyses were contextual, taking cognizance of the circumstances of the conduct of the interviews as well as the non-verbal cues like the mood and facial expression of informants during the interviews. Thematic analyses for the various issues and sites were analysed separately and as a group to enhance the validity and reliability of the findings. Leininger’s (1991) criterion for substantiating the qualitative study was used to ensure reliability and validity of findings. These criteria include (a) credibility, (b) confirmability, (c) recurrent patterning, (d) meaning in context, (e) saturation, and (f) transferability. In the light the above criteria therefore, all collected data were classified manually as in the table below:

Themes Individual and group Explanation codes Summary information Briefing on Process Section entitled Interview Setting and process Migration History Come Statements about decisions to come to Germany.

Incorporate and Stay Statements about decision to incorporate efforts to realize this decision and also,

Statements about reasons for staying in Germany Incorporation, Coping Motivations Statements about the reasons for and Survival Process employing strategies to incorporate.

Statements about activities in Africa prior to arrival in Germany.

Statements about the function of networks for individuals and groups.

For cultural associations, statements about activities of the associations vis- à-vis incorporation and identity creation

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Table Continued Meanings of Life to the Progress and Statements about the African African Immigrant Perception immigrant life improvement compared to what was before migration and regrets related to migration on the part of the African immigrant. Statements about how the immigrant sees things in Germany after at least five years of stay in Germany.

Statements about the present consideration of the self-vis-à-vis identity for individual and groups Capital Material and Personal Statements about workable resources resources which catalyse incorporation, coping and survival process (for instance money, time).

Statements about relationships and social capital which help to facilitate incorporation and coping strategies and processes (for instance friends and other social network amassed in Germany after arrival).

Statements about personal resources like language, education that aid in incorporation Socio-Legal and Public policies Statements about policies and Political Framework conditions set by the state (for instance (Societal Opportunity on marriage, reproduction with natives, Structure) local integration) and other external forces that inhibit these policies such as exclusion, racism/openness of Germans vis-à-vis African immigrants. Policy Proposals Views and Response Views and proposals for policy changes in answer to the question ‘if you were a political leader in Germany, what would be your vision for African immigrants’? Considerations of Statements about what the African Return immigrant thinks about a final return to Africa Noteworthy Quotes Any statements and views that are particularly original, eloquent, descriptive, analytical and evocative

Table 4: Road map to the classification of data for analysis

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Churning of the data was done, that is all the data collected was synthesized after transcription. This means that data were classified, informant by informant according to what they said under each question and issue I raised and discussed during the interviewing process. Below is a synthesized template of Mr. Udoh

Informant profile Name of Interviewee: Udoh Nationality: Nigerian Gender: Male Age: 39 Years Civic Status: Indefinite stay Marital Status: Married before to a German woman but had divorced. Number of Children: 3 Children Level of Education: OND (Two years of university education) Religious Affiliation: Pentecostal Current Work Status: Self-employed Length of stay in Germany: 16 years Reasons for Immigrating: Studies Reasons for immigrating Come: I did not come here directly to Germany. I came eeehhh, into Germany I went for studies in Ukraine. Some of my friends during holidays time they normally come over here21 for some part-time job. So I said OK maybe I should just give it a try and see if there is any employment opportunity like a student to come and work for some time and go back. But we came there was nothing and eeehhh you know Stay: Oh somebody who has stayed here 16 years almost, I have decided to stay here. Because I have a family and I have children. My children are growing up and they are still young. And eeehhh, I don’t expect to leave them so early and eeehhh if there is going to be otherwise, say foreigners must leave or they start another genocide eeehhh you know that is when that we will leave. But as far as the children are still growing up, one needs to stay and take care of the children and make them have a good education and eeehhh you know and it means they may be transferring to any part of the Europe.

21Generally meaning to Europe. 124

Table Continued Reason for incorporating Getting Married: everything but we came, we found out that, you have to get your resident22 and before you get your residence permit, you have to get married, you know all those stuff. So it wasn’t all that rosy like we were always thinking while in Africa. Why! Ahh one first of all is was love. It was a nice woman that I got married to- a German woman that I got married to. She was nice, a very very nice woman I got my resident. But eeemmm things did not work out. In every relationship, there is always problems. Perception and ambition Immigrant Perception of Germany: Rosy- I expected everything to be rosy *(gesture: he laughs for a while). Rosy23 I expected everything to be easy. Life to be easy, you come, you have your own house, drive your own car and everything but we came, we found out that, you have to get your resident24 and before you get your residence permit. Yes, I was disappointed. I said you had a plan and you are sure that when you come to a country, you will find things easy. But when you came the things you were expecting to see was rough, more rougher Reason for joining Yes. Eemm that is the only means. I mean thinking of if cultural association anything happens. Though no one is praying for something bad to happen. I mean to have interaction with your community. There are so many black communities, there are so many associations but this one is a kind of eehh- how they call it eemm family meeting. We talk about, we speak out language, that is where you talk so many things about your……you feel + free, exactly. Identify yourself you know…. Activities; meeting chatting knowing ones problems. If there is any help to give to the person, nothing else. I don’t think it is much. There is no difference on how I have been before it is only that I see people, I talk my language25 with sometimes. Apart from that, there is no much activities. Especially as we don’t go there every week to talk. We only go there once in a month and seat and discuss and see if there is anything that one can help one

22 Residence permit. 23 In this context meaning beautiful and easy. 24 Residence permit. 25 Speaking in the mother tongue 125

Table Continued General assessment A lot, a lot. I cannot just definitely give you a definition but a lot has of life at this point really improved. Family wise eemm when I came in26 I came in alone, I was nothing I mean. Me sitting in the office, operating, having people to work for me is a lot. I mean a lot has really changed you know. A lot has really changed. Yes, these changes affect my family. Because I mean, I won’t say I am the bread winner of the family but I help to support them. If they need something eemm my parents are old and I give them some monthly allowances just to support them. And because they are old we are the ones taking care of them. And likewise here in Germany, a lot, I won’t say may be I help a lot of people, I will say is just a reverse27. Because I mean I give them a service and they give me also a reward for my service. And other people come here also and find something to do. You know it makes the black community also not that they come to do business. But they just feel like coming here and then seat down and then chat for some time and then feel happy. And then we tend to help other people like new comers that have problems, try to advise them on how to take their steps also Tackling with other To say about incorporation one has to. You have to mingle the aspects of situation as far as you want to live here and make a living. First of incorporation all you have to learn the language, though I am not too perfect in the language, you have to be friendly. I mean embarrassments, may be people does not or maybe I am not that kind of person who easily take to annoyance. So you cannot offend me easily. So there is nothing that you can do to make me run away from you. So I mean that is the only, that makes me speak it. I mean some eeehhh; when I came here people try to scare me away. I mean the Germans they tried to scare me away by breaking so many things, destroying peoples vehicles but all in all I mean by the power of God, I was able to stand. But now all those things are gone. You know for you to be able to incorporate with the society, you have to learn the language and open up your heart, and know that no matter what you see, or no matter what they do to you, you just have to take it as if it is normal.

26 That is into Germany 27 Exchange 126

Table Continued Reason for taking onto Oh well the idea came from eeehhh. We were lacking so many business and going people. So many shipping agents. There was no black shipping transnational agent and eehhh no black shipping agent and concentrated mostly on Arab and doing this business. And one day we started discussing and we said this thing is too much28 because we blacks patronize these Arabs more than ourselves. So and the blacks that were doing this business weren’t straight forward, they were somehow you know cruckish29 and eehhh I went into the business also, not so easy but you have to win the people’s hearts to show that you are genuine also and all those stuff. So that is how I started doing this business. 2001. It has been surviving since then. Economic changes The tax is normal30, the tax is ok. I mean we don’t pay no extra affecting business Steuer31 on top of exporting vehicles, you know because these are exports. What we pay is to make up tax Benutzersteuer. That is what you make at the end of the year and after your expenses, you pay your tax to the government. That is all. Considerations of return Oh good question. Africa is still a plan. We are still going to Africa, so Africa is still our home. I mean you can be in Nigeria and becoming to Europe is still like you are in Nigeria. So this is part of me, Africa is still part of me. I’m still going may be when I’m old, then I start making a plan to go back to Africa, if need be.

28 Arabs monopolizing business even in the African milieu. 29 Cunning. 30 Considered appropriate in line expenses and profits in the business. 31 Added tax 127

Table Continued Political question That is a very good question. It is going to be diverse. I mean, I can’t just make a plan. I can’t just give you a total, what I will do for Africans. First of all, integration. I make them feel more or less at home. But the problem of integrating people, I mean you don’t blame some countries that they are strict with their laws of integrating people. Because somebody, if you give people chance32, they tend to use it anyhow. So I mean it will, it takes a lot, you can’t just decide it alone. You have to work with your parliament or whatever, before you make a law to fit in for the immigrants you know. But for me I would like, if I tell you all the sweet things is like I am lying, you know. For me I will feel like first of all may be not difficult for all immigrants to have their stay. And if they have something to do, to work, then they should grant them their stay. I mean, those who are jobless, who are redundant, who don’t have anything to do. Those kinds of people may be they should keep them aside or may be give them a time table33 that if you don’t have a job, then you will leave the country. But as far as you are working and you are paying your tax and everything, I mean you should be entitled to have your stay, you know. What else should I say. Immigrants when you are not an immigrant, that’s how you see Africans. That is the only thing I would say; give them job opportunities. Let them work and have their resident. Apart from those who are disabled and those who are really war torn who are coming for the… You know, when we talk about African immigrants, there are people who see economic immigration and people who really political asylum seekers. So it means we have to classify them into different categories. People who are seeking for economic or political asylum, may be if they are fit to work, then you work and first thing to do and fit into the society and give them their resident and then you have the status like a real citizen of the country. There should be no discrimination and try to protect them and give them their own freedom also, you know.

Table 5: A synthesized informant interview transcript from fieldwork data.

32 Integrate he or she. 33 A time limit or deadline. 128

The data synthesis led to codes as evident in the above transcript and the codes were then classified into individual and group level codes. Codes from the individual level were, for instance, phrases discussed under migration history like “why I came to Germany”. In fact it was considered what each person had been saying in this regard, what their statements take for granted and or how the context served their statements and actions by maintaining, supporting or even impeding their argumentation. This approach offers a way to consider emergent properties of social aspects such as statuses of immigrants, strategies of incorporation, in relation to interactions at a micro level. Potter (1996: 85) writes: “A transcript can be seen as a device which precisely emphasizes the iterability and textuality of talk. It allows patterning to be identified which is not connected to any individual speaker and to consider the regular properties of devices for fact construction. It detaches from talk the immediacy and presence of voice”. Thus analyzing interview texts in this way allowed me to pay attention to the micro level of social life for the purpose of immigrant stay in Germany. Obviously, respondents’ resources and personal attributes, their human and cultural capital, societal opportunity structure and other societal circumstances had to be kept in mind. In line with Charmaz and Olesen (2003) behaviours, events, activities, strategies, states, meanings, participation, relationships and/or interactions, constraints and consequences were subsequently also coded. In detail what was coded under the rubric ‘behaviours’ was the reproductive behaviours of participants; under events, marriages were. Under the rubric‘ activities’ cultural displays were coded, whereas ‘strategies’ encompassed doing business and belonging to cultural associations and other association which are not cultural but politically inclined. ‘States’ pertained to an indication of racism in the societal opportunity structure; ‘meanings’ included questions on the meaning of life to Africans in general, and particularly to specific national groups as well as how participants construe life events and the use of symbols to convey messages. As for ‘participation’, learning engagement especially learning Deutsch; i.e., the German language and also trades in the German society were coded. Under relationships or interaction it was coded whether and if yes how Africans who have German spouses and partners have introduced them into the cultural association to which they belong. Also it was coded under this rubric whether spouses and partners have become part of the cultural associations, entertain close links with other people, exchange visits and/or assist their partners and other African immigrants to break through the laws/societal opportunity structure particularly in times of trouble. Under ‘constraints’, that is aspects with regards to return, codes were allocated to participants involved in business in the light of prospects in their business back home, and for participants who are not involved in business, codes pertained to fear of return or how and 129 when they plan to return to their countries of origin. Furthermore, incorporation, transnationalism, and the creation of identity in Germany were coded under ‘consequences’. Needless to say that the study’s setting, Berlin-Germany, its cosmopolitan nature and life and all the above gave themes/concepts used in the analysis and all the above is in relation to the grounded theory approach.

Still in relation to the extended case study approach, Stake (1995) writes that data analysis is a process, which is done at two levels, namely the ‘individual-case’ analysis level and ‘cross- case analysis.’ At the former level one observes what patterns, consistencies and differences were obtained from subject interviews and community group interviews with some aspects as social capital, immigrant profile, experience, strategy adopted as important variables in the field. It is only such an analysis that takes the researcher beyond the notion of the case as illustrative and then allows identifying the “common themes and patterns to be elicited, hypotheses generated and theory generate” (Edwards and Talbot, 1994:45). This was the general framework for my analysis. Although data from specific information sources such as community group interviews, individual in-depth interviews, observations and documents were subsequently analyzed either qualitatively or quantitatively. Qualitative and quantitative methods are ‘inextricably intertwined’ not only at the level of specific data sets (Miles and Huberman, 1994). Finally, self-reflexivity as a native anthropologist carrying out the research makes my experience an additional source of data for the study.

Systems Thinking and System Analysis

The use of systems thinking and systems analysis as a methodological technique for analysis in this dissertation is to show and describe the cause and effect relationships of concepts in the light of conceptual analysis. According to Maani and Cavana (2007), the levels of thinking model is that events lead to patterns, patterns lead to systemic structures and then to mental models. Cowie et al. (1991: 1305) define a system as a “…group of things or parts working together as a whole”, this means that systems have more than only a few number of elements which relate in a mutually constitutive manner dynamically. In this vein, a complex system must not necessarily be complicated, but one thing to be sure of is that a given element must interact with many others and interdependent to some extent. Dynamics is a term which depicts change of things with time. Such interaction of elements need not be physical, but could also 130 be the transfer of information (Cilliers, 1998; Urry, 2003). The effects of interactions of collective elements is rather compounded instead of the sum of separate effects; this leads to some qualitative emergence from the different interactions and such systems do not stagnate, rather they are dynamic, temporal, processes, producing both change and stability (Prigogine and Allen, 1982; Waldrop, 1992). The elements in the causal loop diagrams determine targets, policies, goals, and external drivers of a system or even outcomes. Doyle (1997) sees systems thinking as a powerful qualitative analysis tool and Fahey (2003) too takes on system dynamics to say that it also includes a quantitative simulation of a problem to provide a more in-depth analysis. Details of the causal loop diagrams are presented below:

Causal Loop Diagrams (CLDs)

Forrester (1961) first discussed this concept; while further elaboration of it later came from Rosnay (1979), Richardson and Pugh (1981), Senge (1990) and Sterman (2000). Haraldsson (2004: 21) states that “CLDs describe the reality through causalities between variables and how they form a dynamic circular influence. We want to observe the world through feedback rather than linearly. We want to observe repeated patterns that may be used to predict the behaviour in the problem. It’s about understanding cause and effect”. Thus to put it different, causal loop diagrams enable the description of events, issues that seem difficult and complex to understand in terms of cause and effect relationships34. According to Ringer (2011: 6) “CLDs is not an end in itself, but part of a process of articulating and communicating deeper insights about complex issues. It is pointless to be creating a causal loop diagram without having selected a theme you wish to understand better”. This suggests that CLDs have a function and benefit. Haraldsson (2004: 20) writes that their function “...is to map out the structure and the feedbacks of a system in order to understand its feedback mechanism. The CLDs are used to understand how behaviour has been manifesting itself in a system so we can develop strategies to work with, or counteract the behaviour. We also want to know to what extent and how the problem is connected to other ‘systems’. Reference Behaviour Patterns (RBP) are graphs used to chart and graphically visualize the behaviour of the variables (actions) we observe; that is how the behaviour of the actions of immigrants are changing with the

34 I analyse the processes of events with regards to strategies of incorporation and transnationalism among African immigrants through relational analysis-taking the logical, inferential, causal, sequential and mathematical relationships in details into due consideration, probing for the root cause of these issues. 131 passing of time. Sherwood (2002: 7) takes on the benefit of causal loop diagrams “...a visual method of capturing the now-tamed complexity-are a powerful means of communication, and their use can ensure that as wide a community as you wish has a genuinely, and deeply, shared view”. Roberts et al. (1983) illustrate the causal loop concept as explained in the figure below:

The arrow shows causality. A variable at the tail causes a change to the variable at the head + of the arrow A B (arrow) +

(tail) (head) The letter R in the middle of a loop

indicates that the loop is reinforcing A plus sign near the arrowhead indicates that behaviour in the same direction, causing the variable at the tail of the arrow and the either a systematic growth or decline. It variable at the head change in the same is a behaviour that is moving away from direction. If the tail increases; the head equilibrium point increases; if the tail decreases; the head decreases. + A B - +

A minus near the arrowhead indicates that the The letter B in the middle of the loop variable at the tail of the arrow and the indicates that the loop is balancing and variable at the head of the arrow change in the moves the system in the direction opposite direction. If the tail increases, the towards equilibrium or a fluctuation head decreases; if the tail decreases, the head around equilibrium point. increases.

Figure 12: The causal loop concept explained, quoted from Robert et al. (1983: 56)

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In drawing the CLDs in this and other chapters, I used the simulation software vensim obtained from vensim.com. Models are used in the analyses in Chapters 6 and 7. The model also enables the time dependent system to be explored under different assumptions with associated properties and framework for meaningful interactions. Since there are logical steps that follow in the strategies of incorporation and more often than not immigration and integration of immigrants are treated as a general issue.

4. 1. 4. 1) Levels and Units of Analysis

As stated in Chapter 1, systems thinking and systems analysis, Causal Loop Diagrams (CLD) (systems thinking tool kit and its language shall reflect thus), and I as the author take the stance of reflexivity (that is using immigrant narratives verbatim) with the analysis. Because system dynamics seeks the inside explanation of a problem (Richmond, 2004), all variables that interplay and influence the dynamics of the system behaviour are included into the model and this thus, cause the use of outside variables limited. Some light is shed on boundaries of the analyses of the CLDs and these boundaries revolve around the research questions especially pertaining to migration status, space and time these are:

4. 1. 4. 1. 1) Boundaries

The analyses and models take into account what happens to African immigrants who immigrate into Germany, their experience, coping and incorporation strategies and their continuous stay in Germany after immigration. It also takes into account the statuses acquired by African immigrants in Germany and why they have stayed. It considers only first generation African immigrants and not second or third generation although they co-exist side by side.

4. 1. 4. 1. 2) Space

The analyses and models considers only immigrants of African origin and specifically those from West Africa, south of the Sahara not all immigrants from Africa because of pan-Arab influences in North Africa, which gives Africans from there a different cultural background. It

133 considers Africans who are living in Germany and more specifically those in the metropolitan city of Berlin.

4. 1. 4. 1. 3) Time

The analyses and models considers the period of migration by Africans from the early 1990s to present day 2011 including the period that saw the expansion of the European Union and the implementation of policies of exclusion in fact immigrants who started living in Germany from the early 1990s to present day. Inherent in this is that, their revelations during interviews brought to attention to the fact that the culture of asylum seeking, getting married for the sake of survival with the goal of surviving, coping and more importantly regularizing immigrant status in Germany has seen a break. Obviously, a break came recently with the expansion of the European Union borders and the inclusion of other European populations in the already existing stock of the European Union. African immigrants have been applying various survival strategies and coping geared towards regularizing their statuses in Germany and contributing immensely to their continuous stay in Germany. Recorded culture lived by African immigrants during the past two decades in Germany, has seen a kind of selective tradition with the passing of time.

The analyses take into consideration one basic assumption: I assume that identity crisis for African immigrants only heightened with the expansion of the European Union. Within the context of this dissertation, I talk of status in the sense of the worth attached to African immigrants/ the participants in this study in the city space. Since most participants arrived as asylum seekers, student, to visit. To crown it all were not Europeans but third country nationals they were considered not to have regular statuses and so cannot operate and stay in the city space in Germany as a result the desire to change status to a regular status in order to be able to have worth and stay in the city. The consequence of a change in status from an irregular status to a regular status is incorporation. That is to become part of the city and be able to operate in the city.

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4. 1. 5) Fieldwork and Difficulties Encountered in the Field

This research endeavour was not smooth sailing. A major difficulty that this research faced was that of finance. The research took long to spark off because of the lack of finance. All bids to get funding for this research met with no success. So with lots of struggle on my part, the research logistics were bought and the research finally took off. Because very scarce funds were secured, I ran out of funds each time and had to hunt for bits repeatedly. The research finally saw the light of day, as I flatly refused to give up.

Given the fact that I dealt with immigrants of African origin who obviously felt the impact of discrimination, racism, and social exclusion among other violation of human rights and the sensitive nature of the questions, caused the participants at times to think that I was a spy for the German authorities. As such, in some instances the participants insisted to me that even though they were giving me their real names, they will not like me to use it better still quote them anywhere. To deal with this, I repeatedly explained to participants what my research and or data will be used for and that reports will be anonymized and even encouraged people not to give their names if they did not want to. Most participants understood and cooperated.

Again, the sparse distribution of participants in the field rendered the research more tedious than originally expected for me as I had to go from one end to another to meet and talk to the participants. This caused the cost of transportation to increase significantly in the field which was at the onset in a very bad shape.

Still, the participants equally added more ‘salt to the wound’: in some instances, when I call some participants that I am coming for an interview with them or with an individual, they agreed and let me come and when I got there to carry out the interview, some participants would rather deviate from my mission and choose to discuss other things and send me back setting another date of rendezvous to come for the interview. This worked to the detriment of the research and for me as well, as it caused the pace of the research to be slow as I had to put in more energy, time, and money, only to achieve little. I nevertheless, relentlessly exercised patience to achieve my goals, also for the reason that it is good academic practice to let the participants decide when they agree to be interviewed.

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More still, when the research finally took off, getting the socio-demographic data of some participants -that is, people revealing their identity to me- was a hard nut to crack. A majority of participants did not find it hard or strange to release their personal information to me. It actually really met with a hindrance each time I presented the interview’s template for participants to fill out. But with a high investment into persuasion argumentation I succeeded in having participants agree to talk to me and gradually as, I discussed with participants, I raised and discussed aspects and issues laid out in the interview’s template. Thus, the participants gave the information without formally recognizing that they are furnishing the information they had earlier refused to release and this aspect was dealt with.

In addition, I also had difficulty to find a quiet place to carry out some of the interviews and even community group interview sessions. So much so that at times, I had to spend close to five hours moving from place to place only to get a conducive locality to carry out the interviews. I had to bear with it because I already knew of such hitches.

Moreover, since most interviews were carried out at the participants’ work places, that is either at their shops, offices, or at their homes, the interview was always interrupted either by phone calls from customers or relatives, or the coming in of customers with urgent issues needing immediate attention, or guests or children in the house crying because they were not being given the opportunity to part take in the interview. As the interviews and discussions were being tape recorded alongside with note taking, to handle this situation, I always interrupted the process by stopping the tape and jotting down where exactly in the discussion I was with the participants. This proved to the participants that I was following up and participants were always willing to continue minutes later. In fact at one occasion, I had to interview a six year old boy from both African parents, born in Germany. This caused peace to reign as the child gave us the chance to go ahead with the interview.

4. 1. 6) Conclusion

Having presented in detail a road map to the conceptualisation and implementation of the whole research design that is the pragmatic considerations to begin with, accessing the research site, the research methodology used in obtaining data, ethical issues involved in carrying out the study, how the data is analysed and the difficulties encountered on the field, this does not mean 136 every African in Berlin participated in providing information on the subject matter. This means that data on different aspects of my research topic were collected from a sample population of a circumscribed population. This sample encompassed the participants of the study, who provided varying data (also in quality as participants capacities too varied). Thus, the next section of this chapter, grapples with a description and analyses of the participant sample of this study

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SECTION B

DESCRIPTION OF SOCIO-DEMOGRAPHIC PROFILE OF PARTICIPANTS

4. 2) Introduction

This section present data on the sample population, German-based African immigrants and describe key aspects among them which occur as recurrent patterns but this is not in a more narrow sense the data examination or even analysis. Rather documentation about the sample population that were selected via the purposive and snowball sampling technique for this study. Nevertheless, the data (in numbers) in this section does not neither answer the research questions nor increase generalizability of results, because actually generalizability is not at the core of the scientific gain of the present study. The study helps us understand chains of behavior. Thus the presentation of the data is meant to familiarise readers with the sample and also to lay the ground for the analysis of text in chapters 5 and 6. The first part documents the social and demographic variables of the participants of this study. While, the second part also presents comparison of the socio-demographic variables of participants coming to Germany for three different reasons identified from the subject data. This sets the stage for the different incorporation strategies used by the different categories of immigrants. The socio demographic data considered were: gender, nationality, age, number of children, level of education, length of stay in Germany, religious inclination, reasons for immigration into Germany, matrimonial status and profession or employment status, as well as some intricate aspects of the socio- demographic variables that had implications for data interpretation.

As mentioned above, data were collected from 42 participants, who were willing to volunteer information to me on their lives as German-based African immigrants in a transnational sphere, focusing on strategies of incorporation and the creation of identity in an expanded European Union. I took delight in these variables, because the sample offers good evidence for reaching answers to my research questions, thus having implication on the data content especially as I was using the extended case study and grounded theory method. The table below presents our participants by sex and their percentages.

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4. 2. 1) Participant Sample Distribution by Gender

Gender Number of Persons Percentage Men 28 67 Women 14 33 Total 42 100%

Table 6: Participant sample distribution by gender

Of the 42 participants included in the present study, 28 were males (67%) and 14 females (33%) all of the total participant population.

4. 2. 2) Participant Sample Distribution by Nationality

Participants were of varying nationalities. In spite of the fact that all first-generation migrants from Africa were in principle part of the population studied in the present research, there nevertheless was a certain focus on migrants from the West of Africa, which mostly has to do with the greater familiarity of the author with this African region and also with somewhat greater proportions of Africans from West Africa in the immigrant population (Idemudia and Boehnke, 2010). Although some Germans too formed part of our participant sample, this is especially those who are members of some of the immigrants associations we studied. Worthy of note is that they (Germans) were brought into these associations either by friends or husbands that is African men. The table below shows the nationalities of our participants.

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Nationality Number of Percentage of Men Percentage Women Percentage of Persons Total Sample of Men Women Cameroonians 20 48 17 60 3 22 Nigerians 6 14 4 14 2 14 Ghanaians 5 12 3 11 2 14 Germans 5 12 - 0 5 36 Sierra 4 10 2 7 2 14 Leoneans Guineans 1 2 1 4 - 0 Liberians 1 2 1 4 - 0 Total 42 100 28 100% 14 100%

Table 7: Participant sample distribution by nationality.

As Table 7 shows, all participants came either from West African countries or were German partners of West African men

4. 2. 3) Participant Age Distribution

Participants were of different ages groups. Age ranged from 25 to 55 years. Participants were grouped into three categories: 25-35 years, young adulthood, 35-45 years, mid adulthood, and 45-55 years late mid-adulthood. The table below shows the three age categories, the number of persons per age category as well as the number per gender.

Age Group Number of Percentage Men Percentage of Women Percentage of Persons Men Women 25-35 17 40 12 43 5 36 35-45 21 50 14 50 7 50 45-55 4 10 2 7 2 14 Total 42 100 28 100 14 100

Table 8: Participant sample distribution by age groups

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The above table shows that young and middle-aged adults were included in similar proportions. The conceivable significance in the age profile of participants, with the largest number of participants belonging to the 35–45 age group ignites issues related to African immigrant generations in the study of African immigration, while adults older than 45 years were less frequently included in the sample. This age distribution is of interest from a substantive perspective too, as it is worthy to note that in the oldest group Africans begin to feel age weighing on them and some confirmed they have started preparing for their return. While in the other age categories participants equally said they shall be returning but definitely later. The average age of our participant sample is 37 years, with no difference between men and women.

It should be noted that the researcher did in passing come across Africans who are far older than the participants in the present study. Only brief casual talks were undertaken with them, no formal interviews. Many of them happened to be of Ghanaian origin and had lived in Germany for at least 25 to 30 years, and had either cut ties with home or if they still had these ties, these are not really strong ties that can be utilised upon return. Thus, these older African immigrants were excluded from the study, as their degree of transnationalism was minimal.

4. 2. 4) Participant Number of Children

Participants had varying numbers of children, ranging from zero to four children. This is a fairly low number (Page & Lesthaeghe, 1981; World Bank, 1986). Most Africans seemingly are toeing the line, meaning they are living and fitting into the order of Germany, far from what is obtained in Africa; where it is normal for a man to have 10 children with one woman. Some participants however reported they had had children in Africa before travelling to Germany. The subsequent table documents participants’ number of children.

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Gender Number of Percentage of Percentage Number of Average Average Persons with Entire Sample of Same Gender Children Number of Number of Children Participants Children Children (Parents) Men 23 55 82 38 1.66 1.40 Women 11 26 79 18 1.64 1.28 Total 34 81 56 1.65 1.33

Table 9: Participants’ number of children

According to Table 9, 81% of the study participants have children, 19% do not as yet; that is neither in Germany nor in Africa. This means that 18% of the men and 21% of the women are childless, percentages not far away from those of German age mates (Boehnke, 2007). Most participants indicated that the positive fertility decisions in Germany were taken as a means to regularize their status and continue staying in Germany.

Above and beyond the mere number of children, it is important to take into consideration that among the 23 fathers, 10 have children with African women, while a majority of 13 have children with German women. Among the African women participating in the study only two had children with German men. All other nine female study participants had children with African men, two of them however, themselves being Germans. These data seem to suggest that “mixed” African-German parenthood is more common among male African migrants than among female African migrants. Though this can only be taken as an impression, because participants of the current study were not sampled by random probability sampling.

4. 2. 5) Reasons for Immigrating

There were varying reasons as to why people come to Germany and have become sit-tights, as participants expressed it. These reasons varied from the search for “greener pastures”, studies, asylum seeking, to curiosity, family reunion, and a mere visit. The table below shows participants according to their reasons for immigrating into Germany. Note that five participants were Germans, who are not included in this table.

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Reasons for Number of Percentage of Men Percentage of Women Percentage of Immigrating Persons the Total Men (African) Women African Sample

Greener 13 31 12 42 1 11 Pastures Asylum 11 26 7 25 4 45 Seeking Studies 8 19 5 18 3 33 Curiosity 2 5 2 7 - 0 Family 2 5 1 4 1 11 Reunion Visit 1 2 1 4 - 0 Total 37 88 28 100 9 100

Table 10: Participant sample distribution regarding reasons for immigrating

Table 10 documents that betterment of life is the most prominent reason for immigrating into Germany; almost one third of the participants report this reason. The reason is, however, reported almost four times as frequently by men than by women. Seeking political asylum and coming to study are prominent reasons among women. Family reunion was an immigration motive for just one man and one woman.

4. 2. 6) Length of Stay in Germany

Participants have lived in Germany for a different number of years, during which different immigration and integration laws existed, and this also impacted on their experience. All in all, participants had lived between slightly below five years to some twenty years in Germany. The length of stay of the participants is documented in the table below.

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Duration of Stay Number of Percentage Men Percentage Women Percentage of in Germany Persons of of Men Women (Years) all Migrants 0-5 3 8 1 4 2 22 5-10 24 65 20 71 4 45 10-15 6 16 3 11 3 33 15-20 4 11 4 14 - 0 Total 37 100 28 100 9 100

Table 11: Participants’ length of stay in Germany

Altogether most African migrants reached Germany in the first years after the turn of the millennium: about two thirds of the interviewed migrants came between 2000 and 2004. Migrants who came to Germany in the early to mid-1990s are exclusively men.

4. 2. 7) Educational Profile

The educational status of participants also determined how knowledgeable participants were on Diaspora topics like asylum seeking or integration. Such knowledge, however, had an impact on interview responses from the participants. The classification of participants according to educational attainment is shown on the table below.

The table makes it obvious that the interview sample of German-based African immigrants was fairly highly educated, also compared to German standards, where—depending on the age group in focus—up to 42 percent of the population have a high school leaving certificate or more (Abitur).35 In the current sample some 33 percent of the participants had a high school leaving certificate. Worthy of note is that among the most highly educated group, there were nurses, clinical researchers, and post-graduate students. The above statistics should separate African immigrants from the common perception by the German public, of African immigrants being, not educated, inferior and even unskilled.

35 http://www.destatis.de/jetspeed/portal/cms/Sites/destatis/Internet/DE/Content/Statistiken/BildungForschung Kultur/Bildungsstand/Aktuell. 144

Level Number of Percentage of Men Percentage of Women Percentage of of persons all Study Men Women Education Participants

Secondary36 12 29 8 28 4 29 High School 14 33 10 36 4 29 University/ 16 38 10 36 6 42 Professional Training Total 42 100 28 100 14 100

Table 12: Participants’ educational attainment

4. 2. 8) Religious Inclination

Our participants were of two religious faiths, namely Christian or Muslim faiths with one fifth of the study participants not attending religious ceremonies or being atheist. In detail, 31, i.e., 73 percent of all participants were Christians. Twenty-two of the Christian participants were men; 79 percent of all men were thus Christians. Nine Christians were women; 64 percent of all women. There were three Muslims (two men and one woman), seven percent of all participants. Of the eight participants who indicated they were not going to church, four were men and four were women. The table below illustrates religious affiliations.

Religious Faith Number of Persons Percentage Christians 31 73 Muslims 3 7 Do not go to Church 8 20 Total 42 100

Table 13: Distribution of participants as to religious faiths

36 Refers to those who have had at least 10 to 12 years of education 145

Christian participants further expressed differences in their religious denominations. The different religious denominations of the Christian participants are illustrated in the table below.

Religious Denomination Number Percentage of Men Percentage Women Percentage of Christians of Persons all of all Men of all Participants Women Catholics 10 24 8 29 2 14 Protestants 14 33 6 21 8 57 Pentecostals/Evangelical 7 16 6 21 1 7 Total 31 73 20 71 11 72

Table 14: Christian participants according to religious denominations

The table shows that the relative majority of all study participants are protestant Christians. Among women Protestants hold the absolute majority, while among men the relative majority is Roman-Catholics.

4. 2. 9) Marital Status

Participants were of three major matrimonial statuses with a lot of intricacies. They were married, singled, or divorced. The marital statuses of African immigrants have had a great role to play on their immigrant statuses vis-à-vis incorporation, coping strategies, creation of identity and their continuous stay in receiving Germany. The marital status of participants is represented in the table below.

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Marital Status Number of Percentage of Men Percentage Women Percentage Persons all Participants of of all all Men Women Married 21 50 13 46 8 58 Single 16 38 12 43 4 29 Divorced 5 12 3 11 2 13 Total 42 100 28 100 14 100

Table 15: Distribution of participants according to marital status

The above table shows that exactly 50 percent, of the total participant sample were married. Of the married study participants, more men were married than women. Also a majority of the singles were men; what is worthy of note about this group of people is that even though they are singles, some were married before and divorced (those who were married before and divorced were married to Germans), and some have children with Germans and Africans but are not married. Finally, only five participants of the entire sample expressed they are divorced giving a total of forty-two participants as shown on the table.

Intricacies of Participants’ Marital Statuses

As mentioned above, there were intricate aspects in participants’ marital statuses and these incidents are the attitudinal and behavioural characteristics of incorporation that participants portray especially through matrimony. In fact, this has had an impact on the marriage institution and family structures in receiving Germany. These aspects are presented in the table that follows:

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Intricate Aspects Number of Percentage Men Percentage Women Percentage of Persons of all of all of all Participants Participants men Women Marital Status Married to 17 40 11 39 6 43 Germans and still in the union Divorced from 14 33 10 36 4 29 Germans Divorced from 4 10 2 7 2 14 Germans and remarried to Africans Married to 2 5 1 4 1 7 Africans but have child(ren) with Germans Married to 5 12 4 14 1 7 Africans only with children Total 42 100 28 100 14 100

Table 16: Participants distribution regarding intricate aspects of marital status

The above table shows a majority of participants are married to Germans and are still in the union and among them are more men than women worthy of note is that among the women in this category, German women are a majority. Still, more men were divorced from Germans than women and remained singles; but this is not finite because an equal number of men and women divorced from Germans are re-married to Africans but this latter category are Africans only. Further, an equal number of men and women are married to Africans but have children with Germans, among is a German woman. And finally, participants married to Africans only with children were five in number with a majority of men-this category was exclusively Africans.

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4. 2. 10) Work/Employment Status

The work status of participants determines both their sources of income and their coping strategies especially with the economic hard times in Germany in 2008/09. The subsequent table documents numbers of employed (German: nicht-selbständig Beschäftigte), self- employed (Selbständige), and unemployed (Arbeitslose) German-based African migrants. The table below depicts the employment status of participants

Work Status Number of Percentage Men Percentage of Women Percentage Persons of all Participants Men of Women Employed 16 38 9 32 7 50

Self-employed 16 38 13 46 3 21 Unemployed 10 24 6 22 4 29

Total 42 100 28 100 14 100

Table 17: Participant sample distribution by employment/work status

The table above shows that sizably more men than women are self-employed. Among men self-employment is the modal employment status, while among women “nicht-selbständige Beschäftigung” is relatively more common. The unemployment rate among the interviewed German-based African immigrants is almost three (men) and almost four (women) times as high than it currently is among Germans Piening (2008). Self-employed participants were automobile dealers or Afro shop and internet cafe owners with other petit businesses.

4. 2. 11) Civic Status

This civic status of the 37 African migrants in the sample of interviewees was typically that of not being a German citizen, but having an indefinite residence permit (unbefristete Aufenthaltserlaubnis). For 32 participants, 86 percent, this was the case. Five interviewees had German citizenship, all of them men. This means that even though 15 interviewees were

149 married to Germans (see Table 16), not all of them have acquired German citizenship themselves. I shall now shift to the description and analyses of key aspects of our subject data which had profound impact on the lives of the participants and which also paved an understanding of the issues in the analyses.

4. 2. 12) Migration History

For the purpose of this understanding and analysis, it was appropriate to consider the socio- demographic status as a pillar of the different material circumstances from a historical perspective of African immigrants rather than race and come up with a presentation by taking into due consideration the resources that immigrants can put to use that would be to their advantage or put them on the disadvantage. Generally Africans migrate for different reasons. From the study, six reasons emerged as to why Africans immigrated into Germany but for purposes of clarity in this chapter and analysis in the next chapter. These reasons were grouped under three group level codes as: greener pastures, to seek asylum and to study, these are particularly influenced by African perception of Europe and Germany in particular while back in Africa, nurtured from stories and the lifestyles of those coming from Europe by those at home. The table that follows presents participants according to grouped reasons for immigrating into Germany

Table 18 shows three main reasons for immigrating: firstly, for greener pastures (perceived opportunities in Germany), secondly, to seek asylum, and thirdly for studies-perceived higher educational standards of Germany.

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Reasons for Number of Percentage Men Percentage of Women Percentage Immigrating Persons of all Participants Men of Women Greener Pastures 19 46 14 34 5 12

To Seek Asylum 9 21 8 19 1 2 For Studies 9 21 6 14 3 7

Total 37 88 28 67 14 21

Table 18: Participant sample distribution according to group level code reason for immigration

4. 2. 12. 1) Immigrating for Greener Pastures

A look at Table 18 above reveals that among the participants who migrated into Germany for greener pastures, the proportion of men is higher, meaning that more African women emigrate from Africa for greener pastures, a majority falling within the middle-age groups. In addition, only a very few attained a much higher level of education and many were of the Christian faith. A higher proportion of them have lived in Germany for at least close to a decade. The gap between their ages and the number of years lived in Germany, gave way for the conclusion that African immigrants for greener pastures migrated in their late teens, early twenties, late twenties or early thirties at the very latest. The Cameroonian population among this category is higher than other nationalities. In fact the Federal Statistical office (2006) has it that the first three nationalities as represented in the table are the three largest African immigrant groups in Germany and Berlin in particular. More participants were employed though among them some were self-employed. And only three persons in this category did not belong to any ethnic cultural or political association because they shy away from the financial obligations and rituals embedded in belonging.

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4. 2. 12. 2) Immigrating to Seek Asylum

According to the Federal Ministry of the Interior (2008), asylum seeker(s) are foreigners seeking protection under Article 16a (1) of the Basic Law from political persecution, from deportation or other form of return to a country where their life or liberty is threatened due to their race, religion, nationality, political convictions or membership of a particular social group. Persons entering Germany from a third safe country as defined in Section 26a (2) of the Asylum Procedure Act are not entitled to asylum under Article 16a (1) of the Basic Law. In a nutshell, to seek asylum is to seek for protection. The table indicates that nine participants of African origin revealed that they migrated to seek asylum in Germany. It is interesting to note here that these participants had knowledge about what it means to seek asylum before immigrating into Germany. Unlike most of those who migrated for greener pastures who had only traces of or no knowledge of what it means to seek asylum or protection in another country. A majority of participants in this category were men, most being in their middle ages. Further to this category is that, a higher number among this category attained at least a high school and a university level of education though this had no impact with regards to their reason for migrating to seek asylum in Germany. Worthy of note is that political persecution and violence are the reasons that spur migration to seek asylum in Germany for this group. Most were Christians and have lived at least close to a decade in Germany, many of whom were Cameroonians and only two from Sierra Leone and a majority of them were employed in different capacities. Associational membership was remarked as nearly all belonged to an association or Organization.

4. 2. 12. 3) Immigrating for Studies

The higher standard of education in Germany has been a magnet for some immigrants. Beck (2005) remarks, that there is recognition of education qualifications of persons with immigrant background in Germany. Some participants of this study immigrated to enjoy the higher standards of education in Germany. A look at Table 18 shows that a majority of the participants who immigrated into Germany for the purpose to study were men and among this group, only a few were in their late middle-ages. More importantly among this group of participants of the African sample, their educational attainment actually reflected their reason for their immigration into host Germany, though the purpose for migration for this group is to study, only a few of them actually did studied but they immigrated with some already acquired level 152 of education. These participants were mostly Christians. A majority of them have lived in Germany for close to a decade and above. Cameroonians were a majority among this category. Only one was unemployed in this category and a majority belonged to a cultural association or an organization.

4. 2. 13) Conclusion

The above presentation and description of the social and demographic characteristics that is gender, nationality, age distribution, number of children, reasons for immigrating, length of stay in Germany, educational profile/attainment, religious inclination, matrimonial status, work status and civic status of the participants for this study gives the understanding that participants were both Germans and Africans. Though all Africans came from different countries from the African continent, they have been interacting in the city space of Germany in varying ways and in different capacities that merits attention for study. Still, the major reasons for immigrating into Germany stem from an individual historical perspective. The social and demographic profiles of participants had a significant influence on the coping and strategies of incorporation as far as the research content and trends in the analyses are concerned. Having presented participants for this study, the next two chapters will handle the analyses of data from participants from different perspectives.

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CHAPTER FIVE

PATHWAYS OF SOCIAL STRATEGIES OF INCORPORATION AMONG GERMAN-BASED AFRICAN IMMIGRANTS

“Social reality presents two faces…it emphasizes chaos and confusion, the limitless welter of apparently unique events…society is fluid and social behaviour and relationships are inherently unstable, endlessly changing. Each piece of interaction is unique, never to be replicated. Human beings are unique individuals and the diversity of human experience is infinite. The other perception is that, despite the surface confusion of events, society is ordered. Patterned regularities of social behaviour emerge and persist over time as manifested in statistical rates. Social institutions may change gradually but also show remarkable stability…the paradox is that both these apparently contradictory views of society are correct! Societies are chaotic but also orderly; behaviour is infinitely variable but also regular and predictable; social relations change but are also stable and persistent. The problem of sociology is that it has found it remarkably hard to develop a perspective that can encompass both sets of truths” (Bradley, 1996: 5-6).

5) Introduction

Current approaches on migration and integration in Europe and the European Union take cognizance of the fact that the European Union is a supranational governing body and actor in Europe with her own elaborated values and interests, a defined coordinated migration management policy with a global outlook and long-term objectives that is beneficial for the Union and her citizens. Suggesting that nations and citizens who do not belong to the Union and who owe their origins elsewhere will be problematic. In this trend therefore, the politics of the new Germany and the nation state in transnational migration processes has seen more restrictive immigration and integration measures/policies in order to reduce immigration37 into Germany. The impact has been hardest on Africans immigrants who are a visible minority in Germany. According to (Beck, 2006; European Commission, 2013) Africans are foreigners in Germany, not citizens from any EU member state, thus third country nationals, and so they are devising strategies in order to cope with this exclusion and get incorporated through various practices (Glick Schiller et als, 2005; Glick Schiller and Caglar, 2008). From the present study different reasons for migrating into Germany have become overt. For African immigrants it does not seem exaggerated to say that sneaking through the back door of asylum seeking is

37 Of citizens who do not belong, especially third country nationals 154 common place. In fact the Federal Statistical Office has it that the African majority came to Germany as asylum seekers or students (Federal Statistical Office, 2004; 2006). This choice is completely different from migrants’ ambitions at the onset of migration. After entering Germany, the immediate effect seems to be that African migrants are faced with the stumbling block of exclusion and identity crisis. This had an implication on what the immigrant saw and experienced vis-à-vis what he/she had in mind38 before emigrating; this affected the kind of coping and incorporation strategy adopted by different persons and equally cast a light on African immigrants support network. The basis of this Berlin-focused scholarship is that it attempts to understand and explain the ways African immigrants and African immigrant groups incorporate themselves into life in Germany i.e., how immigrants as individuals and groups ‘become German-based’ and how life in Germany has been tumbling via the process of incorporation that takes place. For decades, the most influential paradigm to explain immigrant incorporation into German life has been assimilation, the process by which members of diverse ethnic groups come to share a common culture with and gain equal access to opportunities in society as native-born Germans or melt into German society. This chapter and the next accordingly analyses data constructed from fieldwork that is patterns of results and analyses them for their relevance to the research questions.

5. 1) The Study

The aim of this study was to explore the various strategies of incorporation used by African immigrants. The dynamics in these strategies over time and how they are creating and recreating their individual and group identities in German society with all the tremendous

38 For most Cameroonians and Nigerians especially, they had in mind the kind of immigration system that operates in their countries of origin. That is when one immigrates into Cameroon as a foreigner with a valid passport for instance, the foreigner goes to the immigration police office and acquires a residence permit in his or her passport, issued at first instance usually for two years (without purpose of stay being an issue) and liable to renewal five times after the first instance (still for two years each time at renewal) and thereafter a long term (10 years) stay permit is issued which is also renewable at expiry and the immigrant can continue to stay for as long as (s)he so desire; but does not imply at any instance that the foreigner can automatically change nationality through such process. Though there are procedures that a foreigner has to follow to change nationality to a Cameroonian but this is independent of immigration and resident processes. As such most Cameroonian and Nigerian immigrants (especially the ones who immigrated for greener pastures) had in mind that they will immigrate into Germany and will not face problems acquiring a residence permit since they do not intend to change their nationalities or even stay a life time. They hardly thought that to acquire a residence permit in Germany was a different ball game in its entirety with a lot of strings and bottlenecks. 155 changes that have been ushered in by the expansion of the European Union and economic crisis and hard times in Germany through their responses to the interview questions. The interviews elicit answers that provide knowledge about African immigrants’ perceptions and experiences in strategies of incorporation in Germany; African immigrants’ support networks, types and impact; the patterns, features, frequencies and volumes of African immigrants’ local and transnational activities; and whether these African immigrants through these strategies have met with their objectives.

This study includes a total of 35 interviews39, all in-person. The interviews were carried out at different locations in Berlin. Some were conducted at the homes of some participants, others at participants’ business sites, association meeting points and also at any other place that was conducive for interview discussions. They were fully structured interviews designed to gain in- depth information about living in Germany as an African immigrant40 and about strategies of incorporation and its intricacies of African immigrants. They were also designed to provide more content responses to the questions on the coping and identity creation strategies and trends adopted by individuals and groups of African immigrants, especially associations and organizations which participants are members. The guiding interview questions (see Annexes) sought to capture a picture of the current circumstances of individual African immigrants and groups who’ve stayed on in German society through the various stages of: migration history (come, stay and incorporate); incorporation, survival and coping processes (motivations and perceptions/immigrant capitals); social policies in Germany and their implications on African immigrants lives and their considerations for return. Native Germans who are wives, girlfriends, or simply friends of participants were interviewed to complement the views and accounts of African immigrant participants who provided more detailed information on their circumstances, challenges/difficulties and experiences living in Germany. African immigrants have thus stayed in German society through the adoption of various survival, coping and

39 For purposes of clarity, there were 42 participants, but not 42 interviews rather 35 interviews. Reason being, there were two community group interviews (of seven and five persons) where interview discussions took place in group and these groups were counted simply as two interviews. Later on, knowledgeable participants were singled out for individual in-depth interviews. These discrepancies in the number of participants and interviews can be noticed when reading. 40 Living in Germany as an African immigrant according to African immigrants suggests someone living in a place where you are not welcomed and as such, even existing structures oppose your presence and your progress and thus it is difficult for you to survive, you must employ strategies to survive and be ready to live everyday as it comes and always remember that nothing good comes easy. 156 identity creation strategies. Within the context of this dissertation, strategies of incorporation are defined in terms of adaptability and its related complex systems of interaction among environment, population and culture. This perspective underlies the opportunities and threats of any given society vis-à-vis immigrants or strangers. The figure which follows depicts the various strategies of incorporation adopted by African immigrants.

Getting married to native Germans and African-Germans

Creating and Joining Cultural German-based Seeking Asylum Associations for Incorporation and African Identity recreation and expression Immigrants Incorporation Strategies

Reproduction with native Getting into Businesses Germans and (Local and Transnational) African-Germans

Figure 13: Strategies of incorporation of German-based African immigrants.

In order to incorporate, cope and identify with the mainstream German society, African immigrants have been adopting different strategies. Figure 13 above captures the diverse incorporation strategies of German-based African immigrants in Berlin. Accordingly, African immigrants have been seeking asylum in Germany, getting married to native Germans as well as African-Germans, reproducing with native Germans as well as among themselves, operating businesses (both local and transnational), creating and belonging to cultural and ethnic associations all in a bid to incorporate into mainstream Germany. The sections below handle the steps in the analysis and discussion of the interview data.

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5. 2) Analysis and Discussion of the Interview Data

Content analysis is primarily adopted to elaborate on the strategies of incorporation over time. Discussions during data collection show how strategies of incorporation emerged and utilized over time as such coding of data took into account key words in context, themes- character and item in an attempt to grapple with data. Generally, in line with my main research question, I focused my analyses on the following key aspects:  Participants’ decisions to adopt different strategies of incorporation.  The working of strategies to meet the ambitions of change of status and acquisition of long term stay permits for participants in Germany.  Kinds of capitals that were of importance to participants’ choice of strategies of incorporation.  The local and transnational business undertakings of African immigrants (participants) and their impact.  Activities of identity (re)creation for individuals and groups of participants.  Other aspects that go side-by-side strategies of incorporation.

Text analysis methods of grounded theory identified three themes with several reasons for the adoption of different strategies of incorporation, and these common themes that emerged from the 35 interview scripts were grouped into three categories: social strategies, economic and identity (re)creation trends. Summarily, the frequency of themes was counted round by round, and the most frequently emerged themes are reported in the research findings. Frequency of different kinds of key words in context and indigenous terms talking about social pathways to incorporation from different participants was taken into consideration and captured in the analyses. The numbers show how the social strategies of incorporation helped many immigrants to regularize their irregular statuses, acquire long term residence permits41 and continue living in Germany. During the interviews, the frequency of some themes increased, especially the pathways of social strategies of incorporation, while that of others, like the

41 The term “long term or permanent residence permit” used here does necessarily mean a permit of unlimited duration but is first issued for a duration period of either six months, one, two or three years with the eventual long-term status being implicit at the time of issue. This is so because in Germany, a normal entry permit for a prospective settler is usually issued for three months validity and after entry and fulfilment of other conditions required of the immigrant (justification of status and purpose of entry), the permit becomes liable to extension for up to a maximum period of three years or the issue of an indefinite stay permit, otherwise known as unbefristete Aufenthaltserlaubnis. 158 economic and identity creation remained relatively stable. This information about the frequency pattern contributed in examining how these themes emerged and utilized over time. Lastly, the participant perceptions and meanings through time such as phases (come), stages (incorporate), and cycles (stay), were identified in this qualitative study. To explore the emergence, adoption and the materialization of the pathways of the social, economic (coping) and identity (re)creation trends of African immigrants in Berlin, a four-level perspective of data fracturing was used in the light of sub categories which are: reasons for the adoption of strategies; processes of incorporation via strategies; other issues related to strategies of incorporation; and systems perspective to capture the interconnectedness of strategies of incorporation. The figure which follows, denotes data segmentation according to themes and categories.

Themes Categories Sub-Categories

Reasons Marriage Social Strategies

Reproduction Processes

Economic/Coping Employment/Operating Strategies Other Aspects Business

Formation of System's Identity (re)Creation Associations/O rganization Perspective and Belonging Strategy

Figure 14: A schematic representation of themes and categories drawn from data

Figure 14 above is a summary of the representation of themes and categories identified from the interview data from participants and cultural associations of the study. The themes are defined here as the characteristics of the phenomenon of incorporation and the characteristics/patterns (marriage, reproduction, employment/operating business and formation of associations and or organizations and belonging) were grouped under different strategy types

159 as categories (social, economic and identity creation strategies). From the themes and categories are embedded sub-categories (reasons, processes, other aspects and system’s perspective) which help to bring out important aspects related to the phenomenon under study for a full picture and feel.

Adhering to the grounded theory tenets, starting with the initial coding and categorization of data (fracturing of the data into different parts) in texts analyses. I identified verbatim quotes from participant excerpts talking about the different pathway strategies of incorporation. Then I grouped all words that refer to reasons, processes, and other aspects of the pathways and their impact and strategy categories that is the sub-categories that arose from main categories through their dimensions and content according to Hollaway (2008) that categories are groups of related codes. Following Clarke (2005) on ‘intellectual capital in the bank’, that is, for concurrent data generation and analysis, memos copiously taken during the entire study. But in the first phase of the study attention was brought to the fact that, the embeddedness in the strategy processes was imperative to bring out a clear, coherent and concise account of the strategies for the strategy pathway names to be valid and tag as strategies. For theoretical sampling, after putting all data according to participants, I selected participants whose interview excerpts were rich and insightful to expressing issues from the main categories or sub categories and then their perspectives and these were incorporated into the text analysis of data. This is the dimensions of categories according to Strauss and Corbin (1998). In the light of constant comparative analysis, during the data analysis of the varying pathways (incident to incident, incident to codes, codes to codes, codes to categories and categories to categories were extracted) Birks and Mills (2011) issues under the sub categories, I coded for sets of words and phrases-all meanings of words in the excerpts that are of interest to the analyses are translated into a coding frame. Also concepts are recorded at the same and have the same meaning in all running texts even if they appear in different forms. I equally classified successive parts of the data according to the above categories. Then exercising flexibility, I introduced other levels of coding in order to incorporate important materials from the interview texts for instance, in the strategies of incorporation, all important aspects of incorporation and characteristics of incorporation experiences are taken into due consideration from participants from different country background to compare for any differences which according to the Reichertz (2007:220) is the cognitive logic of discovery. Thus, in the theoretical sensitivity, the analysis took the stand of reflexivity and emic concepts are derived as codes from the

160 interview data verbatim, whereas etic concepts result from a comparison between emic concepts and are specified as categories. The intermediate coding process led to the extraction of confounding variables and codes (emic and etic concepts) from the analysis of the categories (pathways of strategies of incorporation) provided the input for different Causal Loop Diagrams (CLDs) that is axial coding according to Strauss (1987). The core category was developed and clarified through thorough examination of the raison d’etre for the adoption of pathway strategies and the impacts of the processes on immigrants (core categories and sub- categories and their properties). Since themes are intricately linked, the last step of the method used in the analyses of this dissertation is systems thinking and system analysis the conceptual model of the Causal Loop Diagram (CLD), for a view of the whole picture of the issue under study. The CLDs illustrate the reciprocal flow of influence between different etic concepts (variables) of the system by identifying such concepts, their interrelationships and effects (i.e. positive or negative, direct or delayed). It helps in an understanding of how the different strategies of incorporation system used by German-based African immigrants’ intersects and works with the involvement of different stakeholders especially the German state policies and her opportunity structures/institutions, native Germans and other African immigrants as well. It is important to note here that the CLDs are specifically focused on the objectives and scope of this research since with a qualitative methodology, what can be seen as the essence of the case study research technique is to pay great attention to details in order to understand and document the relationships among events, circumstances, individuals, processes, and decisions made as Yin (2003; 2014) also notes. Finally, for advanced coding and theoretical integration, life and case-histories accounts excerpts were taken into serious consideration in order to capture fully the logic in the strategies and their pathways to incorporation to accomplish grounded theory. Finally data or material not needed in the analyses were eliminated. The section below treats with the definition of data categories.

5. 2. 1) Definitions of Data Categories

5. 2. 1. 1) Social Strategies

The term social strategies is intended to capture the social relational behavioural attitudes adopted by African immigrants of this study as individuals in their everyday living bids to incorporation especially after arrival into Germany. There exist two choices of the social 161 strategies, these are marriage and reproduction. Adoption of these strategies suggests a move away from the values and cultures of place of origin, to living the social realities of host Germany as an African immigrant or as African immigrants. The follow up of these strategies to materialization or fruition entails in all cases: time, in some cash and more especially the giving up of ambitions for migration. Self-esteem and identities are impacted upon by multiple realities entangled in these strategies. The choices of these strategies are also referred to as survival strategies since it has the potential as a source of change in the statuses of immigrants leading to the acquisition of long term residence permits through continuous stay in Germany.

5. 2. 1. 2) Economic Strategies

‘Economic strategies’ is a term used to capture the bifocal, multifaceted, local and transnational nature of money-making activities carried out by the sample population of this study in order to cope out of hardship and more importantly, fulfilling an essential labelled condition for integration. The economic strategies of African immigrants are principally self-employment ventures carried out in different goods and services provision sectors. The choices and resources (capitals) have impacted on the identities and lives of immigrants involved since it spans multiple realities of more than one location which also includes countries of origin. The choices of economic strategies are also referred to as coping strategies as it involves making improvements in the lives of immigrants and identity reproduction.

5. 2. 1. 3) Identity (Re)Creation Strategy

The above term as identity creation strategy category, refers to a form of continued expression of identity, harnessing attachment of immigrants who have moved away from their cultures and places of origin but feel and acknowledge the need regarding the continuity of their cultural values, identity, and kinship ties. These are relevant as it affect their lives, their off-springs (second and future generations) and their continued stay in Germany. Immigrants create and uphold identities in the form of coming under cultural ethnic associations and organizations. There are instrumentalities of belonging to an organization that the members enjoy directly or indirectly. Note: the economic strategies and identity creation strategies are grappled with in the next chapter). 162

5. 2. 1. 4) Reasons for the Adoption of Strategies

The reason for ‘the adoption of strategies’ is a term intended to capture immigrants’ (emic) perspectives for the actions of African immigrants after arrival in Germany. It therefore elaborates on the interpretation given by the African of his or her situation at the particular time in point after immigration into host Germany.

5. 2. 1. 5) Processes of Incorporation via Strategy

The processes of incorporation via strategy’ term refer to the steps and logistics to be taken and put in place as is required for a strategy or strategies to mature to meet the goals or objectives of the strategy and to be tagged as strategy. Important in the processes of incorporation via strategies is that they involve immigrant confrontation with Germany’s laws, social policies and opportunity structures, therefore form the basis for immigrant experience in host Germany. Worthy of note is that names of strategies are not strategies in themselves but are the processes that qualify the steps put in place to hit the target that makes the names valid strategies. There are no strategies without processes.

5. 2. 1. 6) Other Aspects related to Strategies

This term captures relating categories, interpretations and meanings involved in the reasons and processes of incorporation via strategies of incorporation.

The approach of this analysis is anthropological and systematized in perspective taking into due consideration emic and etic perspectives of immigrants’ actions and the impacts on their statuses and lives. Since one of the sub objectives is to investigate if the strategies of incorporation have met with the objectives of African immigrants. The account of the findings of this study should be judged on the basis of criteria relevant to qualitative studies in general as discussed above. I do not claim any universal applicability of this account, but offer the results of this analysis as one, partial account of how strategies of incorporation developed among African immigrants and are pursued in relation to acquiring legal stays in Germany, how material circumstances of African immigrants impact on these processes and the

163 interaction with existing societal opportunity structures in producing permanent and indefinite stays for African immigrants over time. In this work, ‘participants’, ‘African immigrants’, or ‘immigrants’ are used interchangeably to mean the same as participants of this study and I use alias names to identify participants’ fake names. Observation and documented evidences such as photographs are also used to corroborate case study findings from participants. Before getting into the preoccupation of this chapter, first of all, I present in the section which follows the typical African migrant who immigrated into Germany for greener pastures from a life- historical perspective. This perspective impacted a lot on the life of the immigrant from the decision to travel right up to the decision to stay and this perspective sets a background for an understanding of the issues later in the analyses.

5. 3) Life-Historical Perspective of a Typical African Immigrant for Greener Pastures into Germany

Within this context, the life-historical perspective is defined from the historical knowledge about Europe and the western world in general. It draws impetus from the era of the industrial revolution to modern day magic in technology which acts as a standard solution to globalization. The understanding from the African perspective is that Europe or the western world is a paradise of opportunities. Issues of coping and incorporation strategies of immigrants in general and particularly for the typical African immigrant are better understood from the life-historical perspective as it throws light on the perception of the migrant about the host Germany and circumstances leading to decision to immigrate. Also, come, cope/incorporate and stay is the main stem of the historical perspective as it contributes to the discursive constructions of Germany and Europe invoked by African immigrants in their talk about the immigration, experience and incorporation and pursuit of their aspirations for the future. These form the basis for the circumstances leading to immigrant incorporation and the totality of life as an immigrant in Germany. The section below is an excursus to the analyses and it presents a coherent pattern of the life-stages of a typical African immigrant into Germany for greener pastures. This part serves as a background for an understanding of the analyses in this chapter and the next.

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5. 3. 1) Excursus to the Analysis

The coherent pattern of occurrences which flow the life-historical perspective of a typical African immigrant into Germany for greener pastures is analysed by Pabis, a key participant42 of this study during his interview discussions with me43. He narrates the state of a Cameroonian born immigrant man, who grew up in a town in Cameroon, his perception of Germany and his decision to travel to Germany, then the hurdle of exclusion, incorporation strategies and syllabuses and his final decision to stay in Germany.

5. 3. 1. 1) The Zeal for Immigration into Germany (Europe)

Mbahmukong was born in Aneh village and grew up in a small village Mondoni where his parents were employed by Pamol44 and acquired secondary and high school education in a town Kumba not too far from Mondoni let me tell you something, during his school days he visited us in the village, most of us in the village regarded Mbah as a guy, may be because we rightly or wrongly thought that Mondoni was far more better than Aneh. Even if that assertion was wrong, fact is that Mbahmukong must have seen tarred roads and even white men before us. Because of the hardship in Cameroon Mbah migrated to Germany to look for greener pastures through the Kumba‐Wuppertal Ring Road45… (Fieldwork, Berlin).

The above excerpt makes overt the main idea which is the reasons for immigrating into Germany and they are three in number. The participant brings out the first reason through a distinction of categories, qualities and meaning46 in the perception of a typical Cameroonian

42 A participant who has the immigrant experience, profound knowledge on broad issues in Germany and especially, very knowledgeable in the subject matter of this study. 43 Because this ethnographic study is interested in learning from people’s experiences, it therefore means that experience need not be first hand as such, the coherent narrative of Pabis is based on the experience of another immigrant (by name Mbahmukong) a close friend to my participant (Pabis). 44 A Palm Oil production company in the South West Province of Cameroon. 45 This is a fraudulent route to travel from Cameroon to Germany used during the years of 1999 to 2003 particularly for greener pastures migrants. It is fraudulent in the sense that migrants either get another person’s passport (impersonification) and travel to Germany or will use a fake or false passport and visa produced out of the originals in the living quarters of kumba and successfully travel to Germany. Most often Cameroonians who live and leave from Kumba to Germany, they enter through the west of Germany and prominently Wuppertal first, then seek asylum from there before leaving to settle in other parts of Germany, thus it is known as the Kumba –Wuppertal Ring Road to those involved or to fall bush (go abroad) in the Kumba style. 46 The etic concepts/categories and perspectives derived from the interview analyses are identified in italics by me. This chapter and the next make use of italization in these identifications. 165 immigrant. There is a distinction between a village and a town and how villagers regard town or city dwellers as modern high standard people because of the social amenities, employment opportunities and benefits, be they of any kind which they have access to, making life and living easy and enjoyable. As such the conclusion is that people who live in the cities must be successful people in contrast to living in a village where such facilities and opportunities are lacking, thus suggesting an inability to be successful. Germany and Cameroon47 are contrasted in like manner in the perception of a typical Cameroonian who has never been to Europe even if the person lives in a town or in a Cameroonian city and this is the core which drives the zeal for migration to Germany for greener pastures. Worthy of note is that the participant makes mention of the fact that this view could be—either right or wrong—having had immigrant experience in Germany.

Secondly, another major push for migration into Germany the participant mentions is hardship48. This hardship for most Cameroonians was sparked off and harnessed as a result of the failure of the Structural Adjustment Programs (SAP)49 (Republic of Cameroon, 2000), which failed to produce an economic miracle for the Cameroonian economy during the slow economic growth era of the late 1980s. This coupled with the perception most Cameroonians had about Germany fuelled the zeal to immigrate into Germany since they perceived Germany is an economic haven as such a means out of the economic hardship.

Thirdly, the participant mentioned the Kumba-Wuppertal Ring Road, the availability of an easier route to Germany without visas and interviews protocol stresses which is also a spur for immigration into Germany for some Cameroonian migrants. In principle immigrants who live in Kumba a town in the South West Province50 of Cameroon entered Germany through Wuppertal usually through fraudulent means 51 that German immigration officials did not

47 Europe and Africa is contrasted in this like manner in the “perception of a typical African” who has never been to Europe even if the person lives in a town or in an African city. 48 Economic hardship 49 A program in which Cameroon accepted to open her local economy to foreign investors in order to help overhaul and fuel her slow moving economy but did not help in the intended direction for economic prosperity but rather caused the economy to hit the rock and this caused a lot of drawbacks for the country as a whole. 50 It is one of the ten provinces of Cameroon which is principally English speaking/Anglophone Cameroon. 51 Some prospective migrants who acquired authentic German visas took it to Kumba and it was duplicated and reproduced fraudulently in the living quarters of Kumba (these fraudulently reproduced visas looked real but in fact were fakes) as such some persons who also desired to travel to Germany from Kumba, could easily get these fake visas without necessarily applying to the German embassy 166 discover until much later. The reason for arriving via the west Wuppertal is because firstly there is less risk to be discovered and deported and also because there is a network of earlier migrants from the same area (Kumba) who also came through the same route with the same motives for migration), who serve as a stock of social capital of the newly arrived immigrants and from Wuppertal the newly arrived immigrants decide which city to proceed to. It is important to note here that whichever city the newly arrived immigrants decide to proceed to, there is also another stock of social capital already in place to continue guiding the newly arrived migrants.

5. 3. 1. 2) The Impact of Social Capital after Arrival in Germany

In Germany, Mbah was blessed with good mentors52. He was told that to avoid problems with those patrolling with SDF vehicles53, he needed a certificate54. He could get a United Nation recognition Certificate55, he could get a marriage certificate or a Vaterschaft56 certificate and that the syllabuses57 were clear. For the first certificate he needed extracts from the Messenger Newspaper58 with supporting pictures, for the second certificate, he needed to attend discos, parks and to smile back at any old white woman who shows a sign of smiling and for the third certificate he needed to go to fitness clubs, attend discos too and pretend to sing Rap even if he does not know how. It was possible to obtain the last two certificates in one year but with the risk of not being able to “poum”59 at last. Mbah did not make up his mind which of the certificates he should go in for, fact was that he needed any of them… (Fieldwork, Berlin).

52 That is good friends 53 SDF means Social Democratic Front, this is the largest opposition party in Cameroon and its party colours are white and green. So the German police patrol vehicles colours is considered by most if not all Cameroonians as SDF being in opposition with immigrants or events that disturb public tranquillity or appear abnormal in public and among Cameroonians it is common place for one to hear them refer to police officers in Germany as : green boys, camamburu, kütu, nyear, or Merkel’s guys 54 Residence permit be it of any kind 55 This is a residence permit that is backed by one or more of the articles of the United Nations usually applicable for asylum seekers. Such status changes will include, for example, situations in which a person claims asylum and is recognized as a refugee according to the Geneva Convention or as a person in need of protection. 56 Paternity 57 These are the strategies of incorporation that are available. 58 This is a local Newspaper in Cameroon that reports issues and events that the state newspaper does not report or does not want to bring to the knowledge of common Cameroonian. Such issues at times can be human rights violation, embezzlement, corruption, female mutilation (the cutting of the labia majora and the labia minora of the female genitals), and political persecution to name these few. 59 Runaway 167

The excerpt above, reveal clearly the effectiveness of the social capital and social network to a newly arrived migrant in Germany. Pabis in the above second excerpt lists a series of issues which social capital brings to the attention of the newly arrived migrant. Firstly, it cautions on the dos and don’ts in Germany, that is the city signals in varying perspectives; secondly it presents the entire immigrant situation to the newly arrived60 for instance the newly arrived is made to understand that (s)he is not welcome; thirdly, social capital presents solution options and what it takes to get through these solution options that is the pathways to strategies of incorporation and their syllabuses in order to obtain a long term residence permit with regards to their problem61 for the newly arrived. Finally, the newly arrived migrant is left to assess and make a choice from the solution options presented by social capital on how to survive out of the situation and relate with mainstream Germany. One thing that is pertinent with most newly arrived African immigrants is that, the only language they understand after arrival is that they are strangers but they do not understand that because they are strangers and do not belong or form part of mainstream society, they are not welcome and that for them as newly arrived African immigrants to survive and relate with mainstream society, they have to overcome hurdles. Reviving the newly arrived immigrant through a presentation of the different pathways to social strategies of incorporation as social capital does suggests that, out of these pathways, there is hardly any other way to incorporate especially for greener pastures African immigrants. In the instance of the adoption of any strategy, the syllabuses have to be followed cautiously for success. But for the asylum- seeking strategy it proved more difficult to mature according to the assessment of earlier arrived migrants than other strategies62. Thus schooling newly arrived migrants on the different strategies of incorporation available for adoption is also another form of compassing adaptation for newly arrived African immigrants. It calls to attention the fact that people who feel trapped and powerless will always devise strategies out

60 That is no status for a black African immigrant in Germany especially is a problem and even being an asylum seeker in Germany means you do not belong and still constitutes a serious problem for the African immigrant, thus social capital makes the newly arrived migrant to understand that he or she has a very serious problem (identity) which needs to be solved. 61 To obtain a defined status 62 Fact is being granted asylum in Germany on humanitarian grounds for some nationals’ especially safe third country nationals is quite difficult because firstly, the German asylum and alien laws are treated under one cover as Foreigners Law meaning that the clauses that apply under the asylum law must tarry with specifications under the alien law and more importantly is that the right of granting asylum rests solely under the benevolence of the Federal Office because it is common place for the Federal office to consider the asylum grounds of seekers as baseless and unfounded resulting to refusal to grant asylum to the applicant (Heinhold, 2000; Köppel, and Dannemann, 2009). 168 to survive be they efficient or inefficient, but one thing which is sure is that they will devise strategies and set the strategies to work before the strategies fail.

5. 3. 1. 3) Asylum Seeking as a Starting Point for Incorporation and the Decision to Adopt a Chosen Strategy

Mbah was admitted into the Asylbewerberheim63 Schönefeld bei Berlin where he graduated after three years with a Vaterschaft certificate64, to it was a limited liability insurance of 133 Euros payable monthly for 18 years as Unterhalt65. During these three years, Mbah had acquired some vocational training too, he had: Berufserfahrung66: zwei Jahre Tellerwäscher67 Spezialitäten: Nachtschicht68Besondere Kenntnisse: sehr schnell. Only after all these (that) Mbah thought it was time for him to settle69… (Fieldwork, Berlin).

The last stage of ‘come’ for the newly arrived African immigrant in Germany consists of seeking asylum, because it is difficult to enter into Germany and live without a defined purpose and followed by reproduction with a native German woman which is adoption of one of the pathways of the social strategies of incorporation in the case of the migrant (Mbah). Reproduction with a native German woman led Mbah to be recognized as father of a German child70 and the eventual issuing of a residence permit with Unterhalt the strategy’s bottleneck implied. In addition, in the course of incorporation some immigrants acquire some skills through performing menial jobs for instance the skill of dish washing in restaurants which Mbah acquired. A worthy note about this case is that the adopted pathway of incorporation met with the ambitions of a defined purpose of stay and the acquisition of a residence permit but definitely not with ambitions or reasons for immigration. This suggests therefore that the course of incorporation is stressful, because the immigrant is swayed away from his or her ambitions

63 Asylum home 64 That is Mbah succeeded in impregnating a German girl and she put to bed and he was recognized as the father of the child which gave him rights to share child care over the child with the mother of the child and his status began to metamorphose 65 Money paid to a mother who lives with a child without the father; by the father of the child as his own contribution towards the up keep of the child, and vice versa. 66 Professional experience - plate/dish washer for two years. 67 Specialty - Night shift 68 Ability -Very fast 69 Stay longer in Germany 70 The issuing of a Vaterschaft certificate 169 at the onset of migration and only after incorporation does the immigrant revisit or redefine what he or she wants to become or better still whether to continue to pursue motives at the onset that is the reasons for immigrating into Germany and finally the new decision to stay permanently in Germany meaning that the onset of migration did not include the decision to stay permanently in Germany. This means that, the greener pasture immigrant’s negotiation of the many city social signals (structure and culture) makes social space insufficient and therefore leaves no room to develop personality as all experience seems to be pre-processed. Having presented the life-historical trend of immigration and incorporation for the typical greener pasture African migrant, I now turn to look at the preoccupation of this chapter which is to analyse the underlying pathways of social practices and trends (strategies) of incorporation adopted by African immigrants in Berlin with the advent of the EU expansion in the era of globalization.

5. 4) Pathways of Social Strategies of Incorporation

A theme analysis of the interview transcripts identified two frequently emerged themes pertaining to pathways of social behaviours of participants in the German context. These pathways are marriage and reproduction to native Germans or African-Germans, the positive functions of these themes are harnessed over time. Although they were adopted by African immigrants about 20 years ago, they are still pathways that are adopted by present day African immigrants after arrival in Germany. Initially, the circumstances which the African immigrants found themselves in after arrival in Germany were not friendly: first the nagging issue of irregular status implying exclusion; secondly not wishing to be failed migrants - especially considering the motive for immigrating into Germany, this resulted in the devise and adoption of social pathways in efforts to acquire regular statuses to belong before revisiting motives for migration. Also, the opportunity structures71 in the German society help to boost the adoption

71 Roberts (1968) was the first to talk of ‘opportunity structure’ and according to him, opportunity structure is the notion that opportunity is in the way of organization of the structures and institutions of society which gives individuals and groups the chance to gain certain rewards or reach their ambitions. Or otherwise, opportunity structure can be considered as a pathway, as people are encouraged to take for the achievement of success in their culture(s Opportunity structures in society can hinder or expand individual and collective action because of gender, ethnicity, religious inclination or race in several ways: firstly, opportunity structures expand individual and the group’s opportunities within society; secondly, they expand opportunities for others from outside a society 170 of social pathways to incorporation. However, the availability of social capital and networks is a positive resource for participants which they acknowledged. The hard asylum laws and procedures for non EU citizens or third country nationals consistently impeded immigrants from becoming part of mainstream German society and as such decision to search, develop and adoption of pathways to incorporation. Using the grounded theory approach in order to capture, elaborate and analyse the incorporation strategies of African immigrants, several issues and questions were raised and discussed with first generation African immigrants (a people with their own cultural values, interests and competencies) in Berlin in different phases of this empirical endeavour. In this light therefore the analyses in this chapter targeted major issues that flowed from the main objective which are:  It explores reasons for the use of social pathways of incorporation such as marriage and reproduction by African immigrants,  Secondly, it elaborates on the processes and dynamics of these two strategies vis-à-vis immigrant’s individual status.  Thirdly, it handles other aspects of significance that go side-by-side these strategies  The last parts of the analyses of the social strategies gather and tell the story from the systems perspective. I now move on to the first social strategy of incorporation.

5. 4. 1) Marriage

This section considers marriage as a social pathway strategy to incorporation, invoked in participants’ talk about incorporation. It relies on content analysis and descriptive statistics. The content analysis establishes patterns in the qualitative data on reasons for getting married, the processes of marriage and the implication of these marriages on the statuses of participants over time. Interview analysis generates an interpretive account of participants shared meanings around marriage in Germany. The descriptive/analytic statistics is based on the interview data to clarify the qualitative findings. Marriage to native Germans and also Africans with a Germany nationality72, real or bogus, is used as a collateral insurance by African immigrants for their continuous stay in Germany. Marriage is the first aspect participants revealed they use

within another society; thirdly, opportunity structure also create opportunities for opponents within society; and create opportunities for elites within society. 72 In the context of this work they are more often referred to as African-Germans. 171 to get incorporated. Cameroonian migrants are a particular case in point who used this pathway to residency and long term stays in Germany (Fleischer, 2008; Bledsoe and Sow, 2008; Nottmeyer, 2010). The Oxford advanced learners dictionary defines marriage as a legal union between a man and a woman as husband and wife, in which a legal document which shows that two people are married is issued (marriage certificate) (Cowie et al., 1991)73. Schmohl (2005) has defined marriage as a mutual relationship between families and lineages. To put it properly, in our context the definition of marriage can stand thus as a legal and socially recognized union between a man and a woman (monogamy) or a man and several women (polygyny) to the exclusion of all other men. Implicit in the definitions is that in most if not all societies marriage is governed by a whole set of laws given the logistics embedded therein for instance the choice of partner. Marriage and its underpinnings have become an ideal as other aspects lose credibility and as a consequence, acceptance of divorce in some parts of the world increased (Schmohl, 2005). Germany is no different in its marriage institution as it is regulated by Article 6 of the Basic Law (Grundgesetz). Fleischer noticed that marriage has implications for the couples in Germany for instance financial benefits (Fleischer, 2008; Nottmeyer, 2010; 2014).

Still, for foreigners in Germany, they can only get married if they possess a temporary legal status at the time of filling in for marriage. Rose (2001) remarks that immigrants or foreigners who want to marry but fall short of the above condition are faced with the only immediate option of deportation. In fact Fleischer (2008) notes that special regulations govern marriages between native Germans74 and foreigners/or immigrants or non-Germans. The implications for foreigners who successfully marry German spouses are thus:  Change of legal status; which is the major target for immigrants and the participants of the present study stressed this aspect.  Temporary residency which enables them to work and later they become eligible for an unlimited settlement permits. Some of the participants also mentioned that this aspect helped them to acquire an unlimited settlement/residence permit75. This is according to the

73 Though countries like the UK, Canada, France and many others have redefined marriage with the current phenomenon of same sex marriages, but Germany has not visited the debate of marriage redefinition from this perspective though salient in the German context. With the rather preferred appellation as same sex unions or partnerships in the German context given serious reservations. 74 The group referred to as native Germans as used in this entire dissertation refers to individuals and groups of white people who are born in the Germany and whose both parents are also born in the Germany and owe their origins to Germany. The natives are always considered as the omitted group. 75 Unbefristete Aufenthaltserlaubnis 172

Foreigner Law paragraph 23 (Article 17 Section 1). While some of the participants who married under this law had their statuses changed and others moved further to acquiring a German nationality accompanied with the issuing of German passports. Further, according to Article 28 Section 2 of the Foreigner Law, shows that the foreigner is eligible for a permanent residency after three years of marriage. In fact the understanding and practicality of this particular socio-legal opportunity structure of advantage for immigrants, is a major reason why some participants/immigrants got married to native Germans in Germany. Before going into the reasons for marriage and all other aspects of marriage it is imperative to showcase participants who used this social pathway by their socio demographics which were nothing short of remarkable. The table which follows presents the socio-demographic characteristics of these participants.

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Sex Number of persons Male 17 Female 5 Total 22 Percentage 52.38% Age-group 25-35 11 35-45 8 45-55 3 Educational attainment Secondary 6 High School (Advanced Level) 6 University/Professional/Tertiary 10 Religious faiths Christians 16 Moslems 2 Non-Denominational 3 Reasons for immigrating Greener pastures 10 Asylum 6 Studies 5 Family reunion 1 Length of stay 5-10 years 15 10-15 years 4 15- + 3 Nationality Cameroonians 13 Nigerians 4 Ghanaians 2 Sierra Leoneans 3 Employment status Employed 5 Self employed 13 Unemployed 4 Associational Membership Belonging 17 Not belonging 5

Table 19: Socio-demographic variables of participants who got married to incorporate.

The socio demographics presented in this analysis chapter has as objective- in the sense of the old German humanities’ (“Geisteswissenschaften”) thrust on Verstehen. How prevalent a certain

174 feature of the interviewees is, must be disclosed. Table 19 shows that more than half of the participants, that is 22 (52.38%) used marriage as a route to incorporation. But more men got married because according to the African cultures in which participants came from, it is the man who looks for a woman and proposes marriage not the other way round. Again, a higher proportion are in their early middle ages and are qualified to get married according to German law while others are in their late middle ages which is still fine according to the confines of the marriage institution in Germany. At least all of them could read and write, even though a greater majority of participants attained fairly higher and professional levels of education but this did not impact on this aspect of marriage because all are immigrants of the same category especially as most of them came as asylum seekers and they were apparently facing exclusion to somewhat the same magnitude. The religious cultures in which participants came from also influenced this trend. In that the Christian dogma propagates marriage when one becomes an adult and most participants are attached to this religion though there were some Moslems in the participant sample. The reasons for immigrating into Germany were different from what participants practically did; a majority migrated for greener pastures, some to seek asylum and for the purpose of studying in Germany while one migrated to join his uncle who was already living in Germany. Though all of them migrated with different ambitions, exclusion and identity crisis caused one direction of incorporation. The length of stay in Germany was also important, it shows that more than half of the participants under this category have lived in Germany for at least five to ten years and others ten to fifteen and above. This means that incorporation for immigrants is a process that takes time especially as the African and German culture are completely different. Thus there is need for time for immigrants to understand fairly the basis on which the German society operates before choosing which strategy to use to incorporate. In addition, the marriage strategy coupled with other bottlenecks like getting a partner, convincing the partner to accept marriage especially for participants who were to get native German partners normally takes time before having an impact on the status of the immigrant. The major target African immigrant population for this study was Cameroonians, but the research methodology gave room for other nationalities, the reason why there is variation in the representation of the participant sample. Nearly all participants under this category were employed but for four who were not. Worthy of note is that a higher number of them were self-employed. Cultural associational membership76 is a pattern among participants

76 There were two that ethnic cultural associations or political pressure group and only one was identified from the study and this was the Flüchtlingsinitiative Brandenburg (FIB). 175 under this category, as a majority of them belonged and only four were not attached to any. Participants used this aspect to create social network to facilitate their incorporation, reason why most of the participants belong. The following sections handle the reasons for getting married by African immigrants.

5. 4. 1. 1) Reasons for Getting Married

The reasons for getting married are the rationale behind immigrants’ social behaviour/action or the common place of the phenomenon of marriage by African immigrants. Getting married, as a noble institution to be enjoyed by husband and wife, is far from being the reality in the case of some of the participants of this study. Rather marriage for survival, for continuous stay in Germany, for the acquisition of a residence permit and as a way out of difficulty or as a means of self-help are major reasons why some participants got married to Germans. These facts are captured in the interview excerpts of some participants at their responses to different questions and issues raised and discussed during this study.

5. 4. 1. 1. 1) Marriage as a means of Survival

Marriage for survival in this context does not suggest marriage as a means to continue to exist or live since death is not implied but rather as a means to gain a recognition and place in the current place of residence (Germany). Mr. Ony, a Nigerian participant man who got married in Germany after arrival clearly links his survival out of exclusion and identity crisis to his marriage to a native German woman. He expatiates on this issue as responds at the question:

Interviewer: When you came, why did you want a German residence permit? Interviewee: Why? because is like a general phenomenon altogether once you come so that you can survive here, because being an asylum seeker or say asile, once you are an asylum seeker there is a special way to survive. Interviewer: Why did you decide to get married?

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Interviewee: Because as I told you that’s what they77 told us that’s just the end thing78 you just have to marry a German79 to get a German stay and then you can stay and may be live to achieve your ambitions80 you know... Interviewer: So you were using it like a means to get something81? Interviewee: Actually like a means to get something… (Fieldwork, Berlin).

In the excerpt above, the participant likens the acquisition of a residence permit in Germany to survival He goes further to specify that marriage is a survival strategy that African immigrants/ participants who sought asylum used to change their statuses, be legal, identify and incorporate. Meaning that one cannot stay in Germany without a defined status, thus, marriage is a quick fix solution to status regularization away from being an asylum seeker and be able to stay in Germany with lesser problems. Again, he brings to attention that earlier arrived African immigrants advised newly arrived to get married) as a means to survive exclusion. This brings to light the aspect of social capital (friends) and its impact is seen at work as it contributes to welder the immigrant in the direction of incorporation.

More importantly, the participant mentions that after marriage and the acquisition of a stay, it could be possible to achieve one’s ambitions at the onset of migration. Suggesting that, marriage is a means to an end and not an end in itself. Other participants like Kobi, and, Oliver both mentioned that they used marriage as a survival strategy. Following is the second reason for marriages given by participants of this study.

5. 4. 1. 1. 2) Marriage as a Means to Continuous Stay in Germany (Europe)

Still, marriage as a means to continuous stay in Germany in this context implies living in Germany without the intention of further migration or returning home at a definite time or in the shortest possible time. Mr. Curtis, another Nigerian man who got married to a native German woman but now lives with his African family in Berlin, connects his continuous stay

77 Other African immigrants living in Germany before his arrival. 78 To get married 79 In this dissertation participants’ often mention of a German refers to a native German. In cases where participants mean Africans with a German nationality, specifications are made to refer to this group. 80 Ambitions at onset of migration 81 Residence permit 177 in Germany to his marriage to a native German. During our interview discussion he had this to say when I asked:

Interviewer: Can I assume that you got married because you wanted to stay in Germany? Interviewee: Yes. If you want to stay, you have to get married, it is the law here. Before you stay in Europa, you have to get married to a European citizen according to me why I was getting married was because before you stay, you have to get married to be legal… (Fieldwork, Berlin).

In the excerpt, Mr. Curtis grapples with some pertinent aspects in relation to marriage from a system’s perspective. Accordingly, he got married to a native German (European citizen) first of all to identify with mainstream German population; suggesting that identification with a German reduces identity crisis and he no longer faces identity crisis to the magnitude which he faced at arrival or before marriage and this has contributed enormously to the reason for his prolonged stay in Germany. Secondly, to be legal in Germany, one acquires legality only with a definite status meaning marriage to a native German or European citizen82 causes a change of status to the African immigrant’s irregular status since legality is implied. Here immigrants are taking advantage of the opportunity in the social structure that is the legal and institutional framework that governs marriages between native Germans and immigrants in Germany to regularize their statuses. And thirdly to stay in Germany thus a defined status in Germany contributes to continuous stay. Aaron, Fru, and Lia also advanced this point of continuous stay through marriage meaning some African immigrants have stayed on in Germany through marriage to native Germans or marriage to other European citizens. Next reason for marriage by African immigrants is buttressed by the desire for the acquisition of residence permit.

5. 4. 1. 1. 3) Marriage as a Means for the Acquisition of Residence Permits (Aufenthalt)

Here, marriage is taken in the sense of the ability of marriage to lead the African immigrant to acquire a residence permit in Germany since most participants after arrival acquired the asylum seekers status thus no defined residence permit issued. Mr. Udoh another participant man who

82 Worthy of note is that he talks about a native German, or a European citizen, meaning that anybody, be (s)he German or African, can pass for a marriage candidate so long as the German nationality or European citizenship must criteria is fulfilled. 178 also got married to native German woman mentioned that after arrival he had to get a residence permit and the only means for him to get a residence permit at the time was to get married these facts are captured in his interview excerpt when I raised the issue:

Interviewer: Before you came to Germany, what did you expect to get? Interviewee: Rosy‐ I expected everything to be rosy *(gesture: he laughs for a while). Rosy83 I expected everything to be easy. Life to be easy, you come, you have your own house, drive your own car and everything but we came, we found out that, you have to get your resident84 and before you get your residence permit, you have to get married, you know all those stuff Interviewer: I don’t know if you got married here? Interviewee: Yes, I got married here… Interviewer: To a German? Interviewee: Yes of course in this Berlin because there was no way85… (Fieldwork, Berlin)

In the above interview excerpt, the participant firstly mentions that what he expected to get was his perception of Europe i.e. of a better life, but his perception does not tally with experience of reality. This is because after arrival he found out that (living in Germany is not as easy as perceived) prior to arrival and one can live in Germany only with the (possession of a residence permit), suggesting that without a residence permit, there is great risk of deportation as such marriage is a route to the acquisition of the much needed residence permit. He clearly reveals that he got his residence permit through marriage because according to him, it was only way through to acquiring a residence permit since there was no way to live or make a living in Germany without a residence permit. Implying that marriage is a condition sine-qua-non for the acquisition of resident permits. Some participants like Ajong, Bea confirmed that their marriages to native Germans changed their statuses and led to the acquisition of residence permits (Aufenthaltserlaubnisse).

5. 4. 1. 1. 4) Marriage as a Means of Self-Help and for its Benefits

Self-help in this sense means the immigrant gets married not out of desire but as a means to make living in Germany easier (stay, work, study, operate business and move); 35 years old

83 Beautiful and easy in this context. 84 Residence Permit. 85 That is without a residence permit it was difficult to live in Germany. 179

Mr. Ngoforo who is married to a German takes on the benefit of his marriage. He elicits this in his interview discussion when I raised the issue:

Interviewer: Why did you decide to get married to a German? Interviewee: (He laughs)86. No it is not a problem, I expected the question. It is just the point that I am talking about. It’s not about getting married as you think87. If you come into a situation, a country, where you know things are pretty difficult for you and actually to make things meet and to help yourself, you have to get yourself a living document88. But actually why I am married is because of some things. Some of the reasons are that it came to get me a residence permit is one of the good things about the marriage… (Fieldwork, Berlin).

Ngoforo in his discussion in the excerpt above brings to light pertinent issues. Firstly, he talks of his situation he immigrated into Germany for studies but did not study because he could not afford cost and other logistics and as such he did not study and his visa became invalid. Suggesting that since he was granted a visa to study and he does not study, therefore he had to leave Germany. Secondly, he talks of the difficulty of living in Germany without a residence permit bringing to attention the issue that in the face of such a situation getting married is a way out of difficulty89 and a means of self-help to acquire a residence permit, not for what marriage means or what it takes especially for him as an African. As such marriage is for its benefits. Suggesting that marriage is not a maker of prestige for the African immigrant rather a means to an end, not an end in itself. Not only does Ngoforo confirm the benefits of marriage but there is a unanimous confirmation from other participants like Ony, Nsoh, and Nyongo that getting married was beneficial as it provided residence permits to the immigrants with irregular statuses. Having grappled with immigrants’ reasons for getting married, I now turn unto the marriage places and processes and how it works to change immigrant irregular statuses to regular statuses and the issue of residence permits and thus incorporation.

86 He laughs because according to him (the interviewee) the interviewer seems to be teasing him because he assumes that the interviewer and he are aware of the reason why he got married and that he actually got married because there was a need for something. 87 Getting married to a native German is not in line with customs and tradition of matrimony as it may be considered by another African, his specificity is on another African, is because at least in most cultures of Africa, marriage as an institution is more cohesive with a lot of rituals and taboos embedded giving the institution another taste and flavour thus it is rare to find marriages for self-help or a way out of difficulty for men particularly in Africa. 88 A legal status (regular). 89 Exclusion and identity crisis 180

5. 4. 1. 2) Marriage Places, Processes and the Impact on Immigrant Statuses

In a bid to regularize status and acquire residence permits for African immigrants in Germany, marriage places and processes matter - this perspective is taken into account because the context of change of statuses through strategies is a source of meaning and understanding of the issue and cases under study. This is in line with Kracauer (1952), Schreier (2012), Stake (2010) on the holistic, complex and context dependent nature of content analyses, and the non- frequency of indicators (for instance, different parts of the context are also part of the data, George, 1959), thus the processes of change of status was imperative.

Marriages between native Germans, African-Germans90 and African immigrants as well as other third country nationals takes varying processes depending on the statuses immigrants first acquire at arrival in Germany. The table below exhibits nationality, immigrant status and possible place of marriage:

Nationality Immigrant Status Place of Marriage Native German or African asylum seeker with Germany African-German who is an asylum permit or student employed or self-employed Native German or African asylum seeker with Africa African-German who is a Duldung91 employed or self-employed Native German or African asylum seeker with Denmark African-German who is not an asylum permit or student employed at all

Table 20: Places of marriage between Germans and African immigrants of varying statuses

90 First generation African immigrants who hold German nationalities or unbefristete Aufenthaltserlaubnisse (indefinite stays) in Germany. In this work African-German will be used interchangeably to designate these categories of African immigrants in Germany. 91 A certificate which confirms that a refugee’s stay is tolerated (Heinhold, 2000) but his or her asylum claims are not grounded as such the asylum case is null and void. So the refugee can be deported back home any time any day. 181

Table 20, constructed from the data collected, reveals that marriage between a native German or an African German who is either employed or self-employed and an immigrant with an asylum seekers permit or a student is possible in Germany. Again, marriage between a native German or an African German who is employed or self-employed and an African immigrant with a Duldung status is not possible in Germany rather possible in the country of the African immigrant in Africa. Finally marriage between a native German or an African German who is not employed at all and an African immigrant with an asylum seekers permit or a student is far easier and possible in Denmark (an EU country). The target in all these marriages is a change of status for the immigrant with asylum seekers, student and Duldung statuses first and foremost in Germany before other benefits associated. The different statuses of immigrants and different places where marriages take place also imply different processes and experiences in the change of status and incorporation into mainstream Germany. In fact this study came across four different processes and experiences in the change of status and incorporation through the marriage strategy. The subsequent sections grapple with these different marriage processes and the change of statuses for continuous stay for different participants.

5. 4. 1. 2. 1) The Marriage Process between a Native German and an African Immigrant with Asylum Seekers Permit in Germany and the Eventual Change of Status for the African Immigrant

Ade, an African woman immigrant aged 35, discusses on the marriage process between a German and an asylum seeker and she uses her case as an example and the implication of her marriage on her status when I asked:

Interviewer: So it means that your marriage changed your status? Interviewee: Yes Interviewer: How did it do it? Interviewee: okay you mean the process? Interviewer: Yes Interviewee: Okay let me tell you the details: These days the immigration police have tightened a lot of things. The process goes like this: If an asylum seeker wants to get married to a German like me who wanted to marry a German. If the asylum seeker has a Grüner

182

Ausweis92 and his or her German partner works and pays taxes, they will get married in Germany without problems. But if the asylum seeker does not have a Grüner Ausweis and has but a Duldung, it will be complicated even if the German partner works and pay taxes because the parties will have to go and get married in the country of the asylum seeker. In the first case, the marriage can delay but the parties involved will definitely get married in Germany but in the second case, it is impossible…(Fieldwork, Berlin).

In Germany, the state asserts itself on the institution of marriage as she lays down the modalities that can make marriages possible for a native German or an African German and an immigrant, especially an asylum seeker, firstly, a temporary legal status as for the asylum seeker (Rose, 2001). Though the state claims to strive for a win-win situation but it is usual that it is a win- lose situation since whatever modalities laid by the state is first in the interest of the state. With regards to the marriage process, the participant in this part of her interview calls to attention the fact that the laws have been tightened as Fleischer (2008) also notes. Also importantly the trend of marriage between Germans and African immigrants with irregular statuses works differently with regards to the statuses of the African immigrants93 at the time of filing in an application for marriage.

The excerpt above enlightens on the conditions sine-qua-non for marriages between Germans and immigrants in Germany. That is the possibilities and hindrances involved in the marriages with immigrants. In fact the conditions are completely different from what obtains in Africa. In the marriage conditions, there is an economic perspective that mingles the marriages between Germans and African immigrants with irregular statuses in Germany. The state, apart from considering the status of the African immigrant, makes such marriages possible from a cost-benefit analysis framework. This means that for any two people to be married, the German partner must be working and paying taxes to the state and able to sustain the livelihood of the other partner, be it a man or a woman, considering that the asylum seeker or African immigrant with a regular status after marriage will continue to be a dependent until he or she finds a job irrespective of the kind of job. In this instance, the state seeks to be relieved of the burden of

92 A special stay permit designed for asylum seekers in Germany whose asylum cases have not been decided upon suggesting that their asylum claims are still valid in Germany. Asylum seekers call this permit Grüner Ausweis, because it is issued on a green coloured paper. 93 In fact though there is a category of immigrants who are asylum seekers/refugees, not all are considered in Germany to have similar status though their experiences as asylum seekers may be somewhat the same. This is the reason why Heinhold (2000) writes that the asylum laws in Germany are complicated. 183 responsibility for the livelihood of the immigrant after acquiring a legal status and still collects her taxes. Thus the state seeks not to be a loser in any case all things being equal.

Interviewer: Yes Interviewee: In the first case where the parties have to get married in Germany, the parties go to the Standesamt94 in the area where they live and declare their intention of wanting to become husband and wife, and the Standesamt will give them a form that contains all requirements (usually documents to file in). When the parties get all the requirements, Interviewer: Can you tell me one of the documents that you filed? Interviewee: okay, one of the documents to file in, is certificate of celibacy that you are not married to anybody before. The marriage application file is deposited. In areas where there are a lot of foreigners like mine at Neukölln, these documents takes at least six months and at most two years before it goes through the examination and processing phases. My friend after you people have deposited, if you are a woman95, you will be praying that the man96 should not change his mind and if you are a man97, your own prayer will be that the woman98 should not change her mind because sometimes they99 used to send them letters and tell them to come and there they will tell them100 that you are getting married to them because you want to have paper to live in Deutschland not because you love them and this will cause some of them to change their minds over it. This is the reason why you hear that two people are together and surprisingly one morning she gets up and say that she doesn’t want the marriage again or that she or he has changed her mind. That is when you will know that Khaki is not leather101. The Standesamt collects the application file and then examines it for completion, if it is complete, procession of the application will start but if it is incomplete, you people will be asked to get what is lacking, To get all the required documents usually takes time too; and then Standesamt will then proceed to process the application. In processing the file, the Standesamt send the documents to the country of the asylum seeker for me they sent it to Cameroon for checks and legalization. After this stage, the documents will come back to Germany but will go to the Kammergericht102 as its final destination. If everything is okay at this stage, the Standesamt will call the parties and give them their schedule of when

94 Civil Registry Office 95 Woman asylum seeker who is an African 96 Native German man 97 A native African man who is an asylum seeker asylum seeker 98 Native German woman 99 German authority officials involved in the handling of counselling affairs 100 Germans who want to get married to Africans. 101 That is what things or events seem to be is not what they really are, it can be more difficult than could be imagined. 102 Court of Justice 184 is possible for them to come and sign their marriage and the parties will choose when is convenient for them… (Fieldwork, Berlin).

The second part of Ade’s except, talks of the patterns/trends and requirements for marriages between Germans and immigrants with irregular statuses. Marriages in Germany take place at the civil registry office. Not only do marriages take place at the civil registry office, but the (civil status registrar reserves the right to make findings on the home status of the to be married immigrant) also makes findings on the background profiles of any two people who wish to be joined in matrimony to make sure no one person is remarrying another person’s wife or husband or that no person is practicing polygyny (that is one man to several women) or polyandry (that is one woman to several men) because Germany is a country that practices monogamy (that is one man to one woman) type of marriage, unlike Africa and other parts of the world where in practice other forms of marriage apart from monogamy exist. The civil status registry after the findings, sends the results of the whole marriage file to the court of justice for justification and approval and should everything concerning the immigrant and ‘to be a married’ couple is in order, the civil status registrar gives a go ahead for the contraction of the marriage at the convenience of the couples.

The possibility of marriages between native Germans and African immigrants, whether women or men with irregular statuses, lies at the benevolence of native Germans because of their unpredictable nature (since they can and have the rights to retract marriage promise at any time and to compound matters, the state is interfering through private mails enlightening her citizens on this issue and the implication of this) may be the turn of events to the disfavour of the African immigrant even after depositing a file for marriage; to limit the phenomenon with her citizens and those who married not genuinely for ‘love’ but to acquire regular statuses and continue to stay in Germany.

Interviewer: Yes Interviewee: When the parties sign the marriage, the marriage certificate is given to them103 immediately after the signing. Since one of the parties need an Aufenthalt, the both parties will take the marriage certificate to the Ausländerbehörde104 of their own area and submit it there. There at the Ausländerbehörde it takes six weeks for it to be processed and then a visa

103 The married couples 104 Foreign Office 185 is issued to the asylum seeker or to the partner whoever needs a visa. The duration of validity of the Aufenthalt depends; it can be given for six months, one, two or three years. This is how one’s status changes. Let me tell you something at times it depends on the person who is handling your file or case at the Ausländerbehörde. Some people are nice, they will just give you two years or three years at once while some people will be giving you six months until a time when they feel happy to give you two years at once. In the other case, you can ask those who have gone to Cameroon and marry, I cannot tell you because I did my own here... (Fieldwork, Berlin).

In the above last part of Ade’s interview discussion, she brings to light immigrant status metamorphosis through marriage. Accordingly, an evidence of a valid marriage in Germany is issued in the form of a marriage certificate to the married couples immediately after the contraction of the marriage. This evidence serves as the basis for the issuing of a residence permit at the foreign office to the immigrant seeking a residence permit though the duration of the residence permit is also unpredictable because of the gullible nature of the foreign office officials as in any case the participants mentioned that “it depends on the person who is handling your file or case” (Fieldwork, Berlin). The residence/work permit issued is usually for a period of time, it could be for six months, one year, two years or three years. But in any case, the marriage process according to participants takes between six months to two years. Meaning, this route to incorporation takes time and should a marriage be successfully contracted between a native German and an African immigrant with an irregular status in Germany, it is sufficient to cause a change in the status for the African immigrant to a regular status with the issuing of a residence permit and embedded privileges, thus incorporation. The next marriage process for incorporation in Germany is that which involves an African-German and African immigrant, either student or an asylum seeker.

5. 4. 1. 2. 2) The Marriage Process between an African-German and African Immigrant (student or asylum seeker) in Germany and Eventual Change of Status for the African Immigrant with Irregular Status

The marriage process between an African-German and African immigrant, be s)he a student or an asylum seeker with asylum seekers permit), takes place in Germany but not in a German court as in the case between a native German and an African immigrant with an irregular status but rather takes place at the embassy of the Africans. However, the conditions for the marriage

186 must fulfil the German economic criteria105. The reason is that the parties involved are purely of African background and as such the issue is treated like a home marriage and such treatment rests under the jurisdiction of the civil status registrar assigned to the embassy who is a representative of home and its institutions in Germany. Kwayeb, an automobile business owner and operator participant who got married at the Cameroonian embassy at Bonn at the time, narrates his experience of the marriage process between himself being an African-German and his Cameroonian wife being an African student, who both are living in Germany. The pattern and trend of how his marriage regularized the status of his Cameroonian wife became overt when I asked:

Interviewer: How did your marriage change the status of your wife because you said she came as a student or she was a student? Interviewee: Okay let me explain to you for a Cameroonian who has a German nationality like me and an asylum seeker or another person who does not have paper like students too (eemm you know students have but student paper and to stay in this country they also need paper) what happens is that if these people want to get married where the person with nationality is working or owns a business, we put in our application for marriage at the Cameroon embassy or even with other countries. A notice is put at the embassy or something like that saying that this and this person want to get married if anybody has anything why the persons in question should be joined, that person is welcomed to send his or her reasons in with sufficient proof. If nobody shows up, then the embassy will fix a date and the marriage will take place, then the asylum seeker will take the documents to the Ausländerbehörde as proof that he or she is married to somebody who is a German and who does not depend on the state for a living. Then the Ausländerbehörde will give him or her visa and you have your residence permit and you can stay in Germany. But if the person106 is not working, there is usually delay so that the person can look for a job. The reason is that the people at the Ausländerbehörde see that two people who are not working is double burden on the state. Except there is something more you want to ask me as marriage with us in this country is concerned… (Fieldwork, Berlin).

In the opening lines of the response of Kwayeb, he differentiates between a regular residence permit and a student residence permit insisting that even African immigrant students, if they desire to stay in Germany after their studies also have to regularize their statuses. Again, the

105 That is one of the partners has to be working and earning a salary that can take care of the housing and living expenses of the both that is the man and the woman and usually it has to be the partner with German nationality who can either be employed or self-employed but not dependent on the state aid funds. 106 That is the person with a German nationality 187 possibility of marriage for two African immigrants where one is an African-German and the other a student or an asylum seeker in Germany, the marriage can be contracted at the embassy of the immigrants here in Germany. One thing to note here is that the two immigrants may be of different nationalities from Africa, the marriage is still possible at any of the embassies of the immigrants represented here in Germany but the marriage must go hand-in-glove with the economic criteria to smoothen the process of a change of status for the student or asylum seeker with the foreign office. Unlike in the first case, where a native German is getting married to an African immigrant with an irregular status in Germany, where the civil registry office in Germany makes findings on the background profile of the African immigrant, in this case, the embassy representative civil registrar does the groundwork and publishes the marriage ban at the embassy of the ‘would be’ couple for a period of 30 days for any objections to the marriage with sufficient proofs. Should no objections arise within the 30-day time limit, the civil registrar at the embassy schedules a date of contraction of the marriage and informs they ‘would be married’. At the contraction of the marriage, a marriage certificate is issued immediately thereafter. The marriage certificate serves as a proof at the foreign office for the acquisition of a residence permit to show that the student or asylum seeker is married to someone who is employed and holds a German nationality or indefinite stay permit and now has a different status. At this proof, the foreign office issues a new residence permit to the student or asylum seeker commensurate with the new status acquired and consequently incorporation and continuous stay in Germany. Still the duration of the newly issued residence permit is also not known a priori but in any case, it is subject to renewal at expiry.

Again, attention is called to the fact that in case the African-German partner is not working, the process is delayed in order for the German partner to secure a job. The logic for this delay is that because the partners have to live in Germany and the state oversees the welfare of people living within her territory, German laws too must apply, meaning that the economic criteria must be fulfilled in order that the state does not bear an extra burden for the immigrants. Also, the civil registrar at the embassy works to prevent accusing fingers towards the immigrant state embassy as being a contributor in shifting burdens to the German state through contracting marriages among unemployed people who tend to be burden to the German society in which they live in. As such, the civil registrar at the embassy makes sure marriages run in compliance with German standards in order to prevent shifting the burden. This suggests that in any case, be it marriage at a German court or marriage at the embassy of the immigrants in Germany, the

188 state seeks a win-win situation not a loose-win situation for the state and for the immigrants. Followed is the marriage process from Africa.

Still, there is the case of African immigrant immigration into Germany back to Africa for marriage and again to Germany after marriage. This is most often the case with greener pastures African immigrants whose asylum applications have been rejected and they have been given the expel notice107 (Abschiebungsanordnung according to § 58 Aufenthaltgesetz) or African immigrants who hold a Duldung status. 36-year old Ndombolo, a Cameroonian participant, narrates his case and experience of this dual process in one and the implication of his marriage on his status with his German wife. Worthy of note here is that this participant’s marriage took place in Cameroon and he made a come-back to Germany. He expatiates on this process and its intricacies when I asked:

Interviewer: The status you have now how did you manage to get it since you said got married but in Cameroon? Interviewee: Let me tell you how the things works If you have a Duldung or that white paper they usually give and you want to get married, it is very, very complicated because if the both of you put in an application for marriage, I mean like myself and my German wife she was working and earning a good salary of about 1700 Euros but we could not get married here in Germany. We had to go and get married in Cameroon. Hhhhhhmmmm man it is not easy to convince her about her safety and security out there. But I managed to convince and we went to Cameroon. We went and got married and legalize our marriage there. And we took the marriage certificate and other supporting documents to the embassy since I had to apply for a visa from Cameroon because it is the embassy in Cameroon that has to issue a visa for you to return to Germany. It is not as if it is totally impossible for people like this to get married but the problem is that before many people were using this marriage and just getting it easy that is getting paper easily, so to limit it they decided to tighten it by asking people to go the country of the foreigner and you know the person you want to marry already knows that there is something you are running away from before coming to her country that is why it is usually hard to convince her to follow you to Africa so that you people get married. At times

107 Commonly referred to as that white paper 189 some of them108 refuse to go and you have to go and start all over again looking for another person, convince her or him you know, it is really hard this can make you even to … I don’t know. At times some of them accept, they are even happy to go and see Africa too, some when they arrive Africa, they change their minds and they say they don’t want to get married again, if this happens to you, you know that you have remained in Africa. You see the kind of problems that we are inside. You cannot know, German people are like their weather, they change anytime you cannot imagine. But I know that this is another way for them109 to send you back indirectly. That is why most often for us to go back home to get married is always a problem because you are not sure of coming back and you know that your dreams may not come true… (Fieldwork, Berlin).

As mentioned above, marriage between a native German and an African immigrant with a Duldung status or an African immigrant who has been notified to leave Germany is impossible in Germany even if other conditions are in good stand. This is for the simple reason that, the state seeks to eliminate this category of immigrants completely and to limit the phenomenon of intermarriage with native Germans through tightening of the modalities for marriage) since immigrants have been (taking advantage of and using this route to incorporation. Such marriages can only be successfully contracted in the home countries of the African immigrants. In this case, it implies that the German society has evolved especially in terms of its marriage laws, values, norms status and even social expectation and these changes occur within the its structure and culture and which impact on natives and immigrants.

In this case, where the participant mentioned that his German partner has to follow him to his or her country of origin to contract their marriage, the African immigrant laments. In the excerpt, the participant brings to light several underpinnings for this lamentation first, being that of convincing the native German partner to agree to go to Africa which is a hard nut to crack for African immigrants, second, the unpredictable nature of native Germans even if (s)he agrees to go to Africa, (s)he might arrive in Africa and retract the marriage promise. In this incident, this participant expressed that this is an indirect means of deportation away from state pockets. Generally most, if not all, participants consider the going home option to contract marriage as scary because a second coming to Germany after marriage from home is not guaranteed. African immigrants fear this option given the tough immigration laws and the unpredictable nature of embassy officials. If an African immigrant returns home with his or her

108 Germans who are partners to Africans 109 Immigration officials 190 native German partner to contract marriage and the marriage does not take place, the immigrant considers that his or her dream110 did not come true and in most instances the immigrant is considered to be a failure in society, especially among peers and the consequences are far reaching: from frustration through madness to death this is the more the reason why some African immigrants do anything possible to obtain a residence permit in order to continue staying in Germany to attain their objectives for migration.

Interviewer: yes Interviewee: But if you people successfully get married in Africa and you get your visa and come back to Germany, the both of you have to live together for at least two years and one day and if you have a job or working and pay taxes, you have an added advantage of renewing your visa. Usually people say you have to live for three years so that even if you leave the woman or man after this time, you will not have problems renewing your visa at the Ausländerbehörde. It depends too on who is handling your file at the Ausländerbehörde. These days, they go as far as even sending people (who are spies) to come and check that is to see if you people are living together or you just got married for qually111. If they suspect you that you got married for qually, it will complicate issues your visa will not be renewed and you may be deported… (Fieldwork, Berlin).

However, should an African immigrant and a native German partner successfully contract marriage in the country of origin of the African immigrant, a marriage certificate is issued. The marriage certificate is what the African immigrant uses as proof that (s)he is married to a German and has the right to live or join his or her German partner in Germany, to apply for a German visa at the German Embassy in their home country for a second coming to Germany to live with his native German wife or native German husband. At the issue of a visa, the African immigrant makes a second coming into Germany with a metamorphosed status. Not only is going to Africa for an African immigrant and a native German and contracting a marriage enough but in this special case after marriage, the status of the African immigrant begins to metamorphose from Africa and the second coming to Germany completes the metamorphosis of status for the African immigrant as the immigrant arrives as married to a German (a form of family reunion). Both partners must live together as husband and wife toeing the line of matrimonial obligations for at least a period of three years on a whole and the economic criteria become effectuated on the part of the African immigrant partner. At the start

110 Greener pastures- that is for better life prospects 111 An Ibo word meaning paper/here referring to getting married to acquire a residence permit 191 the African partner must look for a job within the first three months112 immediately after his or her second arrival and start working in order for his or her visa to be renewed or extended at expiry after the first three months. Without the African immigrant partner being able to get a job and start working within these first three months, at expiry of the three months visa, the African immigrant partner stands the risk of deportation or expulsion from Germany, suggesting inability to incorporate via the marriage strategy because of an inability to fulfil the state’s economic conditions. On the other hand, should the African immigrant partner find a job and start working within the first three months, at the expiry of his or her three months visa, the visa will be extended or renewed without any qualms from the immigration officials in Germany and the African immigrant partner can continue staying. The duration of the extension is not known a priori as it depends on the official who handles the case file of the immigrant at the Immigration Office but in any case it stretches from the first renewal (the visa continues to be liable to renewal) until the final acquisition of an permanent stay permit or a German nationality and thus incorporation. However, living together as husband and wife in Germany, is also sufficient to effect a change in the status of the African immigrant partner to a regular status with a residence permit subject to renewal at expiry.

Still, the participant in the above excerpt makes mention of the fact that in recent times, officials are sent as spies to find out if marriages between native Germans and African immigrants are real or bogus for the acquisition of residence permits, because it has been discovered and proven that some of such marriages are not real rather bogus for the change of status and acquisition of residence permits to continue living in Germany. In a case where the marriage between a native German and an African immigrant is proven bogus, it complicates the renewal of the visa of the African immigrant at expiry and the African immigrant stands the risk, deportation or expulsion from Germany. Lastly is the marriage process from another EU country and the implication on the status of the African immigrant with irregular status in Germany.

112 Because no matter where and for what purpose an immigrant is immigrating into Germany for, a visa is normally issued first for three months which is subject to extension and or renewal after entry and a clear evaluation of purpose for entry. 192

5. 4. 1. 2. 4) The Marriage Process between an African-German or Native German and an African Immigrant (student or asylum seeker) in Denmark (an EU country) and Eventual Change of Status for the African Immigrant in Germany

Furthermore, migrating to another EU country, preferably Denmark, for the contraction of marriage by some African immigrants and Germans is premised on the assumption that the modalities and conditions that govern the marriage institution in Denmark are softer and less expensive than going home, thus producing a conducive route to status change for African immigrants with irregular statuses. This is usually between a native German or an African- German and an African immigrant with an asylum seeker(s) status and also between an African-German or a native German and another African immigrant student113. Below, Sophie, a Nigerian participant woman aged 38, discusses the process and impact of her marriage with her Nigerian husband on her status in Germany, clearly mentioning that she signed and legalized her marriage in Denmark.

Interviewer: You said Denmark how does it happen? Interviewee: let me gist114 you most who go to Denmark and sign their marriages there, collect their marriage certificates and then come and submit it at the Ausländerbehörde in the places that is the cities where they are living in Germany showing that they are married and are couples. This will have impact on our tax class, it will change our tax classes from tax class one to tax class six. They115 will give them116 visa that will permit them to continue to live in Germany. This worked for me. The reason why we (I mean Adoro people117 and even students118 here in Germany) usually go to Denmark is because my status let me not say ours, is Adoro status and there it will not complicate. That is either for two African immigrants that is a male and female who only have an Aufenthalt119and are not working or a native German and an African in which case, the African has an irregular status and the German is not working. This is the first option that comes to mind otherwise; the couples have to go home to sign their marriage and most often is in Africa because the German marriage system by law

113 Worthy of note here is that in some instances, the native Germans too are full-time students who may not be considered as employed and in this instance both partners are considered unemployed. 114 To describe or discuss in details 115 Officials at the foreign office 116 The married couple from Denmark 117 Asylum seekers 118 African immigrant student whose student visa has become invalid probably because of not fulfilling a criteria(s) of being a student according to German laws or a student who has finished studies and has not yet found employment and does not wish to return home immediately. 119 A residence permit that permits them to work 193 does not permit the contraction of such marriages in Germany because it is the country who will be paying the people who are married. This going home option sounds too dangerous for us African people, adjepkako120 because one can go and not come back. But if you do like that121, you know you have won the battle122… (Fieldwork, Berlin).

African immigrants and native Germans who leave Germany to Denmark to contract marriages fall under the category of immigrant couples who wish to live in Germany but whose statuses and even economic stand (prerequisite) does not meet German recommendations and as such does not permit marriage contraction in Germany. Marriages contracted in Denmark and marriage certificates submitted at the immigration offices in German usually start the process of status change and continuous stay from the economic perspective as the immigration office starts by issuing a resident/work permit (which determines the tax class of the couples). In this case, because Sophie is an asylum seeker married to an African-German or someone who holds a German nationality, the irregular status of Sophie changed to a regular status with the issuing of a residence permit/work permit and consequently incorporation. This residence permit is liable to renewal at expiry until the point of acquisition of an indefinite stay or a German nationality. This suggests that it does not matter where a marriage takes place, if the couple is to live in Germany the economic perspective is still taken into consideration. Because the economic perspective is far less important in Denmark, for this reason, the marriage contraction is less complicated, far more possible and quicker in Denmark than in Germany, which is a major reason for success in incorporation through this means and this participant likens it to ‘victory in a battle’. Apart from Sophie, Takem and Boehme who got married as African immigrants students in Denmark also confirmed of incorporation through this process and place.

Otherwise, if marriage in Denmark is not possible, the couple has to go home to the country of the African immigrant to contract marriage. The option of going home as expressed earlier seems an uncomfortable option given the bottlenecks of immigration.

120 Peasants who do not have the means especially people who lack the finances (typically considered to be the poor). 121 Contracting your marriage in Denmark 122 Break through into the system and incorporate 194

The above elaboration on the different marriage processes and places sheds light on how marriage between a native German or an African-German and an African immigrant with an irregular status leads to change of status for the immigrant with an irregular status. However, this is not definite, because there are other aspects that influence and are related to these marriages. The following section handles these aspects.

5. 4. 1. 3) Other Aspects of Marriage

Apart from the need to stay, survive and regularize immigrant irregular status and acquire residence permits, which participants professed were the reasons for the dire need for marriage with native Germans or African-Germans, there are other direct aspects that influenced these marriages and grapple with marriages in Germany as a whole for instance sympathy, love, freedoms, cultural conflicts and also the socio-cultural realities of Germany in relation to marriages between native Germans and African immigrants or between African-Germans and other Africans.

5. 4. 1. 3. 1) Sympathy, Love and Marriage

In some cases, marriages between some native Germans and African immigrants who are asylum seekers were based on an abstract quality like sympathy. According to a key participant man, his native German partner felt sympathy towards him and according to him, she had awareness of what it meant to be an asylum seeker, knowing that it is not a pleasant life situation; she had pity on him because she knew what he felt like as one and because of this, she treated him with some kind of sympathetic attitude making him know that she is sorry for him and that she is there to encourage him and according to Mr. Chris, this ignited his love123 for her and the desire to get married to her. He carefully explains this in the interview excerpt below as he discusses the issue:

Interviewer: Mr. Chris I’m not sure if I am stepping on your private life – why did you decide to get married?

123 In the sense of having sexual affection or passion for somebody according to Cowie et al. (1991:741) 195

Interviewee: Why did I decide to get married? Well I can consider that question a private question. But to me I decided to get married because as I said my wife, thanks to her. She has some of the qualities of you know a normal human being. Without racism, she is aware, there is some sort of awareness in her and because of this I found her as somebody who is sympathetic to me and because of that I loved her. And she loved me that is why I decided to get married to her… (Fieldwork, Berlin).

In the excerpt, three important aspects occur progressively, that is sympathy leads to love and love leads to marriage. The participant here makes one understand that the love shared in the relationship was reciprocal because the native German in this case did not consider race, skin colour, status and situation of her partner124 to be a problem or as conditions sine-qua-non to reciprocate love because such considerations and feelings about an immigrant(s) give a flashing signal of racism from a native or from host. One thing to keep in mind is that immigrants are very sensitive to any flashing signals of racism and/or segregation especially from native populations and host societies in general as such during close or distant contact with host populations particular attention is paid to flashing signals. Worthy of note in this case is that this participant is still in the marriage or better still, his marriage is still intact which can be rightly attributed to love as the participant puts it. This suggests that for some immigrants, getting married to native Germans was borne out of desire mustered from close interaction and assessment of native(s) by immigrant(s) not force though there was need to change status and acquire a long term residence permit(s). Other participants like Omalle a Cameroonian man, Ony a Nigerian man and Bea a Cameroonian woman who all got married to native Germans in Germany equally raised the love and sympathy aspect as the major influences for them getting married and they all backed it up by citing the longevity of their marriages. Another aspect related to marriage is freedom.

5. 4. 1. 3. 2) Marriage and Freedoms

Freedom in the context here is taken to be the state of being unrestricted to move or act especially as one’s status affects one’s movement and action; this means that if an African immigrant with an irregular status especially an asylum seeker is married to a native German or African-German, then the restrictions that go with the state and status of being an asylum

124 The African immigrant with an asylum seekers status 196 seeker are uplifted and so there become more freedoms of action for the immigrant within the confines of the law. Immigrants with irregular statuses who got married according to specifications under the German matrimonial institution professed that the marriages contracted with native Germans changed their statuses with the issuing of residence permits and more freedoms were attached especially for asylum seekers for instance the freedom of movement, seek gainful employment, to name these few. This is captured in the discussion of 38 years old Cameroonian Mr. Nsoh as I asked:

Interviewer: As I can see, you seem to have settled here. Why did you want to acquire the status which you have now? Interviewee: Actually the problem is if you want to live in Germany without a defined status when I talk of a defined status like a ‘recognized stay’. A ‘recognized Stay’ is somebody who has the right to work, to move freely, the right to do what you want to do that is tolerated by the law. If you don’t have this status, then you cannot do anything in this country. Because the country is really, really hard and very, very unfriendly to people who don’t have regular stays. Remember I told you as an asylum seeker in Germany, you don’t have any regular status so you are just living here irregularly you don’t have the right to work; you don’t have the right to move freely and that is one of the reasons that make people to search for a means of acquiring a regular residence permit. They125 can even criminalize you so that is it. But when you have your rights126, for example, they meet you – you can go to any where you want and nobody can stop and accuse you of anything because when you show your passport somewhere, or they know, you are somebody who is resident here. And they will not start pulling you up. With this residence permit, you can if possible get a job it is not a guarantee because of the racism in the country which is still very very strong because people are discriminated especially those of us who are black Africans, which makes it that most Africans are living below the red line127and they go about doing the very very mean jobs that are given by the some sort of humanitarian employers at a very very low salary scale… (Fieldwork Berlin).

Long term living for immigrants in Germany generally is impossible without a defined purpose for stay128 as such; in order for an immigrant to be able to live in Germany, he or she must have a defined status because without a defined status, nothing is possible on the part of the

125 German authorities or German police officers 126 That is if you are married to native German or African-German 127 Far below the poverty line relative to German standard. 128 Because a defined purpose for stay gives a defined status to an immigrant in accordance to state immigration laws. 197 immigrant in Germany. The participant in clear terms specifies in his discussion the fact that asylum seekers are a case in point of immigrants without defined statuses and as such it is impossible for this group of persons to, for instance, move freely, or even to seek gainful employment (work). This has been the utmost reason why immigrants especially African immigrants with asylum seeker status do everything possible in the light of adoption of strategies of incorporation to change status, to acquire residence permits in order to be able to operate and continue staying in Germany away from deportation or expulsion. He further talks of the unfriendly nature of the laws towards persons with irregular statuses in Germany. As a matter of fact, in Heinhold (2000: 10) in the prefatory note Wetterwald says “it certainly has to be lamented from the point of view of refugee protection that asylum laws as well as court rulings have been marked by a restrictive approach”. This means that the law could also encourage incrimination, torture and police harassment of asylum seekers because there is no constitutional limit since the law is restrictive in her approach. Though marriages between native Germans and or African-Germans and African immigrants with irregular statuses gave immigrants a defined purpose of stay in Germany and as a consequence defined statuses accompanied by the acquisition of residence permits with more freedoms attached (for instance, the right to seek gainful employment, freedom of movement without fear of police harassment or accusation, and above all the freedom to operate according to the desires of the immigrant so long as it doesn’t violate German laws and hamper public peace). Though, there is a lamentation from the participant as he mentions that even with the acquisition of a residence/work permit with the right to seek gainful employment there is no guarantee that one can find employment because of racial bias against black African immigrants. As a result, migrants, both men and women, are forced into peripheral sectors where they earn very little if they are able to get a job. Ampem and Kwayeb as individuals, and Aaron, Fru and Oliver equally raised the above concerns during a community group discussion.

5. 4. 1. 3. 3) Marriage and Cultural Conflict

Cultural conflict here has to do with meanings and perceptions of marriage in both Germany and from the countries from where participants hail. Within this context, cultural conflict is considered at two levels. Firstly, at the level of partner relationship between a native German and a native African immigrant. Secondly, the attitude of cultural relativism in the face of

198 different realities in Germany, a place with a multi-cultural lifestyle vis-à-vis the African immigrant and his or her own culture.

5. 4. 1. 3. 3. 1) Partner Relationship

Here, the focus is on the relationship that exists between couples in the sense of the differences in the social understanding of marriage of both Germans and Africans and cultural interpretation still given to the single phenomenon of marriage for both man and woman. For instance, the relationship between husband and wife and the meaning attached to gender and roles as far as marriage is concerned in practical day to day lives of German-African129 and purely African couples. These differences in the social understanding and cultural interpretation of marriage have led to conflicts in marriages contracted among German-African and purely African couples living in Germany for two main reasons: firstly, because the cultures in which each partner was socialised into have different meanings and interpretations attached to the institution of marriage and secondly, the socio-cultural realities in which couples live in Germany especially for purely African couples are also different from what pertains in Africa. There is some kind of cultural intolerance and incompatibility, that is, a difficulty to be culturally relative among some German-African couples most especially. This view is validated during an interview with Kobi, a Ghanaian participant man, who sought asylum and got married twice to two German women at different intervals when I raised a political issue:

Interviewer: Just one more question I wish to find out if you were to be a political leader here in Germany what would be your vision for immigrants’ especially African immigrants? Interviewee: If I were a politician, I will abolish this forced marriage. In fact that is why you have a lot of bastards here. These marriages don’t last‐ I am sorry to say this. Because for me, my wife was about 15 to 20 years older than me, the marriage did not work. But I had to get married as a way to survive out. But getting married when you don’t know why, all rubbish is. You know these women130 they want to kiss you131, hug you in public‐in the U‐bahn132, do things which really keep you uncomfortable. All these are stupid. They always want to take

129 Married persons where one of the partner is a native German and the other is a native African regardless whether is the man or the woman 130 White German women 131 A man participant African immigrant 132 Underground train station or the tunnel 199 you out and usually one is ashamed to walk with them. So when you get the papers, you run away. I got married two times and the first did not work and the police sent a letter to me telling me they will send me back home; so I had to get married a second time. They complain that mixed children don’t have fathers where as they catch them and send them back to Africa… (Fieldwork, Berlin).

The opening lines in the above excerpt, suggests that most of the marriages between native Germans and Africans immigrants, especially asylum seekers, are a matter of necessity not choice. Attention is drawn by the participant to the fact of age difference between partners, which speaks beyond figures; interesting in this case is that the man who is an African immigrant is far younger than the woman who is a German. This could be considered somewhat like mother and son getting married. As a matter of fact in participants’ cultures, such marriages are unbalanced and considered to be an abomination or some kind of sacrilege that requires cultural cleansing to restore balance or order. Especially in a majority of Cameroonian cultures at least, it is unheard of that a man’s wife is older that himself by five years; in such a case, the man is considered to be under a curse and culture considers that the man is no longer a man but rather a tool used by the woman because the opposite in age differences between a man and a woman does not give the man the authority, status and respect he deserves as head of a family or home. But in Germany, this aspect of opposition in age difference between husband and wife is somewhat normal and not a cause for concern. Accordingly, getting married in such instances means one does not know why he or she is getting married and the participant cries out that the end result of such marriages are the divorces and breakups, because there is no cultural compatibility in the marriages. Further, in most of Africa or in the countries where participants of this study come from, marriage is considered as a rite of passage with a whole lot of rituals embedded for the persons involved from carefree singlehood to being responsible133. So it regulates the sexual behaviour of the

133 In fact, in nearly all cultures in Cameroon which has about 250 tribes with 250 languages before a man and a woman go to the court to sign or make legal their marriage as husband and wife, there is usually a ‘knock door’ ceremony where the man takes palm oil, salt, clothes food stuff, pigs or goats and money/bride price (usually huge sums) to share to his in-laws and in some cases, the man has to build a house for his father and mother in-laws. In this process food will be prepared and all family members and relatives and friends are invited to come, feast, give lessons to the woman on matrimonial duties and attitudes towards the man and bless the marriage. After this, in most cultures in Africa, the marriage is recognized officially by culture and those involved are recognized as husband and wife without an issued document. Usually it is after this stage that most couples go to court to make it legal. And whether they go to court or not, should the man die, inheritance is given to his relatives depending on the applicable kinship type in any given culture or children should there were children before his death, otherwise, his wife takes right over his property and vice versa in case of death of the woman. 200 persons involved and attitudes towards a partner for instance the public show of affection by married partners is considered as disrespect to the entire society and the family is considered to have failed in her responsibility and in the process of socialization and also detracts the personality of those involved in such public show- This is opposed to the western ideals of what romantic love is all about where love advertisement is the normative order. The participant here complains about kissing, hugging in public as being uncomfortable because he is still upholding his culture while in Germany. This simply suggests that there is no melting of cultures at this point and this could be another herald for divorces and breakups. In fact there is a touch on the aspect of social identity and personality (the role of sex and gender134), which develops in the process of enculturation which starts at birth and influences how one thinks, feels and behaves and it varies from culture to culture. Here, it is selective and not a complete package because the embedded logistics according to the African are lacking and so, according to participants, it does not give the full taste of what marriage is all about and thus cause the marriages to hit the rocks. For some African immigrants and native Germans involved this suggests that marriage in the city is undervalued. Ndombolo and Nyongo also highlighted the same concerns about differences in cultures with regards to partner relationship.

5. 4. 1. 3. 3. 2) The Attitude of Cultural Relativism in the Face of Economic Pressures

Cultural relativism means the acceptance of the order and norms of another culture which is completely different from the one in which one is born and socialized into. Worthy of mention here is that when one is not culturally relative, then that person is ethnocentric (i.e. using one’s culture as a yard stick to judge other cultures either as ‘bad or good’). In addition, the socio- cultural realities in the countries of origin of participants (Africa) and the socio-cultural realities in Germany are different. Berlin, the setting of this research is cosmopolitan in nature: that is, it is characterized by people from diverse cultural, religious and socio-economic origins with different lifestyles and fantasies cohabiting. In this instance native German culture, lifestyle and fantasy and immigrant culture and lifestyle are operational in the same space. The

In some cultures in Africa, especially in Cameroon and Nigeria, if a man finds and takes his wife directly to the court and make their marriage legal without getting the consent of both families or perform a ‘knock door’ ritual and rites, the wife will not be recognized as well as the husband by the families and the culture into which they are part, and as a matter of fact they are considered as deviants and a ritual cleansing ceremony is needed for such people to be brought back to order. 134 How individuals take their place within their group’s culture. 201 economy, for instance, which is dominated by the service sector, has out of necessity made cash the common denominator of all values. In fact, money is the key determinant of the pattern and frequency of life in Berlin; this as a matter of necessity has made it such that marriages are bought for the purpose of convenience, and that most immigrants with irregular statuses must depend on Germans to live the city life. These determine so many aspects of social life: for instance, they shape lifestyle and preferences, whether marriage is an immediate priority or not, to name but this. The differences in lifestyles and life experiences that are somewhat new to immigrants are a cause for concern and, to compound matters, these differences and economic pressures jeopardize many marriages in Germany, especially marriages among purely African couples. But in general, irrespective of the fact whether partners come from the same background or not, these socio-cultural differences are always pressing; meaning that that even if a couple come from the same area of origin or background, when they immigrate into Germany, the socio-cultural realities of Germany are different. Dicaps, a key participant of this study puts the issue of the economic pressures in Germany in relation to conflicting culture when I raised the issue:

Interviewer: How do the activities of this association work to assert your identity? Interviewee: That question is a bit, let me not use the word complicated but because you know I as a person, I don’t know if many people will look at things the way I look at them. Most people have been confused in this society because of their African background and what they have here135. I have been involved in many homes trying to solve problems136 and these are what I call sometimes stupid problems but not stupid in this sense because the people137 will always try to copy what they are seeing here138 and sometimes it contradicts to what they already or to how they have been brought up139. The society itself is influencing such a behaviour‐ let me just take an example in our culture140, we know that a woman should cook for the man, I’m not insulting you141, it is our culture. But here if I am living with my wife or let me say a girl, wife or girlfriend142living here, she has to go and do her job somewhere and I too has to go and do my job somewhere, and it happens that I come back home at 2

135 The realities in Germany 136 Marital problems 137 immigrants 138 Lifestyle and culture 139 Cultures into which immigrants were born and socialize 140 African culture 141 This researcher 142 Somebody one shares intimacy with 202 o’clock143and she has to come back at 6 o’clock, so will I come and stay hungry and be waiting for her to come and cook for me?, it is impossible‐So I should go to the kitchen and do something. So you see this country is influencing our own cultural behaviour. German is, yes I don’t blame them‐it is their own situation144 (Fieldwork, Berlin).

In the above excerpt, Dicaps who lives with his African woman expresses clearly that the African culture is facing a lot of pressures in Germany where it is trying to fit and there is no compatibility. The immigrant laments since the African immigrant still hopes to keep native culture intact even though living another reality. The participant mentions that he has many times been called to solve marital problems among purely African couples whereby, according to him, these problems are caused by differences in culture and lifestyles in Germany. This means that when people move, they move with their cultures. Again, this gives signals on the notions of contextualization, and cultural relativism in that African immigrants are finding it hard to an extent to coalesce their original cultural ways of life and the realities of multicultural Germany and Berlin in particular from their African context. This state of affairs in Germany has made it such that spouses, both man and woman, engage in different economic activities at different time intervals in order to earn income to sustain a living. Therefore, economic pressure shapes the construction of a gendered identity among immigrants. In engaging in these economic activities, migrants end up constructing new gendered identities arising from compromises made in the domestic sphere, for instance in the sphere of food preparation as noted in the excerpt in an effort to earn income. The other side of the coin of marriage and cultural conflict among immigrant couples is that men find it hard to adapt to the host culture due to reduced status that is associated with migration experience. Faced with the situation where migrants do not earn enough to sustain themselves as noted in the excerpt of Nsoh earlier, migrant women have to contend with doing different jobs in order to survive in the migrant country. As a result they share in the bread-winning role making migrant men to see their status as reduced, meaning that they no longer occupy the position of men in their homes. Participants like Ernest, Alain (Cameroonian men) and Silja, a German woman participant of this study, raised similar concerns in the same light living the realities of Germany and the economic pressures. Silja in particular notices the issue of cultural differences among German- African partners in intimate relationships like marriage though in her situation she reports some degree of the attitude of cultural relativism. She equally brings forward the German order of

143 2pm 144 German culture 203 gender equality in marriage relationships and the aspect of reversal-of-roles which is far from being the normative order from an African perspective though the woman has her own place and function in the family and society. As a matter of fact, in the cultures where participants were socialized into, the man is always considered to be the bread winner in the family but the participant here reveals the opposite145. This also falls in line with the status of a man and a woman at home because she sees it from the German perspective but she hardly understands that all what she does is considered to be normal in the eyes of her African man. The African culture and the realities of immigrant life in Germany provide no equality in this case. This seems to suggest that living the realities of Germany and keeping African culture intact side- by-side is a hard nut to crack, or living as a German-African couple and being a real German there seems to be more than meets the eye. The figure below provides an evidence of marriage between an African immigrant with an irregular status and a native German.

Figure 15: Marriage ceremony between a Cameroonian man and a native German woman at a court in Berlin.

145 Lamb (1985:37) in his travelogue writes “…the role of the African woman, a person whose physical and spiritual strength is nothing short of remarkable. She is the hub around which the spokes of the society turn”. In fact, generally, the character of the African continent vis-à-vis gender relations is problematic, because traditionally in Africa, the woman is the back bone of the society. she is expected by the society to bear and raise children in a morally upright manner ; has to take care of domestic chores not leaving out or relenting in farm work to make sure that the family eats and livew healthily. But the traditional African woman has little or no say in decision making process or policy formation even that which concerns her (Lamb 1985). This is particularly contradictory with the normative order of gender equality in European societies especially in Germany. 204

On the above photograph, the woman at the centre is the bride, to the left are her mother and her sister and to the right close to her are the groom and a friend (one of the witnesses of the marriage). Worthy of note about this marriage is that the woman is older than her African husband.

It is however important to note here that though this study has made the above analysis on marriage as a strategy used by participants, it is more about exploring explanations for “why” and “how” implied in the study’s research questions and objectives. Thus because of the explorative nature of this research, it arrives at the creation of an understanding of the context and the interactions among individual participants as it relates marriage, status change, incorporation and continuous stay in Germany. The system created by marriage as an important strategy of incorporation for German-based African immigrants is set out in the CLD below. The relationships are such that certain variables are dependent on others and become functions of the independent variables.

Government Compassion, Love and Administration Mutual Understanding + +

+ + + Societal Diverstity - Attitude of Native Societal Administrative Marriage + (Multicultural) + + Germans Structures + + + + + + + Inclusion - + - Incorporation into - + + + Main Stream Society Deprivation - + Acculturation + + Government + - - + - - Policies + + - + Status + + - - + - - + + + + New Identity German - Cultural Relativism Survive + German-based Nationality + - African Immigrants + + + + + + - + + - Resident Permits Social Distance +Stay in Germany - + + + + + - Family - Focus on Goals at Establishment - Onset of Migration

Figure 16: A causal loop diagram summarizing the marriage strategy of incorporation used by African immigrants.

205

Before getting into the story of the above CLD, I wish to call to attention again the pluses and minuses in the CLD146 and also that the causality is stated from varying perspectives.

5. 4. 1. 4) The Marriage Story

Marriage as a major value within the larger German socio-cultural system is influenced by and works from two main levels, to give African immigrants the basis to regularize their irregular statuses to regular statuses, to incorporate and to continue staying in Germany, and these are from the individual immigrant perspective (personal) and from the perspective of the state (in the CLD it is referred to as government administration).

Firstly, at the immigrant level, there are attitudes that influence intermarriage between an African and a native German, be it a man or a woman, in Germany. These attitudes147 as expressed by participants are: compassion, love and mutual understanding. According to some participants, marriages between African immigrants with irregular statuses and native Germans stemmed from compassion, love and mutual understanding. This means that more of such attitudes among Germans and Africans suggests more intermarriages and vice versa because some participants labelled these attitudes as prerequisites not only for marriage but for a lasting marriage. Again, fieldwork revealed that intermarriages between native Germans and African immigrants with irregular statuses cause a change in the statuses of the African immigrants, implying survival from the ‘fever’ of irregular status, incorporation into mainstream German society, inclusion, eligibility for long term residence permits, new identity and consequently continuous stay for African immigrants in Germany. In the event of less intermarriages, a regression in the phenomenon of African immigrants in Germany and its embedded stages. Not only are the attitudes of compassion, love and mutual understanding enough to cause intermarriages between native Germans and African immigrants but also the attitudes of native Germans affect the proper contraction of marriages between native Germans and African immigrants, especially immigrants with irregular statuses. It can be taken to mean here that the

146 “+” used if the cause and effect increases or if the cause and effect decreases and “-” if the cause increases and the effect decreases or if the cause decreases and the effect increases. There are also items that affect other items in the system but are not themselves affected by any item or items (that is arrows are drawn from these item(s) but no arrows drawn to these item or items) 147 Marriage variables 206 more unpredictable the attitude of native Germans the less intermarriages between native Germans and African immigrants with irregular statuses and vice versa. Still, at the immigrants’ level, incorporation leads to some degree of acculturation, for example accepting to work and pay taxes and to contribute to the pension scheme in Germany. Participants like Mr. Ony acknowledge this aspect of acculturation on their part and this is also an attitude of cultural relativism. Therefore high degrees of acculturation and cultural relativism imply less social distance between immigrants and host culture and population, and consequently continuous stay because of the acquisition of a new identity, since living the realities of Germany is the practical day-to-day life instead of the focus on goals at onset of migration and in this instance there is the high tendency for family establishment in Germany for African immigrants. The participant Chris mentioned these issues during his interview discussion.

Secondly, the influence of marriages among native Germans and African immigrants and/or purely African couples is the opportunity structure in Germany at the level of the state as mentioned above. The overall government administration in Germany operates through societal administrative structures in this marriage case, such as the civil registry office, the court of justice to name but these and the societal administrative structures implement government policies and laws. The many societal administrative structures in Germany emerged as a result of the multicultural nature of the German society and because of the diverse nature of the German society, with more policies to serve multiculturalism, taking into due consideration immigrants (that is those from outside the society) within the German society. This has resulted in more marriages contracted between native Germans and African immigrants and also in the possibility for African immigrants of purely African background to contract marriages among themselves in Germany. The marriage policies have resulted in higher incorporation, the issue of more residence permits and even the issuing of German nationalities for African immigrants in Germany. This is suggesting that lesser policies to serve multiculturalism will lead to the negative turn of events for African immigrants.

The causal loop diagram displays the cause and effect relationships between the etic concepts (variables) of a system. Looking closely at the causal loop diagram, one would discover two basic feedback loops at the root of the system’s behaviour, i.e. balancing and reinforcing loops. Balancing loops tend to keep African immigrants and their bids for incorporation (the system) through marriage in its current stage and reinforcing loops tend to compound change in one direction that is incorporation and long term stays of African immigrants in German society. 207

These two perspectives are the building blocks for describing the complex marriage strategy through a change of status for German-based African immigrants.

5. 4. 1. 5) Conclusion

Finally, the reasons for getting married, the marriage processes and other aspects for marriage as understood and used by African immigrants emphasize some recurrent features at the expense of known variations and evidence of the gap in the social institution of marriage which implies that a majority of the stock of African immigrants in Germany came up as the outcome of a interconnected uniform set of causal processes. This seems to suggest that the effects of a micro social phenomenon such as marriage has had great impact on a large scale as it has no doubt increased the number of German-based African immigrants. It may be taken to imply further that the potential of the marriage strategy to change the irregular statuses of African immigrants has led in some direct fashion to the origin of other strategies and has contributed significantly to the wide spread use of the marriage strategy of incorporation by German-based African immigrants. In case of no success in the adoption of the marriage strategy, African immigrants tend to adopt other strategies such as the reproductive strategy.

5. 4. 2) Reproduction

Reproduction is the second pathway of the social strategies of incorporation used or adopted by participants of this study. As a matter of fact, the matrimonial statuses of the immigrants at the onset of migration matters very much in influencing the adoption of the reproductive strategy to incorporation. This means that some immigrants indicated on the immigration forms provided by the embassies in their home countries before immigration that they were already married148. After arrival in Germany they were considered as married. As a result, the already acquired married status from home could not support the adoption of the marriage strategy when the issue of regularization of statuses became a sharp headache because records show

148 This was in order to increase their chances of getting a visa to immigrate into Germany and in fact, some produced and submitted fake marriage certificates to support their cases but in reality, most weren’t married. This is done because earlier visa applicants reported success through this means and called the attention of prospective applicants that a marriage certificate was proof of return since the applicant has a family back home. 208 that such immigrants were married before immigration and Germany does not practice any other forms of marriage except monogamy. In this case, the next available strategy to adopt in order to incorporate which seemed feasible aside from seeking asylum was the reproductive strategy. Reproducing with native Germans and African-Germans is increasingly used by most Africans immigrants with irregular status, especially men and fewer women, as a means to acquire indefinite stays and to continue to live in Germany according to participants of this study. This has given rise to German/African children who are cultural hybrids by virtue of their birth circumstances and also to black German children. Cowie et al. (1991) defines reproduction as reproducing or being reproduced. WHO looks at reproduction as an adjective, it defines reproduction from the perspective of reproductive health. In this light “reproductive health implies that people are able to have a responsible, satisfying and safe sex life and that they have the capability to reproduce and the freedom to decide if, when and how often to do so. Implicit in this are the rights of men and women to be informed of and have access to safe, effective, affordable and acceptable methods of fertility regulation of their choice and the right of access to appropriate health care services that will enable women to go safely through pregnancy and childbirth and provide couples with the best chance of having a healthy infant” WHO (2009). In fact most participants of this study fell short of toeing the line of WHO’s criteria of reproduction. This is catalysed and harnessed by the experience of identity crisis at arrival in Germany the destination country Bledsoe and Sow (2008). Schmidt and Kohls (2008) have come to the conclusion that several underpinnings determine this demographic behaviour of immigrants in Germany and this is subject to the country of origin and the time of duration in receiving Germany. In this direction several hypotheses have been advanced in analyzing immigrant fertility (from a micro perspective) or fertility and immigration (from a macro perspective; Carlson, 1985; Kahn, 1988; Young, 1991; Stephen and Bean, 1992; Dinkel and Lebok, 1997; Mayer and Ripan, 2000; Anderson, 2004; Kulu, 2005; Milewski, 2006; 2010; Genereux, 2007). These postulants have put forward five explaining hypotheses. These are: the assimilation/socialization hypothesis, selection hypothesis, disruption hypothesis, adaptation hypothesis and interrelation hypothesis.

The assimilation/socialization hypothesis holds that the reproductive behaviour of first generation migrants is similar to that of their country of origin (Blossfeld and Huinink, 2001; Stephen and Bean, 1992; Rosenwaite, 1973). The selection hypothesis states that immigrant fertility/reproductive behaviour level in the destination country is lower than that of natives of the destination countries; the reason being that immigrants focus more on labour than on 209 reproducing (Kreyenfeld, 2002; Goldstein and Goldstein, 1981; Kulu, 2005). Rather Schumacher et al (2013) is of the view that immigrants who immigrate at youthful age follow fertility or reproductive trends as that of host society. The disruption hypothesis postulates that the life history of migrant reproductive behaviour is disrupted as a result of migration (White et al., 1995; Brockeroff, 1995; Carlson, 1985). Still the adaptation hypothesis holds that cultural norms and resources available in the destination country affect or have effects on immigrant reproductive behaviours (Kulu, 2005; Brockeroff and Yang, 1994; Browner and Sargent, 2011). And finally, the interrelation hypothesis stipulates that immigrant fertility/reproductive behaviour in the destination country is influenced by coincidence of events experienced by the migrant (Andersson, 2004; Kulu, 2005; Lindström and Gioguli-Saucedo, 2007; Willekens, 1991; Schumacher, 2010). Nonetheless, these hypotheses have similarities and differences. A careful examination of the last three hypotheses-that is the disruption, adaptation and interrelation hypotheses holds true of participants of this study vis-à-vis their socio- demographic data. I now turn to look at the socio-demographics of the participants under this strategy category. Data shows that the frequency of participants who adopted the reproductive threshold to incorporation is 17 and the table which follows displays their socio demographic characteristics.

Table 21 shows the socio-demographic data of participants who adopted the reproduction pathway to incorporation. In fact, 17 African immigrants constituting 40.5% from the total sample adopted this strategy to get incorporated. This number follows closely that of the variable marriage, because this strategy was the next among others that seem easier to adopt when the marriage laws between immigrants and native Germans became tougher with more irregular statuses notification to leave Germany being issued to more African immigrants. There are more men who used reproduction as a strategy than women because the men are the ones who look for the women with whom they shall reproduce with. In fact in the cultures where participants come from, intimate relationships are initiated by men not women149. Thus women have to wait for men to approach them, which is the reason for the overlap. All participants of this category fall within the reproductive age group, being one reason why this phenomenon is common place to this category. Among participants in this category, their educational attainment does not have any impact on reproduction.

149 men are the ones who approach women not the other way around 210

Sex Number of Persons Male 13 Female 4 Total 17 Percentage 40.5% Age-group 25-35 7 35-45 10 45-55 None Educational attainment Secondary 6 High School (Advanced Level) 5 University/Professional/Tertiary 6 Religious faiths Christians 10 Moslems 1 Do not attend church 6 Reasons for immigrating Greener pastures 8 Asylum 3 Studies 4 Family reunion 2 Length of stay 5-10 years 12 10-15 years 2 15- + 3 Nationality Cameroonians 10 Nigerians 1 Ghanaians 3 Sierra Leoneans 1 Liberian 1 Guinean 1 Employment status Employed 6 Self employed 6 Unemployed 5 Associational Membership Belonging 14 Not belonging 3

Table 21: Socio-demographic variables of participants who used reproduction as a threshold to incorporation.

211

This can have an impact on the number of children or how often to have children but not on the aspect of reproduction itself. That is why from the table irrespective of high educational attainment, participants still reproduced. Most are of the Christian faith which may have influenced150 this aspect indirectly and to compound matters it is common among Christians to say that it is written in the bible in the book of Genesis that when God151 created Adam and Eve152 he153 said to them154 to go and multiply. People of the Christian faith believe that they are the descendants of Adam and Eve as such they should follow suit multiplying. A high proportion of participants who immigrated for greener pastures fall in this category155. The length of stay in Germany for this category of participants is also remarkable, that is 5 to more than 15 years and gives the impression that whatever strategy one chooses to use to incorporate One needs time to make the choice, coupled with time already spent at the asylum camps and also the time that the strategy takes to materialize in order to change immigrant status to a regular status and finally to an unbefristete Aufenthaltserlaubnis. Thus whatever the case may be, incorporation takes time. The major target of African immigrant population for this study was Cameroonians, but the research methodology gave room for other nationalities, which constitutes the reason why there is variation in the representation in the participant sample. Being employed, for participants of this category, was a means to finely incorporate and to show the German authorities how serious immigrants are to care for the family they are raising. This is to increase the merits of the reproductive strategy and an important reason why most are employed, either by being self-employed or otherwise employed by others. Cultural associational membership is also a pattern among participants under this category, as a majority of them belonged to cultural associations and/or organizations and only three were not attached to any. Participants used this aspect to create a social network to facilitate their incorporation,

150 Because Christianity forbids killing, though it does not encourage premarital sex i.e. having sexual contact before marriage, though it is not the desire of the some immigrants to reproduce unpreparedly, but to think of aborting the children according to them is not right before ‘God’ 151 The Almighty whom religious dogma and theocentricism credit the creation of the world to 152 The first human creatures man and woman on the planet earth made by ‘God’ 153 God 154 Adam and Eve 155 This is because participants liken emigrating for greener pastures to a battle, at the same time they contrasts it with a marriage or dinner ceremony where everything is prepared and the guest is waited for to be welcomed and served but a battle field is where one is an enemy or a force to reckon with as such one has to be prepared for battle having in mind that it is going to be tough. This is to say that whatever it takes to win a battle one is prepared and does it to get victory, so it is when one is emigrating for greener pastures. Meaning that whatever the immigrant has to do to make his or greener pastures green; he or she is prepared to do it to attain her goal. This suggests that our past has a continuous subtle presence in our present lived realities. 212 to seek refuge under the cover of associations, when the reproductive strategy seemed slippery and difficult to handle for immigrants or participants. The following sections handle the reasons for the adoption of the reproductive strategy.

5. 4. 2. 1) Reasons for Reproducing in Germany

Reasons for reproducing in Germany are the raison d’être compassing African immigrants’ reproductive behaviour/action. In the cultures where the participants come from, having children is a sign of taking responsibility of manhood, because culture assumes that once a man starts having children, it means the man is ready to work and to add meaning to his life by bringing to life people who will continue to uphold culture and his legacy. However, city life as an African immigrant has redefined this aspect of culture. Most participants, especially ‘greener pastures’ immigrants who immigrated into Germany at the dawn of the third millennium had a child/children with native Germans not out of the desire to add meaning to their lives but as another strategy of incorporation especially after the rejection of their asylum applications, the prospect of a bleak future or failure of the marriage strategy. Two major reasons were advanced by participants for the adoption of the reproductive strategy. These reasons are: reproduction as a means to stay in Germany and reproduction as means to regularize status and acquire a residence permit. These issues are straddled on from interviews with some participants of this study.

5. 4. 2. 1. 1) Reproduction as a Means to Stay

In a bid to stay, that is to continue living in Germany away from expulsion or deportation, some participants reproduced with native Germans. A key participant of the study narrates in his interview discussion the circumstances that led him to have a child with a native German girl and according to this participant his reason for reproducing was being able to continue living in Germany and fulfil his ambition at the onset of migration. Mr. Dicaps responded when I raised the issue:

Interviewer: What circumstances prompted you to have a child with a German lady? Interviewee: Okay when I arrived Germany, I never knew of what is called chop adoro or

213 adoro156or even being quallated157or having qually158. When I applied for asylum, six months later, I went to renew my asylum Ausweis, I was told my asylum application has been rejected. They rather gave me a white paper159 which permitted me to live in Germany again only for two weeks and after those two weeks I have to be out of German territory. Can you imagine? In fact I was sweating, so I had use all the available strategies yes. In fact when I came here, in our asylum camp, we were six in a room, can you imagine six people living in one room. So some of these guys160 were already used to the system161. So some of them will go out and come back and narrate stories of what they encountered. You will hear them talking about these old German women. You will see a young boy of about 20 something162, he will tell you an encounter he had with a mother of about 50 something years163. So for me it was strange. In fact if you could meet some of them, they will tell you for me it was strange I could not imagine. But I never knew because my time was not yet up but when I was given this white paper, I knew in fact that if you don’t go after those old women, then you have just one choice‐ either you go back to Africa and that was not my wish. So I went out for anything that could come whether a child or a mother, I was prepared. And I got what I got164 you know… (Fieldwork, Berlin).

In the life and case history narrative of Dicaps, a participant man who is a greener pastures immigrant he highlights some issues which serve as the basis for his adoption of the reproductive strategy in order to continue living in Germany. Firstly, he talks about the rejection of his asylum case and the issue of the expulsion notice. In light of this issue, he reveals that before immigrating into Germany, he had no prior knowledge of what it means to be an immigrant and worse still an asylum seeker with an irregular status and also what it takes to regularize an irregular status and be legal as an African immigrant in Germany. This participant sought asylum because he was steered in this direction by earlier arrived migrants, not because he knew or understood what he was doing; this is the reason why mother and son in the love scene was a shock to him. This instance makes one understand that some participants (Africans only) who arrived in Germany until the year 2004 for greener pastures, knew little or nothing about the country’s system of function instead they had some lofty ideas and paradise

156 A Pidgin-English jargon meaning to seek asylum or being asylum seeker 157 Being legally documented 158 An Ibo word for the word paper in the context here it means to have a residence permit to reside in Germany 159 Abschiebungsanordnung of §58 Aufenthaltsgesetz 160 Other asylum seekers 161 That is hard asylum laws and immigrants were employing other strategies to cope and incorporate. 162 A boy in his twenties 163 A woman in her fifties 164 A German girl whom he reproduced with 214 perception of Germany. The issuance of the Abschiebungsanordnung to this participant within six months after arrival forced him to understand why other African immigrants do what they do and it is at this point that he was settled in his mind and prepared to choose and adopt a strategy because he was not prepared to return home, seeing as he was a greener pasture migrant. One thing to understand here is that according to most African immigrants, returning after a short time suggests two things: firstly and most importantly that the immigrant is a failure165 irrespective of the circumstances at destination Germany and secondly, that the resources the immigrant put in for migration have (been) wasted away and as such there is no point why such a person migrated in the first place because there is no change in their status and condition instead rather a waste of resources and time. Immediately after the issue of the expulsion notice, the participant quickly adopted the reproductive strategy. In this move he got a young native German girl whom he reproduced with in order to continue staying in Germany. This means that there are processes that guide the meanings of life for different societies across the world as they are formulated and maintained in day-to-day life and cultural differences and evolution can be more comprehended within this context. The meaning of life for an African immigrant is success. Thus anything short of staying abroad, irrespective of the conditions and circumstances; is considered failure; as a result the employment of strategies of incorporation to succeed with the notion of being a success at the back of the mind became a motive to continue staying in Germany. For this reason, some immigrants are ready to do anything, be it to reproduce or do whatever it takes, so long as it is heading the immigrants towards their ambition to stay and be successful.

Again, not only were the living conditions at the asylum home unbearable but it had an advantage since earlier arrived immigrants recounted their encounters outside in their bid to incorporate; the participant learnt of the strategies of incorporation. This suggests that living in the asylum homes is an indirect means to increase social capital and social network for social support and success towards incorporation for the newly arrived immigrants. Another issue that comes up is the expression of culture shock by this participant about the accounts of

165 The term failure migrant within this thesis is used to denote African immigrants who found it difficult to adapt and incorporate in receiving Germany after arrival in spite of the availability of strategies of incorporation but rather were deported back to Africa (forced return) against their wishes without them meeting their ambitions for emigration and probably no means to make a second coming to Germany, and have to return to normal life before emigration such African immigrants whose migration did not impact on their lives or lives of other persons in society are considered as failure migrants. So many at times no African immigrants wishes to be a failure migrant. 215 other African immigrants in their bid to incorporate since he couldn’t imagine himself loving a woman who is far older, old enough to be his mother166. In fact, the mother and son display in the amorous up arena is something which is seen and experienced in the open among immigrants in Germany but quite uncommon in his country of origin167. This suggests that, in the city people come across varying lifestyles, alien ways of feeling, thinking and doing things that are different from the one in which they are socialized into, and also that because of the cosmopolitan nature of Berlin, social control in the city is nothing to think about. Participants like Kwabena, Zack, Wilson and Roland also affirmed to have used the reproductive strategy as a means to continue staying in Germany. Following is the next reason why some African immigrants reproduced in Germany.

5. 4. 2. 1. 2) Reproduction as Means to Regularize Status

The pathway of reproduction as a means to regularize status here suggests acquiring a status that permits one be recognized to live in Germany. Ernest, a Cameroonian participant man expresses in his interview discussion the pattern of his life and living in Berlin after arrival and in his discussion mentions the fact that he had to reproduce with a German woman not by choice but rather to rectify his status and makes mention of his covert and overt life pattern in Germany. He perused through this issue when I raised the issue:

Interviewer: I can see you have a black son, did this child in any way change your status here? Interviewee: Living in Germany for most of us168is two parts‐ one that is open and one that is closed, private to you… Interviewer: How? Interviewee: Normally considering my situation here in Germany, I have a different life which is known by the authorities in Germany but considering my African people it is something

166 At least in the cultures where participants come from if not African cultures, any person at and above the age of 50 is considered old, a father or a mother, irrespective whether this person has a child or not. Such people are considered to be filled with wisdom and their role in is to watch and advice other young people on how to live their lives in order to keep culture and society in tact not rather to be seen in a public show with people young enough to be their children making love. To the African such attitude from an old is a disgrace to the society and culture as a whole and it depicts according to the society moral decadence and points accusing fingers to the family for failing in its socialization process. 167 Dicaps (the participant) understood why the chronicle of such events and actions was common when he received the expulsion notice. 168 Africans 216 else. About my status, I have a German child with a German woman but in reality, I am married to a black woman with a black child. So you can see the difference. I did not get married to her169; I think it is one of the means available if you170 really want to live here in Germany to rectify your status to live here. Because from their laws, if you are here as a guy171, where you can search for paper172, you have to search in between the legs of women. To have a paper, it is either you are married to a German woman or you have a child with a German woman, and so I did and that is how I got my status changed as I earlier said… (Fieldwork, Berlin)

In the opening lines in the excerpt above, the participant calls to attention that his pattern of living or of life in Germany is not particular to him alone because other African immigrants also go about with such a lifestyle, meaning that it is distinctive among some African immigrants with irregular statuses who seek to regularize their statuses and live in Germany. For some Africans in Germany, their pattern of life is two-faced: a covert and an overt side of life and as a matter of fact, German authorities know very little about this fact. Firstly, the covert part of life for this participant is his normal day-to-day life which is known to other African immigrants who are either friends or relatives; the covert part is who he really is. Implying that, social capital for immigrants equally provides some sort of moral support for incorporation. For instance in the excerpt, he mentions the fact that because of his status, he has a child with a German woman whom he is not married to and he adds that it is one of the means available to a man to change status from irregular status to a regular status in Germany, suggesting that reproduction by some African immigrants with native Germans, like marriage, is a matter of necessity because of the need to regularize irregular status. One can further conclude that living the reality of status regularization has forced some African immigrants to live two patterns of life simultaneously in Germany. This is the more reason why the participant here is sarcastic in his presentation of the social pathways to incorporation as he says “because from their laws, if you are here as a guy, where you can search for paper, you have to search in between the legs of women” (Fieldwork). In this statement, there is mention of the laws, implying that the laws are such that there are gaps and immigrants are taking advantage of such gaps to regularize their statuses. But the reality about this participant is that he lives with his African wife whom he is officially married to in Africa alongside their one child born in Germany in the same household in Berlin, this means that he has two children in Germany of

169 German woman 170 As an Immigrant 171 Man 172 Residence Permit 217 whom he is the biological father and the one who he lives with is not known officially as his child but the two bear his family name173. Secondly, the overt side of his life is that which official records in Germany show of him: that he is single, a father to only one German child not two children, let alone the fact that they live together in one household. Official records show that he lives alone in one small apartment in the Wedding174 residential area of Berlin. All these are totally different from his living reality. This suggests that, the overt part of the lives of some Africans immigrants is what German official records know about the immigrants. This is the information immigrants provide about themselves to the German authorities, thus immigrants are living somewhat disguised lives. This calls to attention that the covert and overt sides of life for the immigrants do not tarry. Tina, a German participant woman, confirmed the aspect of the two sides of life which African immigrants live in order to regularize their statuses. Other participants like Ethel, Hycinth, Kwame and Kobi also used reproduction as a means to regularize their statuses. Having grappled with the reasons for the adoption of the reproductive strategy by participants the next sections handle the pathway processes of how change of status is effectuated through reproduction.

5. 4. 2. 2) Reproductive Pathway Processes to Impact Immigrant Status

The pathway processes in the use of the reproductive strategy work differently in order to have an effect on different immigrants with different statuses. For African immigrants with asylum seekers status, the process is without conditions necessary for the change of status and more African immigrant asylum seekers use this strategy as a means of fixing the problem of eminent deportation. For students, there is the condition of being currently matriculated at school at the time of pregnancy and birth as a condition necessary for the change of status and incorporation. Important in this strategy also is who the immigrants reproduce with because African immigrants with irregular statuses do not only reproduce with native Germans but also with Africans-Germans. Some African immigrants with undefined statuses have acquired defined statuses in Germany as a result of the adoption of the reproductive strategy of incorporation.

173 In this case there is a third party (another man) who signed and is officially recognized as the biological father to his two children. However, in reality he is not, rather he acts as a catalyst to speed up and ease matters of status regularization for the wife and the children. This is another covert aspect of life for African. immigrants 174 Northern area of the city of Berlin 218

5. 4. 2. 2. 1) Reproduction between an African Immigrant Man (asylum seeker) and a Native German Woman in Germany and Eventual Change of Status for the Asylum Seeker

A key participant man (Pabis) discusses the steps on how the process of reproduction with his native German girlfriend worked to change his status and gave him the opportunity to continue living in Germany when I asked:

Interviewer: Did this child in any way regularize your stay here in this country? Interviewee: Of course my stay here is as a result of their child. The law is such that when you have a child with a German woman, firstly you have what they call Vaterschaftsanerkennung175after that there is still what they call Sorgerecht176 that is another paper to be signed and the Sorgerecht allows you to share the responsibility of over the child with the mother of the child and it is from that Sorgerecht that you are given the permission to stay in this country not the Vaterschaft. Although you can be recognized as the father or the mother of the child and you are not given a Sorgerecht and when you are not given the Sorgerecht, though too in very rare cases, you don’t have paper177 to stay in this country. Interviewer: Okay can I just get a little clarification from you? Interviewee: Yes about what Interviewer: About what you have just explained Interviewee: Okay Interviewer: It is the same process with a woman who is adoro and a German man178 Interviewee: Yes, even if it is the father who is a German, the child will have German nationality… (Fieldwork, Berlin).

In the above excerpt, the participant Pabis who holds an unbefristete Aufenthaltserlaubnis confirms that his stay in Germany is as a result of a child he reproduced with a native German woman. He further makes mention of the provisions that the law makes in this regard the opportunity structure so-to-speak as he explains the process of change of status through reproduction. In the above discussion, one is made to understand that the law gives advantage for a foreigner to be recognized as father to a German child through the provisions of a

175 An official document which confirms that a man has been recognized as the father of the unborn or born child in Germany 176 An official document confirming that a father shares the right of responsibility of child care and upbringing (socialization) with the mother of the child. 177 A legal status/regular residence permit as a foreigner 178 Inquiry whether the process of change of status for an African immigrant woman with an asylum seekers status and a native German man takes the same line like African immigrant man with asylum seekers and a native German woman. 219 document called Vaterschaftsanerkennung. Secondly and most importantly is the advantage that the immigrant has the right to share the custody of the child with the mother of the child. In this case, because the father who is an African immigrant with an irregular status (asylum seeker) has to share the responsibility of child care for the child who is a German with the mother of the child in Germany, the status of the African immigrant changes and a stay permit is issued to the African immigrant in order to enable the African immigrant to carry out his own responsibility of child care over the child as father. It suggests here that the issuing of a residence permit to an African immigrant with an irregular status means that as father to a German child, the immigrant now has a defined status and as such incorporation for the African immigrant. Still, attention is called by the participant to the fact that only in rare cases the advantage to share the responsibility of care over a child is not given to the father of a child as an immigrant, in which case a residence permit is not issued because the immigrant does not have a defined status and consequently, difficulty in incorporation via the adoption of the reproductive strategy. Thus change of status and incorporation for African immigrants (particularly immigrants with asylum seeker status) who adopt the reproductive strategy goes from being recognized as father to a German child through sharing the responsibility of child care over the child with the mother to being given a defined status and the right to stay through the issue of a residence permit. Also important is that the participant here reveals that the process of change of status and incorporation is likewise with an African woman immigrant with asylum seekers status and a native German. Having seen the case of reproduction between an African immigrant (asylum seeker) and a native German in Germany and the eventual change of status for the asylum seeker, the thesis now moves to the next particular case of African immigrant women who are students in Germany and change of status for the female students and this takes varying perspectives.

5. 4. 2. 2. 2) Reproduction between an African Immigrant Woman (student) and a Native German Man in Germany and Eventual Change of Status for the African Immigrant Student

Another participant man to this study who claims to understand the laws and functioning of the German society discusses on the process of status change through the adoption of the reproductive strategy on the part of students when I raised the issue:

Interviewer: How does the situation look like with students in Germany?

220

Interviewee: For students, it is like this, I would like to say it is… If an African student in Germany becomes pregnant for a German man, the two of them go to the Jugendamt and make Vaterschaftsanerkennung, you will hear people call it Vaterschaft with the Sorgerecht either before birth because German law will have greater chances of being applied or after birth that will be the wish of the two179. When the child is born, the child is given a German nationality because the father is a German and automatically, the status of the student changes to a regular status and the Aufenthaltserlaubnis, I will always be saying Aufenthalt, you know that I mean Aufenthaltserlaubnis of the mother is changed from a student visa to a regular residence permit which allows her to stay in Germany and work… (Fieldwork, Berlin).

The above excerpt describes the process of status change for an African immigrant female student who reproduces with a native German man in the course of her studies in Germany. In the case where an African immigrant woman gets pregnant for a native German man in the course of studies, the normal procedure applies; that is signing the Vaterschaftsanerkennung and the Sorgerecht documents by the two involved. Before or after birth, the child automatically assumes the nationality of the father who is a native German and because the African immigrant woman is mother to a German child a regular status is accorded the mother and a residence permit is issued to the mother of the child to stay and share the responsibility of child care with the father of the child and this consequently means incorporation for the African immigrant woman. Worthy of note is that the student work/residence permit is issued as temporary according to Article 28 Section 1 of the Aliens Law (§28 I AusIG; Heinhold, 2000) with limitations and this is quite different from a regular residence permit issued to other immigrants who acquire a regular status. This suggests that a student status in Germany is also an irregular status in its entirety that yearns for regularization. Also, interesting here is that of the opportunity structure. Here it suggests that Germans are given privilege, because it doesn’t matter whether it is the mother or the father of a child who is a German, the issue is that whoever is a German the child assumes a German nationality giving the chance for whoever has an irregular status to regularize status, to acquire a residence permit and incorporate. Followed is the case of status change through reproduction between an African immigrant woman (student) and an African-German or an African immigrant man with an indefinite stay.

179 That is the man (German) and the woman (African) 221

5. 4. 2. 2. 3) Reproduction between an African Immigrant Woman (student) and an African- German Man with an unbefristete Aufenthaltserlaubnis in Germany and Eventual Change of Status for the Student

Another case of students and incorporation via the adoption of the reproductive strategy in Germany is discussed below by Nsoh when I raised the issue:

Interviewer: What about students with their African guys? Interviewee: Hhhmm. Should she be pregnant for another African man who has an unbefristete Aufenthaltserlaubnis, it is not so complicated because she has an Aufenthaltserlaubnis before that is a student visa. The two of them simply go to the Jugendamt and make the Vaterschaft and Sorgerecht. For two foreigners it is after birth180 because they181 apply the law of the home country of the foreigners, like in Cameroon where I come from, I know that you make the birth certificate of the child and you are recognized as the father only after the child is born and usually at the Jugendamt, they182 ask for the birth certificate183 as one of the documents to make the Vaterschaft and Sorgerecht and the birth certificate is made at the Standesamt in the area where the woman put to birth184. This is usually the first birth certificate that the Standesamt establishes immediately after birth of a child and usually this birth certificate is carrying only the name of the mother. Then you take this birth certificate and other documents which they usually ask for to the Jugendamt and there you185 signed the Vaterschaft and Sorgerecht. This Vaterschaft and Sorgerecht will be sent to the Standesamt where they186 will make another birth certificate carrying the name of the father and the mother. Then now, the Standesamt will check if the father of the child is working or has worked since he has an unbefristete Aufenthaltserlaubnis, it is the Standesamt that determine whether the child gets a German nationality or not. The conditions for a child born by such parents187to have a German nationality is that first the child must be born here in Germany, secondly, one of the parents must have an indefinite stay and has lived at least eight years in Germany, that is has had a legal status for at least eight years at the time of birth of the child and has worked or is presently working. Then Standesamt will send a letter to both parents which will state that in four to six weeks the nationality of the child will be determined. And in these four to six weeks, when the

180 That one is recognized as father of a child and given the right to share the responsibility of child upbringing with the mother. 181 German authorities 182 Authorities at the Jugendamt 183 That is the birth certificate of the new born child 184 Put to bed 185 The mother and the father of the new born child 186 Civil Registry officials 187 African parents where the man has an indefinite stay and the woman has a student visa 222 nationality of the child is determined as a German, the information will be sent to the Bürgeramt188 and at that time, the mother or the father of the child can take the child with his or her photos to the Bürgeramt and make the German passport of the child. After this now, the mother of the child who has a student visa will take the passport of the child to the foreign office and they189 will change her student visa and she will now have a regular residence permit to stay in Germany and if she works thereafter she is entitled to an unbefristete Aufenthaltserlaubnis or a German nationality after she finishes her study and finds a job. You see that is how student status changes and now the student can collect apply for her child’s kinder geld and she can even collect social geld and other benefits like getting a house… you see or if she wants to work, she can go and work… (Fieldwork, Berlin).

The excerpt of Nsoh above discusses the process of status change for an African immigrant woman (student) who reproduces with an African-German man who holds an unbefristete Aufenthaltserlaubnis in Germany. In this case, the differences are that the certificates for the recognition as father and that of the share of responsibility of child care are signed and issued after the birth of the child. Worthy of note is that Vaterschaftsanerkennung and the Sorgerecht are signed with the availability of the first birth certificate of the child issued immediately after birth by the Civil Registry Office carrying only the mother’s name. After this process, the information is again sent to the Civil Registry Office for the establishment of a finite birth certificate carrying the name of the mother and father of the born child. Still, in the event that the change of status for the immigrant female student does not come immediately after the signing and establishment of the finite birth certificate but there are conditions sine-qua-non that have to be fulfilled in order to allow for the change of status for the immigrant female student. These conditions sine-qua-non are that: the nationality of the child must be determined and the Standesamt reserves the right to determine the nationality of the born child to this category of parents190 taking into due consideration the circumstances of the immigrants and also whether the immigrants fulfil the necessary conditions for their off-spring to acquire a German nationality. This suggests that incorporation for African immigrant women who are students also go with bottlenecks as with other African immigrants with different statuses. In this particular case, the father of the born child must have stayed at least eight years in Germany with a legal status; must possess a permanent resident title; must have contributed to the social insurance scheme or otherwise must have worked, or is currently working. If the father of the

188 Police Registration Office 189 Foreign officers 190 That is an African immigrant with an unlimited residence permit and an African immigrant woman student 223 born child fulfils the above three conditions satisfactorily, the born child acquires a German nationality in four to six weeks according to the determination of the Standesamt officials and the Bürgeramt is notified where the passport of the born child is issued. Again here one notices the advantage in the opportunity structure though the economic perspective is also implied in the reproductive strategy suggesting a win-win situation for the state, immigrants and their off- spring. Furthermore, the issuing of a German passport to the child implies a change of status to the mother of the child. The mother of the child takes the passport of the child to the Immigration Office and applies for a change of resident title, the passport of the child serves as proof that she is mother to a German child at the Immigration Office and the visa of the mother of the child is changed from a temporary residence permit with the issue of a permanent residence permit subject to renewal at expiry thus meaning incorporation for the African immigrant female student. One thing to take note of is that for the immigrant female student, the condition of being currently enrolled at the time of reproduction must be fulfilled in order for the reproductive strategy to effectively change a student’s status to a regular status meaning that student enrolment confirmation is of utmost importance. One can therefore say that incorporation for African immigrant female students via the adoption of the reproductive strategy is not direct but rather it stems from the father through the child to the mother. At the change of status for the African immigrant female student, she becomes liable to enjoy social and child care benefits in Germany. This suggests that incorporation goes with privileges and advantages.

Interviewer: HHhhmm (nodding the head up and down)191 Interviewee: Okay another one192is that if a student gets pregnant like the one193 I just explained and the man has an unbefristete Aufenthaltserlaubnis but does not fulfill other conditions, the child will not acquire a German nationality, the child will acquire an unbefristete Aufenthaltserlaubnis like the father and the mother’s status will not change to a regular status. Maybe after three years, if the father fulfills other conditions, the child can then apply for a German nationality and change the status of the mother if she is still there. Otherwise I am not sure… (Fieldwork, Berlin).

Still, Nsoh continues as he presents the same case reproduction between an African immigrant man who holds an permanent residence permit and an African immigrant female student

191 A gesture the researcher expresses to show approval of learning something new. 192 case 193 The case of Two Africans, man and woman 224 assuming that the father of a born child in Germany does not fulfil the necessary conditions194 for his off-spring to acquire a German nationality, in such a case, he reveals in the above narrative that the born child does not acquire a German nationality but the born child rather acquires the unbefristete Aufenthaltserlaubnis status of the father and also takes the original nationality of the father. For instance if the father is a Cameroonian as the participant cites, the born child acquires a Cameroonian nationality though born in Germany. This suggests that even second generation African immigrants do not automatically melt into mainstream German society because they are born in Germany but rather that purely African immigrant parents are the ones to make a way for the melting of the second generation in Germany. Still, in this case, the mother of the child, an African immigrant woman student, does not of status through the acquire a change child because the status of the father of the child is not mature enough to complete the metamorphosis of status through to the mother and as such, the mother of the child retains her student status. Though it is so in this case, there is an advantage: if the father of the child later fulfils or meets the conditions, the parents can apply for a German nationality for the child after three years or when the child is at the age of three and if the child acquires German nationality, the mother of the child can still acquire a change of status through the child if she still lives in Germany legally. This implies in the adoption of the reproductive strategy of incorporation by African immigrant women who are students in Germany, the status of the African immigrant men with whom they reproduce with matters very much in order for the immigrant women to change status, get incorporated and continue living in Germany. Lastly is the reproductive case of an African immigrant woman who is either a student or an asylum seeker and an African immigrant man who is an asylum seeker in Germany.

5. 4. 2. 2. 4) Reproduction between an African Immigrant Woman (either a student or an asylum seeker) and an African Immigrant Man (asylum seeker) in Germany and Eventual Change of Status for the Student or the Asylum Seeker.

Another participant of this study presents a fourth pathway process of reproduction among immigrants who both have irregular statuses and what is done to get a status change for the immigrant woman especially. This participant handles this case as he expatiates at the question:

194 For instance, the father of the child has an unlimited stay permit, has worked or is currently working but has not lived legally in Germany for eight years. Such an immigrant does not fulfil the necessary requirement for his or her off-spring to acquire a German nationality immediately after birth. 225

Interviewer: What if the man and the woman are Adoro or students195? How? Interviewee: Okay what most people196do to acquire their residence permits they buy paper197. If the mother is a student and the father a student or he is still Adoro, the mother of the child can look for someone with a German nationality it can be an African or someone who has an unbefristete Aufenthaltserlaubnis and has stayed eight years to sign for the child as the father or a German to adopt the child. Usually money will change hands in this case. The price that I know is between 3500 Euros to 4000 Euros that the woman will have to pay the man for signing for the child as the father. The payment depends on the agreement the two people will make whether all at once or in bits.198The man too has to be ready to go to offices and sign papers in this regard until the acquisition of the passport of the child and mother’s status changes. And some of those who sign, do it as business. I have heard somebody complain that a Nigerian man said if he signs, he will be the one to collect the Kindergeld199 not the mother you see the kind of business some people are into. One thing you have to know which is important here is that when a child is born here in Germany, I think you have up to one year or may be more time given to the mother to come to the Jugendamt and make known the father of her child. After this time, if the mother has not made the Vaterschaft and Sorgerecht, the child does not get a status, the child is only considered as a foreigner born in Germany with no father…. The reason why they do this200 is because usually for this kind if you see them, they are people201 who have been together and desire to be husband and wife. That is why the woman will buy paper for herself and then transfer it to her husband indirectly… (Fieldwork, Berlin).

In the above discourse narrative, the participant presents further procedures involved in the change of status adopting the reproductive strategy for African immigrant women who are either students or asylum seekers and who reproduce with other African immigrant men either students or asylum seekers exclusively in Germany and the eventual incorporation for the students or asylum seekers immigrant women. In the case where an African immigrant man and an African immigrant woman both with irregular statuses put to bed a child or reproduce in Germany, there is a particular pattern for such a category of immigrants to regularize status

195 That is also both man and woman are students in Germany. 196 Women African immigrants 197 Immigrants with irregular statuses pay money to those with statuses to get involved to regularize their irregular statuses. 198 That is in instalment 199 Child benefits (also known to be the money for child up keep) in Germany 200 That is substitute with the biological father of a child with somebody who hold a German nationality or an unbefristete Aufenthaltserlaubnis 201 The man and the woman immigrants involved. 226 and the participant puts it clear that in this case, a third party is needed on a deal with money changing hands. Particular about this is that the process must be complete before the born child celebrates his or her first birthday. In fact, as the participant puts it “they buy paper” meaning that the third party is a person who secretly via verbal agreement substitutes for the biological father of the born child officially and this third party is the person from whom the residence permit is bought. Let me clarify here on the third party deal, the third party is a person who has the necessary regular status to change the irregular status of the student or asylum seeker immigrant woman. The third party involved in this exclusive case is usually another African- German man or another African immigrant man with an unbefristete Aufenthaltserlaubnis who acts as pillar for the change of status for the African immigrant woman. Suggesting that in the adoption of the reproductive strategy of incorporation by African immigrant women, be they students or asylum seekers, whoever must sign the Vaterschaftsanerkennung and the Sorgerecht must possess the necessary status and fulfil the necessary conditions that it takes to give the born child a German nationality so that it must necessarily have an impact on the status of the mother. There is a must here because it goes with a price. The general acceptable price for the third party deal—that is buying—is 3500 Euros to 4000 Euros payable at once, or in instalments and all arrangements, including payment, in this deal is a verbal agreement based on trust implying some sort of black business, also social and financial capital is implied in the incorporation process among some African immigrants. After all verbal arrangements and agreements, the third party is presented to the authorities (officials at the Jugendamt) by the mother of the born child as the biological father of the child and he is given the right to sign and then signs the necessary documents that are embedded in the process of acquisition of a German nationality for the child which implies an indirect change of status for the mother on the basis of the Vaterschaftsanerkennung and the Sorgerecht. In this case, because the ‘officially recognized father’ possesses the appropriate status and fulfils the necessary conditions as required by German laws in this regard, the born child acquires a German nationality from the father by birth and the child after birth is later issued a German passport. Worthy of note again is that, the third party only signs the Vaterschaftsanerkennung and the Sorgerecht but the child bears his or her biological father’s names, none of the names of the third party is found among the names of the child, implying that in Germany, a child mustn’t bear any of the names of the person officially recognized as his or her father. In addition, the reason for the presentation of a fictitious father by the African immigrant woman is because of the need to change status and incorporate. Another logic behind the substitution of the

227 biological father with a third party is that the biological parents of the born are either husband and wife but not officially recognized as married in Germany or that they desire to be husband and wife and are working towards making the change in status. As such, in the event of reproduction for such immigrants, substitution of a third party is implemented as a means to attain two goals: first the goal of change of status for the mother and child and second the goal of transferring of the status from the mother of the child to the biological father of the child through marriage, thus becoming husband and wife. African immigrant women used and are still using this threshold to incorporation and continuous stay in Germany. The participant mentions that some African-Germans carry out this ‘affair’ of substituting the biological father as business and collect huge sums of money from other fellow African immigrants simply to help change the statuses of African immigrant women. Some even go as far as putting a further condition: for instance some third parties who sign the Vaterschaftsanerkennung and the Sorgerecht add as another condition for their profit-making that they will be the ones to collect the Kindergeld. However, this condition is all too often rejected.

Furthermore, an opportunity structure with regards to this strategy of incorporation is the loop in the law which gives substantial time to the mother of a born child to present or declare the father of her child to the concerned authorities encourages and gives time for arrangements for the substitution of persons. The participant brings to light that African immigrant women are taking advantage of this loop of time to make way for the change of status while some African immigrant men are using it as a money making venture. Of course, failure for the mother to present the father leaves the child ordinarily as a born to an African immigrant woman in Germany. This means that second generation African immigrants have at least a place in host Germany thanks to the caprices of first generation African immigrants. Having dealt with the different pathway processes involved in the change of statuses for different African immigrants through adoption of the reproductive strategies, there are other aspects of the reproductive strategy as well, and the sections which follow, handle these aspects.

5. 4. 2. 3) Other Aspects of Reproduction

The reproductive pathway strategy, like the marriage strategy, has its own underpinnings and intricacies. Generally, who African immigrants, both men and women, reproduce with in Germany as a strategy of incorporation very much matters especially for African immigrant 228 women with irregular statuses. This is to say that in order for African immigrants to incorporate using the reproductive strategy, there are flats, loops, bends, and bumps to be experienced in the course of incorporation via reproduction. The first of such flats are the profiles of the substituted persons in the reproductive strategy.

5. 4. 2. 3. 1) Profiles of Substituted Persons in the Reproductive Strategy

Among African immigrants using the reproductive strategy of incorporation person to sign otherwise substitution of persons has become a common place event among African immigrant women with irregular statuses especially. This is in the sense that African immigrant women hire other African immigrant men with the appropriate statuses to stand in the place of the biological fathers of their born children in Germany. Mola, a participant man, elaborates on this aspect during his interview discussion when I raised the issue: Interviewer: Why must it be African immigrants with nationality or unbefristete Aufenthaltserlaubnis to sign? Can native Germans not sign too? Because I thought a native German is a perfect person for the deal? Interviewee: You know why? Germans, they are not like us oohh. They are not patient and comprehensive like us. They don’t understand that you202 are doing that to survive. They can go and report you to the authorities and you will be in deep shit203. You know when a black man and a black woman put to birth, the child is completely black with our own type of hair and imagine that a white man and a black woman come to you204 at the Jugendamt to sign with a very black child with strong hair, looking at the child alone, you will suspect something you know this will raise the dust. To avoid suspects and problems you get somebody who passes well for the deal as you put it a German can adopt the child that is normal no eye brows can be raised in such a case. Do you know that some people205 pay Germans for the marriage something206? They207 meet Germans and they208 discuss it and pay them209 to marry them… (Fieldwork, Berlin).

202 African immigrant 203 Serious problems 204 Assuming that this researcher works at the Jugendamt 205 Some African immigrants 206 To contract marriage with them –men as well as women immigrants 207 African immigrants 208 Native Germans and African immigrants 209 Germans 229

The excerpt above elaborates in detail the distinct profiles of the persons for the substitution, the third party deal used by African immigrant women in the reproductive strategy of incorporation. The excerpt exposes the fact that third parties must fulfil one major condition and must also match one major characteristic. The condition to be fulfilled is being in possession of the German nationality or an unbefristete Aufenthaltserlaubnis with the specificity of African immigrant men. The persons substituting other African immigrant men with irregular statuses must be such persons because with their statuses, it is certain that it must produce impacts on the statuses of the born children and on the statuses of the mothers of the children in Germany. Secondly, the characteristic to match is that third parties must be African immigrant men because they match phenotypically with the born children since the children are born to originally native African parents meaning that they look typically black in skin colour with all other external features of the body looking typically African; again this aspect matches because the appearance of a black child, a black mother and a black father will hardly raise suspicion in front of any German authorities as such third parties must be an Africans210, black in skin colour too in order to fit properly in the scene. Native Germans could be candidates for the third party deal but African immigrant women do not sample native Germans because of uncertainty of their comprehension meaning that some native Germans may not understand that, the reason for seeking their help to substitute for the biological fathers of some born children in Germany is a strategy of incorporation and not in the sense of assuming responsibilities and obligations. On the contrary the participant reveals that some native Germans, who do not understand this, will rather report it to the authorities and the African immigrant involved would be in serious trouble with authorities. Also, native Germans do not match black children as fathers rather native Germans can match mulattoes for these two reasons native Germans are not sampled for third parties though they have the necessary status for the deal. Suggesting that African immigrants understand certain logics in the incorporation schemes and as such African immigrant women make sure in their incorporation process, loops that they are not discovered by German authorities.

Further, attention is brought to the fact that the hands of some native Germans are sought for by some African immigrant women in the light of adoption of their children born in Germany.

210 In some cases, the third party who either is an African-German or an African man with an unbefristete Aufenthaltserlaubnis comes from the same country as the African immigrant woman and at times they may hail from the same origin in the light of ethnicity or tribe. 230

The use of these tricks by African immigrant women is for the single reason to have their statuses changed and acquire long term stay permits. This can be taken to mean that in this process of incorporation used by African immigrant women, the logistics211 for incorporation are mostly paper work because actually the biological fathers of the children do exist and they are the ones taking responsibility for their children in the background and not the officially recognized fathers. Still, in the excerpt, attention is also brought to the fact that some African immigrants buy marriage from some native Germans; as a matter of fact, some African immigrants both men and women negotiate and pay some native Germans to contract marriage with them in order to have their immigrant irregular statuses changed. This reminds one that not only in the reproductive strategy of incorporation that fictitiousness exists but also in the marriage strategy of incorporation as well. In addition, there is another aspect of reproduction and incorporation for African immigrant male asylum seekers and some students through marriage.

5. 4. 2. 3. 2) Transfer of Status and Incorporation Bend through Marriage for some African Immigrant Men

The incorporation pathway of some African immigrant men is another scheme entirely as it does not take a direct process though they may be involved in the reproduction and incorporation process of the mothers of their children. Mr. Chris handles this issue when out of curiosity I asked:

Interviewer: Then what happens to the man who is the real212 father of the child or let me say to her boyfriend or man? Interviewee: What happens in this situation is this, usually after the woman has changed her status to a regular status, she normally goes back to Africa with the father of her child and marry him there and bring him back to Germany legally as her husband. Another thing is that at times some of them if they go back to Africa in this case; they change their names and come back but with different names. This is because having sought asylum, the authorities have all your information, it might cause deportation if those same information as sent in again and showing that you are married in Africa and now you have a different status, they will suspect

211 That is the substitution of biological father and the signing of Vaterschaftsanerkennung and the Sorgerecht by the substituted person 212 Biological father 231 fraud and this can cause deportation. Or they can even go to the embassy here in Germany and get married and he takes the documents to the Ausländerbehörde and change his status too as a married person and he too will have the right to stay and work in Germany. I can quote names of some of our people213 who have done that and succeeded, I know them, some have spoken to me… (Fieldwork, Berlin).

The narrative above elicits how the irregular statuses for some African immigrant male asylum seekers and some students especially change through marriage after reproduction in Germany. In the excerpt, the participant elucidates that after an African immigrant woman who reproduces with another African male immigrant214 changes her status through the involvement of a third party, the immigrant woman later marries the biological father of her child and in this case, the marriage either takes place in the immigrants’ country of origin (Africa) or at the immigrants representative embassy in Germany should other conditions be fulfilled. Should the marriage take place in Africa, the African immigrant man applies for a family visa to join his wife in Germany. This implies that a change of status and an incorporation for some African men starts from Africa indirectly from reproduction and some of such persons also make a second coming to Germany with a change of names and other personal information215. Still, should the marriage take place in Germany, the marriage certificate and other documents are submitted to the Ausländerbehörde for status change and the issuing of residence permit to the immigrant biological father who is still an asylum seeker by status. Immigrants who successfully go through this process indirectly transfer their statuses to other asylum seekers or student husbands who do not have regular statuses. This suggests that some African immigrant men in Germany rather incorporated indirectly through marriage and transfer of status from the mothers of their children. Another prominent aspect of reproduction is that of incorporation for African immigrant women who are students.

213 Cameroonian immigrants 214 In this case both the African immigrant man and woman with irregular statuses 215 Also I found out that some African immigrant women were matrimonially engaged in Africa but did not disclose this fact to German authorities and some of these women immigrated with early pregnancies and after arrival other immigrants advised these newly pregnant immigrants what to do in order to get incorporated early and these women hired third parties and got incorporated in less than one and a half years after arrival and immediately after incorporation, these women travelled to Africa and got married to their husbands and the husbands too finally immigrated into Germany for the first time but with a defined status making incorporation less stressful for such African immigrant men. Another found fact is that some African immigrant men who are asylum seekers seeking to incorporate, buy paper from African immigrant women who’ve already incorporated and possess long stay permits. This is done through the acquisition of a Vaterschaftsanerkennung from an immigrant woman who already possesses a long stay permit, gets pregnant for a man and sells right of fatherhood to an asylum seeker in order that the status of the asylum seeker be regularised and he gets incorporated. 232

5. 4. 2. 3. 3) Bump towards Incorporation for African Immigrant Women (students exclusively) through Reproduction.

Incorporation via reproduction for some African immigrant women especially women with student statuses is rather a bump because as earlier mentioned a student status that is the resident title is a temporary status issued for special purposes and is subject to special conditions. Heinhold (2000: 146-47) points out that “in principle both a change of the purpose of stay and an extension of the residence title for special purposes are excluded. Merely changing the subject of study poses considerable difficulties. Only in cases of extremely special nature are exceptions possible (§28 III AusIG)”. This suggests for instance that a student visa becomes invalid at the termination of studies even if the date of expiry on the visa is still one year ahead as such any bid in the direction of change of status for students before the end of studies meets with a stumbling block. This aspect is handled by Mr. Oliver, a participant man, during one of the community group interviews as I inquired:

Interviewer: So what about if you have a student visa and you are no longer going to school and you are working and get pregnant? Interviewee: This student way is working effectively only if you are still a regular student if not forget it, it is going to be very complicated and they will ask you to leave Germany. It will not work216, not possible because if you stop school and begin to work and even if you have an Arbeitsvertrag that is an unbefristeter Arbeitsvertrag217, it will be complicated. One thing is that, it is considered you got a job with the help of your student status meaning without that status you couldn’t have had the job and you will be surprised that those people218 at the jobsite will not ask for a Immatrikulationsbescheinigung219but when your student visa expires, and you go to the foreign office for renewal, if you don’t have a Immatrikulationsbescheinigung, your visa will not be renewed, you know what it means. You become illegal and for some smart girls, when this happens, they immediately look for a German for rescue220, you know what I mean. This is the reason why you see so many of us Africans who came as students especially women and left school and started working finally became illegal and started living underground. So regularizing your status at this point becomes difficult because you cannot go and seek asylum again as a way out because all your

216 To change a n African woman’s immigrant status to a regular status 217 Indefinite work contract 218 Employer 219 School enrolment confirmation 220A native German whom they will reproduce with and will sign Vaterschaftsanerkennung and the Sorgerecht for the change of status process. 233 data is in their system. The only thing is you live illegal underground, and you don’t look for trouble or you leave Germany to another country but not in the EU because information within EU has been harmonized. So if you go to any EU nation and indicate your presence, you might be spotted. This means deportation… (Fieldwork, Berlin).

The narrative of Mr. Oliver elaborates on the case of African immigrant female students and incorporation in Germany. Reproduction by the African immigrant female student works effectively only if the female student reproduces when she is still enrolled without which the reproductive strategy by African immigrant women students encounters a speed bump. The Immatrikulationsbescheinigung is therefore of utmost importance in order for the reproductive strategy to change a student’s status to a regular status. In the excerpt, mention is made that in a contrary situation221 the only next available means to change status and get incorporated for the African immigrant female students, is the safety net of reproduction with a native German exclusively. Whatever a student’s situation in Germany, it is considered that a visa is issued to a student because of the student’s enrolment confirmation; anything short of this is a deviance from the law and it is not permitted. That is why students who abandon their studies and rather started working and even obtained an unbefristeter Arbeitsvertrag before they complete their studies encountered difficulty renewing their student visas without an enrolment confirmation. The reasons for the difficulty stem from two major perspectives: firstly that more often than not students indicate after arrival in Germany that they shall leave Germany at the end of their studies meaning that if one does not study as a student immigrant, then one has to leave Germany, and the second is that the purpose of entry into Germany has changed and a new purpose of stay taken has been enacted by the immigrant(s). The immigrant is considered to not meet the expected conditions for such a purpose, the condition being to work and the purpose being to stay in Germany. This leads to an invalidity of the purpose for entry and stay for the African immigrant female student and as such the immigrant has to leave Germany. This suggests that students are not allowed to change statuses easily and thus any bid to incorporate away from study by African immigrant students, whether man or woman, is not welcomed by German authorities; rather it makes the immigrant liable to deportation. This is all the more reason why some African immigrant women and men who immigrated into Germany as students have become illegal, living underground with much less avenues to change status and incorporate. One thing to note here is that most of these African immigrants

221 Of no current school enrolment 234 were greener pastures migrants who took cover under the purpose to study in order to be able to succeed in entering into their greener pastures territory Germany. The consequences of the actions for ‘greener pastures‘ immigrants who enter Germany in the guise of students has been far reaching as working caused their student visas to become invalid and such immigrants became illegal and started living in Germany without the knowledge of German authorities. There is the notion of growth and accidental adversaries on the part of African immigrants here as one comes to the understanding that the intended action (immigrating as a student and abandoning studies for work), of some African immigrants produced unintended consequences, leading to difficulties in renewing their visa, deportation eminency, and also pushing the immigrant to being illegal. The above sections grappled with reproduction between African immigrants native Germans and reproduction amongst African immigrants as a pathway to incorporation,

Reproduction in the German socio-cultural system produces a sub–culture of / for the manipulation of immigrants from Africa as it works to give them grounds to continue staying in Germany. The reason for immigrating into Germany matters very much in affecting an immigrant’s adoption of the reproductive pathway strategy or better still which strategy to adopt to get incorporated. The more African immigrants acquire statuses through reproduction with native Germans, Germans or those who in possession of an unbefristete Aufenthaltserlaubnis, the more the native German population will be diluted. The phenomenon of mulattoes222 and black Germans is now common place in Germany and they make up a great deal of second generation immigrants in Germany in recent times. Reproduction as an independent variable influences other variables that interrelate to give positive outcomes on the part of immigrants. The figure which follows captures what influences reproduction for African immigrants and depicts how reproduction works as a strategy to help immigrants attain their ambition of status change and incorporation. I see the resultant reproductive strategy patterns and trends of German-based African immigrants as forming a system. The Causal Loop Diagram in Figure 17 below illustrates the actors and dynamics of the reproductive strategy system. In its relational analysis certain variables are dependent on others and some dependent variables become functions of the independent variables.

222 That is children/people with one black and one white parent. They are neither white nor black but look somewhat coloured. 235

Mullatoes and Black Germans

Government Number of Children Administration before Migration Challenges + - +

Societal Administrative - Ex-matriculation of Jugend Amt, Standes Structures + Students + Reproduction+ + Amt and Burger Amt + + + + + ++ + Change of Purpose of Entry into Germany + + Government + + Policies + Incorporation into Reproductive Main Stream Society+ + + Potency + + + + + + + + + + Status + + Stay in Germany Social Interaction + + + + + + + + Survive + + German-Based + + African Immigrants Culture + ++ + + + + Resident Permit Family Establishment + + Belief system

Figure 17: A causal loop diagram summarizing the reproductive strategy of incorporation used by African immigrants

5. 4. 2. 4) The Reproduction Story

The CLD in Figure 17 shows that reproduction as a pathway to incorporation is influenced and works from two main sides to give African immigrants the basis to regularize their statuses, to incorporate and to continue staying in Germany. These are from the individual immigrant’s side and from the side of the state (referred to in the CLD as government administration). On the side of the immigrant, the aspects that influence reproduction between an African and a native German or among Africans - regardless of gender - in Germany are: for asylum seekers especially, the rejection of asylum applications/or cases, the issue of Abschiebungsanordnung and deportation eminence, exclusion; for student immigrants such mountains are: ex- matriculation from school and also the change of purpose of entry into Germany through the acquisition of an unbefristeter Arbeitsvertrag without studying, the number of children before migration, reproductive potency, social interaction, culture/belief system. These aspects are 236 considered as variables for the reproduction for participants. According to some participants of this study, challenges are considered to be the prime cause of reproduction between African immigrants with irregular statuses and native Germans and also among African immigrants. It suggests here that the more challenges on the African immigrant-whether they are an asylum seeker or a student, the more the tendency of social interaction to learn of strategies and pathways to incorporation (i.e., what pathway is appropriate for who, why, how to go about it and what end results) leading to the adoption of the reproductive pathway to incorporation. Also, data from fieldwork show that the reproduction between native Germans and African immigrants with irregular statuses causes a change in the statuses of African immigrants. In the event of change of statuses to regular statuses, the eligibility and acquisition of long term residence permits are implied, thus survival and consequently incorporation into mainstream German society harnessing a continuous stay for African immigrants in Germany resulting in the phenomenon of German-based African immigrants. On the other hand, lesser challenges for African immigrants with irregular statuses will mean lesser social interaction, a down-turn of the phenomenon of reproduction between native Germans and African immigrants and even among African immigrants drawing back from the incorporation process and stay of African immigrants in Germany and thus lesser German-based African immigrants. Again, the number of children for African immigrants before the migration to Germany influenced the adoption of the reproductive pathway strategy. Immigrants having no children before immigrating into Germany were more likely to adopt the reproductive pathway to incorporation which contributes to family establishment, a continuous stay in Germany and therefore German-based African immigrants. But the number of children immigrants have before migration will act as a stumbling block to reproduction in Germany and therefore family establishment.

The reproductive potency of both African immigrants and native Germans is another factor influencing reproduction between African immigrants and native Germans. This is because the majority of participants of this study are in their reproductive ages; therefore interaction between African immigrants and native Germans in their reproductive ages serves as a threshold for incorporation for African immigrants. Thus the reverse of the reproductive potency of African immigrants leaves the story unchanged. For most participants who reproduced with native Germans tacitly expressed that the aspect of making children with 9 foreigners was hardly in their plan before and immediately after migration. But, more than /10 of participants come from cultures were the belief system promotes reproduction, i.e., in their cultures the belief is predominant that a child is a gift and a blessing from God and must not be 237 tampered with. It is also seen as a sign of maturation and more importantly of keeping the family roots and indirectly enhancing incorporation. Such a belief system results in family establishment promoting the African immigrants continuous stay in Germany. Disregard of culture and belief system suggests the reverse of events for African immigrants in Germany.

Earlier mentioned is the societal opportunity structure that influences aspects of culture and life in Germany. The societal opportunity structure also promotes human reproduction not only between native Germans and African immigrants but also among African immigrants exclusively depending on the statuses of immigrants. Government administers through societal administrative structures, exhibited specifically in the case of reproduction through Jugendamt, Standesamt and Bürgeramt and the Ausländerbehörde that all work to implement government policies and laws. In Germany, government social policies promote incorporation of African immigrants via reproduction between native Germans and African immigrants. Firstly at the Jugendamt, through recognition of fathers or mothers of mulatto-born children. In addition, second generation African immigrant children born in Germany in respect of the principle of Jus Soli. Secondly, via the Standesamt with the issue of German nationalities to mulattoes and black children (second generation), and through the Bürgeramt with the issuing of German passports, thereby influencing incorporation of African immigrants through change of statuses, survival and the acquisition of residence permits at the Ausländerbehörde for immigrants who reproduce in Germany. Therefore, the more societal opportunity structures like the Jugendamt and the Standesamt, for the implementation of state policies, the more African immigrants with irregular statuses will take advantage to reproduce with native Germans or amongst themselves. Lesser societal opportunity structures mean lesser policy options for the provision of opportunities for immigrants for the change of status, survival and acquisition of residence permits via reproduction, consequently, lesser reproduction between native Germans and African immigrants or among African immigrants, which implies lesser change in statuses and inability to survive out of exclusion via reproduction because of lesser residence permits issued and thus lower incorporation rates of African immigrants into mainstream German society and of course lesser number of German-based African immigrants. The behaviour patterns of the social pathway strategies are reflected in the chart below:

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RBP for Marriage and Reproduction

80 70 60 50 Marriage 40 Reproduction 30 20 10 0 0 5 10 15 20 25 30

Figure 18: Reference behaviour pattern for marriage and reproduction

The reference behaviour pattern shows that more participants adopted the marriage pathway to incorporation than the reproductive pathway. The measurement axes for the RBP for marriage indicates marriage point “five” and value “20”. Meaning that at point five up to 20 African immigrants consider the marriage pathway and as the points increase so too those who consider this pathway to incorporation increase. More importantly is that the marriage pathway for most participants bore the intended fruits of incorporation and as such a lesser adoption rate for the reproductive pathway. That is the reason why the graph shows lower reference axis points for reproduction than for marriage. Before concluding this chapter, it is imperative to understand that the incorporation of African immigrants in Germany takes place in stages.

5. 5) Three-Stage Model of African Immigrants’ Incorporation in Germany

A three-stage model is developed to conceptualize the above themes and patterns into a consistent theoretical construct examining the intricacies involved in the incorporation of participants into the mainstream society in Germany in the first years after arrival and that is: come - which is the crisis stage -, incorporate - the exploration stage -, and stay - the adaptation stage. These stages are the real life situations of African immigrants and can therefore not be overly simple. Moreover, most participants did not necessarily follow these stages in the same time frame, and there were variations among the participants given their individual statuses

239 and circumstances at and after the arrival in Germany. The path through some stages is delayed due to specific experiences for some participants. For instance for participants who had to travel back to Africa to get married to their German wives before making a second coming into Germany, their exploration stage ranged from eight months to one and a half years. It is reasonable to understand that most participants experienced these three stages during their first years in Germany, though there were exceptions. The table which follows depicts the three- stage model of African immigrants’ incorporation characteristics and factors:

Stages Time-length Characteristics Stage-specific Factors

Come (Crisis) The first one Relying on existing new The come stage’s factors was to six months social capital and mainly structural barrier for experiencing information, instance: emotional and social Lack of knowledge on lifestyle support (especially from differences because one is not a other asylum seekers at European; the asylum homes) prejudice and discrimination; Lower status Cultural insider-outsider distinction. Incorporate The Expanding networks; The incorporation stage factor (Exploration) following Shuttling between entail pragmatic orientation two years or incorporation strategies towards integration into longer pathways and seeking mainstream Germany for instance various options and taking the initiative to be resources for the fruition employed. of strategies.

Stay The Being resourceful; The stay stage factor is somewhat (Adaptation) remaining seeking less help structural with a Pragmatic period of the orientation towards self-reliance first years or and particularly being resilient. longer

Table 22: Stages of African immigrants’ incorporation characteristics and factors

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5. 6) Conclusion

The interviews raised and discussed issues about the immigrants’ incorporation in the pathways of strategies and also their incorporation preferences (especially marriage and reproduction) in relation to other demands sine-qua-non for the acquisition of an indefinite stay, particularly being employed and/or working. There were two preferences: getting married to a native German, native European or an African-German (52.38% of participants preferred this doorstep to incorporation). Secondly, reproducing with a native German or an African-German or substituting the biological father of a born child with another African immigrant who holds an unbefristete Aufenthaltserlaubnis (40.5% of participants prioritized this route to incorporation). The interview guide specified some main issues which allow a full picture about the participants’ situation and preferences obtained. Many participants, especially men, noted that among many other things after arrival was the preference to regularize their status and incorporate into mainstream German society away from the ambitions at the onset of migration. This point is born out of the fact that most participants experience an acute identity crisis and exclusion immediately after arrival in Germany. In this light therefore, one would note that incorporation is not as simple as may it be thought to be an assumed sequence of arrival in Germany, adopting a strategy or strategies and then being employed are implied. Several strategies of incorporation were devised to beat the system and become incorporated into mainstream German society. First preference for most men was marriage or reproduction. Being employed followed as the essential incorporation tasks for immigrants. All in all, a significant percentage of participants gave preferences to the pathway of social strategies of incorporation.

Still, for most participants, especially those who immigrated and sought asylum as a starting point, their migration experience has been associated with a host of changes that reduced their statuses, made them lose the control and independence they had before they migrated. Their experiences, especially in the context of incorporation, are marked by a lot of stress and frustration as participants had to change course completely away from their migration ambitions and were forced to choose and live lives which under normal circumstances they would not have chosen. Remarkable is that the strategies adopted met with the ambition of incorporation. This has polished their perception of Europe and life as an immigrant and shaped their identity. Especially for men -many of whom were schooled in the traditional conception of the man being the head of the house, taking all final decisions - found themselves in 241 situations where they could not even decide whether they will marry or not or whether they can claim biological father’s rights over the children they reproduce in Germany or not. This is a result of the fact that women have a far higher status and are pillar critical partakers in the decision-making process of family making in host Germany. It is important to take note that Germany is a society where rights are state-given and state-supported. At this point the thesis moves to the next chapter which handles the economic and identity creation pathway strategies of incorporation that is employment and the formation of cultural/ethnic associations and organizations which African immigrants use as a means to cement the incorporation processes of the social pathway strategies.

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CHAPTER SIX

ECONOMIC AND IDENTITY FORMULATION TRENDS OF GERMAN- BASED AFRICAN IMMIGRANTS’ COPING AND INCORPORATION

6) Introduction

The discourse of a globalizing world or global village is a common theme in international and national discussions but it remains double-faced since the compression consciousness character implied still leaves room for vulnerability and as such, the experience of being African immigrants or strangers in Germany is the other side of the coin. The collective formation of African identity in Germany is tied to the experiences of being African immigrants in Germany. The status of African immigrants as the ‘other’ non-Europeans within Germany is the reference point for their experiences and survival and it is within this context that African immigrants have forged a new collective identity through various activities. The experience of survival and coping by African immigrants in Germany is rooted in their culture and customs. Migration through personal decision by African immigrants, especially for greener pastures to chosen Germany, has significantly influenced the economic survival activities carried out by this group of minority in Germany. This has immensely contributed to delay return for some African immigrants, as they are not totally separated from mainstream German society. Camino, and Krufeld (1994) in their study on refugees and identity note that, though people move into different societies and contexts, immigrants still demonstrate their innovative abilities (formulate, negotiate new roles and behaviour to achieve both necessary and desired ends) for survival and in this vein therefore, they expose their abilities through the trajectories of their economic activities Lima (2010) in a bid to re-affirm the self and the meaning of their lives.

This chapter analyses the economic (coping) practices and pathways in the first sections and identity formulation practices and pathways (strategies) of incorporation in the subsequent sections, used by African immigrants in multicultural Berlin to cement social pathways strategies of incorporation in the advent of the EU expansion and are typically accepted as including activities that stretch legal regulations. Still, toeing the tenets of the grounded theory approach in order to capture, elaborate, and analyse aspects of these incorporation strategies

243 by African immigrants, several issues and questions were raised and discussed with participants of this study in different phases of this empirical endeavour. The analyses in this chapter therefore targeted several major issues that flowed from the main objective which are:  It explores the reasons for the use of economic and identity formulation strategies of incorporation such as operating various businesses and forming of cultural associations and organizations by African immigrants,  Secondly, it elaborates on the processes and dynamics of these strategies concerning cementing immigrant incorporation and coping.  Thirdly, it grapples with participants’ (African immigrants) localism and transnationalism of business  Next, it deals with how participants are formulating their individual and group identities in German society through localism and transnationalism.  Followed by other aspects of significance influencing coping (business) and identity formulation (cultural associations and organization formation) strategies.  Social capital and business in this chapter is captured by a CLD.

Theme analysis of the scripts of the 35 interviews also identified that though participants found themselves in difficult situations especially concerning their employment, they still had a choice to make do and improve their lives as immigrants. Hardship, because of unemployment, inconveniences, and uncertainty in working for other employers coupled with other factors pushed participants into self-employment ventures. Self-employment in the light of carrying out business was frequent among some 15 participants of this study. Local and transnational business undertakings frequently emerged as an economic trend that gave more grounds and cemented participants’ earlier adopted social strategies of incorporation in line with the Berlin State conditions for full integration. Carrying out local and transnational businesses pragmatically helped the participants to survive, improve, assess their lives as immigrants, and formulate individual identities among them. Moreover, the participants also expand their social networks and maintain supportive ties with home especially in light of business. Furthermore, carrying out businesses served as some sort of a resilience of the participants’ ambitions at the onset of migration since through business undertakings participants gain independent lives over time and send remittances home.

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6. 1) Employment as a Coping Strategy

Employment goes beyond the urban focus for immigrants to a combination of paradigmatic changes different from assumptions that persons could only move to another place for work or for employment. But migrants in Germany have turned it inside out, especially African migrants, as they have chosen to become active players in their new host land, have moved the spotlight to work, study and also to operate businesses on local and transnational lines, implying trans-border living. This also, is a move from the static to the fluid, and to the importance of immigrant economic and social incorporation processes. This section analyses the aspect of employment pursued by African immigrants in different capacities (i.e. work, study, and operating businesses). These economic options or choices differ because better access to the labour market is more often than not limited to those who have studied, especially, to those223 who study in Germany and acquire the necessary qualification and knowledge to compete with natives. In a sense, personal capital determines which economic option the African immigrant samples side-by-side with other strategies in order to cement and embellish the coping and incorporation strategy adopted. Some immigrants have studied in Germany to qualify for the job market in Germany but most later got into running personal businesses of their own. Others who worked amassed financial capital which gave them the financial freedom to choose operating a personal business rather than being employed by someone. One might be tempted to conclude that work or study slide into operating business. As such, in the sections that follow I shall lay emphasis extensively on operating businesses in order to address the first and fourth sub-objectives, which are to explore African immigrant’s support networks, the types, frequencies, and volumes of their transnational activities and to explore and evaluate the patterns and features of African immigrant’s transnationalism.

6. 1. 1) Self-Employment in the Light of Operating Businesses

Some African immigrants have taken unto business as a coping, survival and incorporation strategy; that is being self-employed as a survival strategy and route to incorporation. Wood et al. (2012), Light and Gold (2000), Pecoud (2000), Rath (2000, 2002) and Nestorowicz (2011), have looked at self-employment ventures among minority populations in North America and

223African immigrants 245

Western Europe as a commonplace phenomenon. However, this phenomenon is a difficult one to grapple with because of the dominance of the socio-economic perspective and the fluid nature of cultural patterns among immigrants, caused by acculturation resulting in new forms and processes, mixtures and operations in the city space. Vertovec and Cohen (2002), Vertovec (2011), Werbner (1997) and Manuel (2000) highlight that the economic changes in the US economy are due to varying ways of incorporation among immigrants. Carrying out business is fast becoming commonplace among German-based African immigrants. However, very little has been documented on this phenomenon among this particular minority group in contrast to other immigrant groups such as the Turks (Pecoud, 2001) and Asians earlier mentioned. The Commissioner for Integration and Migration for the Senate of Berlin Piening (2008: 21) re- iterates clearly that “achievement of social integration depends decisively on participation in the labour market in view of the recovering labour market in Berlin, it is essential to gather the measures for the integration in the labour market. In so doing, Berlin will utilize the entire supporting measures available for an active employment policy, which provided by the Social Security Code (SGB), and justify them at the target groups correspondingly. A range of interrelated assistances in language and employability are offered as well as an optimization for the basic requirements towards self-employment. In that way, competencies will be recognized and made applicable. Especially for immigrant residents and their children, the employment allows people to finance their living independently from state subsidies, to receive social acceptance and to bridge social contacts which outreach the boundaries of family and ethnic community”. In this sense, African immigrants’ desire the recognition and acceptance of their presence in Berlin, they are ultimately making use of what they can offer in light of self-employment ventures geared towards incorporation into mainstream German society. Also Beck (2006: 86) writes that “a residence permit can be issued for carrying out self-employment work; this presupposes that certain prerequisites are fulfilled that in particular, ensure that the work has a positive effect on the German economy”.

In fact, the coping and incorporation strategy of German-based African immigrants in light of self-employment ventures (operating businesses) adds the plurality to Berlin’s economy as it has several trajectories, both local and transnational. Before getting into the reasons for becoming self-employed, it is imperative to depict participants under this category by their socio-demographics. Thus the table, which follows, represents the socio-demographic variables of participants who opened and operated business as a means of coping and incorporation. 246

Sex Number of persons 12 Male 3 Female 15 Total 35.7% Percentage Age-group 25-35 2 35-45 11 45-55 2 Educational attainment Secondary 4 High School (Advanced Level) 6 University/Professional/Tertiary 5 Religious faiths Christians 10 Not Moslems and do not go to church 5 Reasons for immigrating Greener pastures 7 Asylum 1 Studies 5 Family reunion 2 Length of stay 5-10 years 7 10-15 years 3 15- + 5 Nationality Cameroonians 5 Nigerians 4 Ghanaians 5 Sierra Leoneans 1 Associational Membership Belonging 9 Not belonging 6

Table 23: Socio-demographic variables of participants who operate businesses for coping and incorporation.

Table 23 shows that 15 (35.7%) of the participants opened and operated businesses, both petty and large, as a means to make cope with hard times and unemployment and to incorporate. 247

Among them are a higher proportion of men, which is partly explained by the fact that more African men immigrated into Germany than African women according to the boundaries of this study. Secondly, according to the cultures from which participants hail from, a man is supposed to be the breadwinner of a family in order to be the head of the family with power and authority. Thus, more men with families opened businesses as a means to bread winning for their families. Again, a majority are in their middle ages-still bursting with energy to do business. All of them could read and write, even though the greater majority of participants attained fairly higher and professional levels of education and it did impact on this aspect of business because different participants with different levels engaged in different businesses. Still, some do not attend church while a majority was of the Christian faith. The reasons for immigrating into Germany for this category were different from what participants practically did; a majority migrated for greener pastures, another fair proportion for studying in Germany while only one revealed asylum seeking as his reason for immigrating into Germany. Though all migrated with different ambitions, hard times and unemployment compassed one direction of coping and incorporation. The length of stay in Germany was also important; it shows that more participants under this category have lived in Germany for less than 15 years rather than for 15 years and above. This suggests that a majority is still in the process of incorporation since incorporation for immigrants is a process that takes time and there is an economic perspective therein. In addition, in operating a business in Germany, there is a grace period of tax waiving to give businesses the chance to grow and survive. Some of the businesses participants who own and operate are within the grace period while others have fairly passed that stage. The major target African immigrant population for this study was Cameroonians, but the research methodology allowed for other nationalities, the reason why there is variation in the representation of the participant sample. Still from the variation in figures one can say that some nationals are more business inclined than others. Cultural associational membership frequency among participants under this category shows that a majority of them belong to cultural associations/organizations. (Some) six participants who do not belong used other means to create a social network for business and to facilitate their incorporation.

Participants in this category, who are either self-employed or business persons, revealed several reasons for becoming self-employed; most of it had to do with business operation as a coping strategy. The sections below grapple with these reasons from the participants’ perspective.

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6. 1. 1. 1) Reasons for Becoming Self-Employed or Taking onto Business

Becoming self-employed in this context is (meant) in the sense of engaging independently in an economic activity within the economy, which improves the life of the engager, even if not as a stakeholder in the economy, but definitely not employed by another person. The reasons for taking unto businesses of becoming self-employed were varying from the revelations of participants. Among these were unemployment, convenience, availability of financial, human, cultural, and social capital as well as a business incentive.

6. 1. 1. 1. 1) Unemployment

According to some participants, the unemployment rate in Berlin has been gradually rising over the years. Piening (2012) notes that since the fall and deindustrialization processes of Berlin with the disappearance of low skilled labour in Berlin, first generation immigrants have been highly affected and, to compound matters, Piening strikes that “unemployment is a factor for disintegration” Piening (2008: 46). Cowie et al. (1991) clarify the term unemployment to be the state of being unemployed, which are people without paid work. In fact Hougaz and Betta (2014) in their empirical study on the effect of personal resources on old and new cultures, note entrepreneurship as closely connected to experience. This state of unemployment seems to be the prominent experience among African immigrants and it is pushing them to think of means of earning a living in Germany. This aspect is exemplified by some participants at different issues and questions raised, and discussed during this study. Mr. Udoh, a Nigerian business tycoon, mentions when I raised the question:

Interviewer: What have you been doing since you came to earn a living? Interviewee: I got a job I was working in Baustelle224 company and then cleaning company and then later on at a very long length of time, I was arbeitslos225 and then I started doing private business on my own226 sending things to Africa and then decided to open my own company…(Fieldwork, Berlin).

224 Construction. 225 Jobless or unemployed. 226 Selling. 249

Udoh is a Nigerian man who has lived in Germany for 19 years, who owns and operates a transnational business (exporting company). In his excerpt, he clearly elucidates that he worked in a construction and cleaning companies before opening his own company but the reason that pushed him to self-employment venture was that he was unemployed for a very long time. It can therefore be considered that continual unemployment provoked business ventures. The situation in Berlin of people without work affects especially German-based African immigrants who do not belong or are the ‘other’ and they are generally considered to fall short of employment competencies and perspectives according to German labour market standards. Thus putting African immigrants in a disadvantaged situation. In fact, unemployment is a major push towards self-employment ventures for some African immigrants in Berlin. Mr. Kobi, a Ghanaian participant, points directly to unemployment as the reason why he opened his Afro market. Mr. Ony, another owner and operator of an internet café and Spätkauf markets227 harnesses that, his unemployment situation made life miserable on his part, giving birth to his decision to take to business. This means that carrying out business leads to improvement of life as a functionality of business. Mr. Curtis too talked of unemployment in Berlin, which has affected Africans, as reason why more and more Africans now run personal businesses. Though some participants directly point to unemployment as a push factor towards self-employment ventures, there are also other factors harnessing unemployment.

Other Aspects of Unemployment

There is a major issue, which also indirectly causes the taking unto self-employment ventures from the perspective of unemployment. This issue is the expanded EU with close Polish borders. Some informants at different issues and aspects raised during in-depth individual interviews present this aspect. Mr. Tum a Cameroonian reacts to the issue:

Interviewer: How do you perceive things? Or maybe I should put it like this, what do you think about things out here now? Interviewee: Thinking about things out here, I would say we the black immigrants in Germany, Berlin in particular. It is difficult with us because we are close to the borders with Poland and all those stuff and the polish immigrants they are coming in and they do everything they can do to get a living and we Africans, we cannot do the same as they are doing. And it is difficult

227 Late night shop 250 for us to live in this country without doing something that is earning a living… (Fieldwork, Berlin).

Mr. Tum handles the first other aspect of unemployment as he makes mention of the expanded EU228. He presents the situation of Berlin, alluding to the near-by Polish borders (Poland). This means that more and more Poles come to Berlin for work suggesting the near-by Polish borders is a problem; the German Vorrangprinzip229 even makes matters worse for African immigrants living in Berlin because unemployment retards integration. This has made it such that African immigrants find it difficult to earn a living depending solely on employment from natives. African immigrants therefore experience blocked opportunities which put them on the disadvantaged position. As a result, some African immigrants have taken onto business as a survival, coping, and incorporation strategy. In addition, Mr. Ebeny grapples with the issue of living by depending on state subsidy because of unemployment. Generally, most participants who opened and operate businesses have worked, lost their jobs, became unemployed and it became difficult for them to cope or earn a living. Such immigrants consequently dived into business as a way out of the hard times into which unemployment plunged them. The next reason why some participants opened and operated businesses was for convenience.

6. 1. 1. 1. 2) Convenience

Cowie et al. (1991: 258) define convenience as “suitable, freedom from trouble or difficulty or appliance of a device that is useful, helpful, or suitable or doing something when and where it suits one”. Some participants in this study who opened and operated businesses confessed to have started their self-employment ventures for purposes of convenience. Mr. Kobi, a Ghanaian who has lived in Germany for 16 years and who owns and operates an Afro shop, talks about his business and its impact on his life. He mentions that, operating his business, he can win bread for his family, summarily according to him, he can get the basics of life though he isn’t getting rich as a result of operating business but he stresses that it is more convenient for him instead of being employed by another person. This view is substantiated in the excerpt below at the question:

228 Referring mostly to the inclusion of Eastern European countries and particularly Poland which is nearby 229 The Germans first policy followed by EU nationals, then OECD nationals before third country nationals. 251

Interviewer: Has this business been able to change your life in one way or the other? Interviewee: I would say yes. I would say it is not bad. Because as at now all what I need is to live peacefully. I mean get my ……put clothes on my children and my family. This business cannot make you rich230. It is not a business that can make you rich as there are some people out there who may be expecting that if you own this business, you are rich man. Or maybe you have money. You pay your bills; you order your things (goods). I always try to fill my shop and keep myself busy and live. But I think I feel more comfortable here as to working for somebody else. Because sometimes if I am late or if I have a place to go, I can put a notice here that I will be back in 10 or 15 minutes time. But if I am working for somebody then there are some things he won’t like. It is something that it is a business that you have your peace, nobody is stressing me up at least, I have a sound mind.…(Fieldwork, Berlin).

The excerpt above reveals that operating a business such as an Afro shop does not make Kobi as the operator rich but still it is convenient as he can earn a living with his family. Thus it provides opportunity for the immigrant to cope (coping strategy) out of hard times. Again, in this line of business, there is no competition with native Germans that is to say (native Germans are not involved in the lines of businesses into which most African immigrants are engaged in), still, stressing out the reason for its convenience. Mr. Curtis, a Nigerian informant who owns and runs an Afro shop, also reveals that operating business for him is more convenient as he can take care of his family and that seems preferable for him. Thus carrying out business contributes to the social welfare of immigrants. Mr. Ebeny, a Cameroonian participant, Afro shop owner and operator, also presents the view that he prefers to operate independently instead of working for another person. In addition, Mr Ony an internet café and Spätkauf market owner and operator, explains that in carrying out his business he has little or no stress. Though taxes have been raised from 16% to 19%, this participant reveals that he explains to customers each time if they raise any eyebrows at his prices but even so, it is quite convenient for him. Therefore, the manifest and the latent function of owning and operating personal businesses by African immigrants is, the convenience and flexibility involved which is contrasted by the inconvenience of stringent rules in place to be observed when being employed by another person or working for another person). On the overall, operating business for convenience whether local or transnational is also another means to continue pursuing ambitions laid out at the onset of migration. This is especially the case with ‘greener pastures’ immigrants as most participants professed that operating and owning business has changed their lives and improved

230In the sense of amassing wealth or make one to leave extravagant life. 252 their social and economic status and as a functionality of business much more from what it was at the onset of migration. Another drive for owning and operating businesses for some participants is the availability of financial, human, and social capital in stock.

6. 1. 1. 1. 3) Availability of Financial Capital

The starting point for operating businesses according to some participants was tantamount to some capital already in place while in Germany. Such capitals were financial, human and social capitals. The existence of these capitals gave much momentum to the business ideas of some African immigrants. Firstly financial capital: Tatum and Harris (2010) write that financial capital is a term that refers to assets that are considered to be liquid in nature. That is, a capital asset of this type can be used to make purchases of various goods and services or to acquire other types of assets. Business owners make use of financial capital to secure the resources needed to operate a business and supply products and services to their customers. It is important to note that financial capital only refers to tangible assets that can be used as money. This means that assets such as buildings and equipment do not qualify as financial capital. However assets such as currency in hand, the balances of existing bank accounts and negotiable instruments such as stocks or bonds do meet the criteria for financial capital. The need for financial capital is apparent to any business owner. Some participants with financial capital revealed during this study how much money they had in hand before getting into business.

Mr. Ampem, a 34 year Ghanaian who simultaneously owns and operates an internet café, a Spätkauf market and does transnational business in the light of transferring goods and people to other countries around Europe and also to England, revealed that the amount of capital in his possession before the onset of his businesses was 43,000€. He reveals this when I raised the issue:

Interviewer: Like how much money did you use to start this business? Interviewee: The cost of the whole business is 25,000 Euros. Interviewer: And the truck? Interviewee: I bought the truck; it costed me about 18,000 Euros. I have no license because I do it on a small scale. Actually I really like this Umzug231 business because it give me the

231 Doing transfer of goods and accessories 253 opportunity to go not only out of Germany but also to go around Germany… (Fieldwork, Berlin).

Ampem in his interview discussion reveals his underground business, which he operates on a small-scale side-by-side, running an internet café and Spätkauf market. The underground business of this participant is doing transfers of immigrants and goods in and around Europe and Germany. Each of these businesses cost him a separate amount, that is 25,000€ for operating internet café and Spätkauf market and 18,000€ for his transnational transfer business. This suggests that even though some African immigrants may own (legally registered businesses), they are also involved in the black economy (operating illegal businesses and making profits without tax declaration). It is easily noticeable that the availability of the financial capital spur Ampem to operate two businesses side-by-side. Mr. Ebeny, a Cameroonian who owns and operates an Afro market alongside telephone booths, also revealed his financial capital for the start of his business was 75,000€. Herve, another Cameroonian man who does transnational business in the form of buying, selling and exporting of cars to Africa, revealed during this study that his financial capital for the start of his business was 25,000€. One thing to note about the amount of financial capital is that most participants made mention of the fact that at the time of their start of businesses, these various amounts were sufficient to open such businesses for operation but now it is practically impossible considering the financial crisis and cost of business logistics.

6. 1. 1. 1. 4) Availability of Human/Cultural Capital

The second available capital for the start of business to some participants is human capital. Tatum and Harris (2010) define human capital as the economic value that an employee provides to an employer. The assessment of this value is related to the body of skill, knowledge, and experience that the employee possesses. Factors such as formal education and participation in ongoing training related to the workplace also help to enhance the human capital that the employee represents. As one of the basic factors of production, human capital is essential to the operation of just about any type of business. Employing individuals who have the necessary expertise, judgment, and ability to function within their assigned roles allows the business to operate at maximum efficiency. This in turn increases the potential of earning a profit, and remaining successful for many years. Some participants pointed to human capital as a

254 motivation towards self-employment. For instance, Mr. Ngoforo, a Nigerian who owns and operates a flight agency called Kingsco Travels, simultaneously to providing technical home services talks about his human and cultural capital in place before the idea to start a business came up. He enlightens this aspect when I raised the issue:

Interviewer: How did you come to the idea to starting this business? Interviewee: Eeemmm I have been in the airline business for quite a long time, since when I finished my training as an airline official. Interviewer: Why did you decide to start doing this business? Interviewee: Why I decided to do this business is that you have to do something you know about. You don’t just do business you don’t know anything about. You do business that you know what you are doing; you know what you are selling. I think I do what I like and I do what I know very well…(Fieldwork, Berlin).

Ngoforo makes clear in this excerpt that his (training) as an airline official imparted the necessary knowledge and technical know-how in him that is needed to operate a business of the nature he is into. As such he reveals that he chose to operate the airline business because he possess the necessary educational qualification and status required to open and operate such a business. He reports wouldn’t have chosen some other business he has no knowledge about. Still, Mr. Ebeny presents the view that he used to operate a business before immigrating into Germany. Thus he understands what doing business is all about and the bottlenecks involved and the logistics embedded therein and he prefers the buying-and-selling kind of business because he has knowledge about this business and can make good use of his knowledge Thus the socio-familial background too stand as a corner stone to business ventures.

6. 1. 1. 1. 5) Availability of Social Capital

Thirdly, social capital was the backbone coupled with the other capital for participants’ start and operation of business. (In fact) the World Bank (2000) sees social capital as the institutions, relationships, and norms that shape the quality and quantity of a society’s social interactions. Narayan (1997) adds more flesh to the World Bank’s definition as he sees social capital as the rules, norms, obligations, reciprocity and trust embedded in social relations, social structures and society’s institutional arrangements which enable members to achieve their individual and community objectives. Thus social capital (people to sell goods and services to) in place

255 produces social networks and the continued connections of it works positively to give grounds to business operation. Some participants professed that they had clientele to sell their goods and services to (social capital) prior to their engagement into business. Thirty-eight year-old Herve, who owns and operates a transnational business, professed that he started doing an automobile transnational business that is buying, selling and exportation of cars to Africa. This business started because of orders that came from home and so he realized that people wanting to buy cars were available and he equally made more profits in the business than if he were employed by another person. These facts are captured in the interview excerpt below as he answers to the question:

Interviewer: Why did you decide to start this business? Interviewee: It is in principle haphazardly. I just started like that. I had so many orders from Cameroon. And after I did not have a job, I was searching for a job. And after I came to realize that I had some opportunities with me. I had a lot of links with me. And my wife said, don’t you see that you can try your hand in this. I just fell into it like that haphazardly. And after we made an evaluation of it every month and I realized that, I made more profits more than if I were working as an engineer…(Fieldwork, Berlin).

In the excerpt above, the participant elicits that during the period when he had no job (the state of being unemployed as an engineer) he began to receive orders from home. Thus, his social capital pushed the business start of buying and shipping cars. It is from thence that he realized that he had the necessary cultural capital that serves as a base for business operation. Implying that immigrant ties shape immigrant business and the business pattern. This caused him to use the opportunity and links to become self-employed to strengthen his connections, build and increase trust for business. Meaning, immigrants with transnational networks can take advantage of the increasing ease of conducting transnational business. The participant professes that, after a monthly balance sheet, he realized carrying out business is more profitable than working as an engineer. Suggesting, socio-economic success is an encouraging factor for business ventures of African immigrants. Mr. Udoh, another Nigerian transnational business tycoon who owns and operate an automobile exportation company, revealed that he took to business because he was able to win the hearts by showing a genuine attitude towards Africans. This according to him built trust on social capital, who sought his services to ship cars to Africa thereby pushing Africans to trust him and this way customers spread the news of his attitude towards them and the level of trust they have in him and as such more and more

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African came to him. Thus it is comfortable to assume that social capital, social network plus trust played a vital role for the start and operation of business.

6. 1. 1. 1. 6) Incentive for Business

Another fuel for the engagement in self-employment ventures as brought to light by some participants is the legal and institutional incentive. Self-employment is a venture that is tolerated by the state of Germany and in this regard, it provides incentives in the light of logistics and policies in order to encourage both natives and immigrants to engage in self- employment ventures. Again, Kobi elaborates on the logistics and policies when I raised the issue:

Interviewer: You were talking about taxes how do you mean? Interviewee: Taxes you know I am a beginner. This shop is only three years old in my hand you know. I think I still have more. According to their German law I still more, a year or two to better it, if I cope to better it. As for tax, they always check your income at the end of the year. They always say they want to see your income and your expenses before they can raise taxes on you. As for the moment, I have a grace period. Interviewer: Yes Interviewee: Because I have a tax adviser in German they call (tax) Steuerberater somebody that work on my taxes. May be anything that I may be import, the daily sales at the end of the month, I put it on paper and give it to him. So the tax people they know what I have been up to they know already. So before the goods will arrive, they have their copy already so there is not sheltering or anything that goes out or anything that comes in… (Fieldwork, Berlin).

Kobi mentions in the above excerpt that he has been operating business for three years and that because he is still a beginner he does not pays taxes yet he takes the side of the institutional policy perspective to justify his reason for not paying taxes since the commencement of his business. He adds that he still has some time as a period of grace to better his business. This suggests that the waiving of taxes in the first few years of business commencement serves as an institutional incentive for immigrants to engage into self-employment ventures. He goes further to explain that after the grace period granted, taxes on business are calculated after income and expenditures and this is done only at the end of the year by a tax adviser made available, government suggesting that taxes are paid once a year. This institutional policy also serves as determining welfare factor for the survival of business. The tax adviser not only 257 calculates taxes but also advises or counsels the business operator on strategies of business to adopt in order to maximize profits and to keep business rolling. This also means that apart from government tolerance of self-employment venture practices, there is also an institutional logistic incentive for the orientation of business. Again, Mr. Udoh re-iterates on the tax incentive as he mentions that he pays no extra tax on top of exporting vehicles but that the tax he pays is tax to make up for the Mehrwertsteuer232and also that he pays his tax at the end of the year after his expenses. Herve too, talks more on the logistic incentive as he adds that the Steuerberater does all the institutional arrangements and provides orientation for his business. Beside African immigrants’ reasons for the start and operation of businesses, other aspects compassed business operation to particular direction for different participants of this study.

6. 1. 2) Local and Transnational Business Undertakings.

In the Federal Republic of Germany self-employment of the immigrant population has increased in the last decades Piening (2012). Especially among immigrants from Turkey (Pecoud, 2000, 2001, 2004) this is more in the direction of immigrant businesses. As a survival and coping strategy, African immigrants in Germany are involved in self-employment ventures too that link them with Africa, France, Holland, Italy, England as well as with Germans in Germany. They are therefore living between several frontiers transferring goods and services from these ends. But at the same time, they still practice their local cultures by engaging in small and large-scale transnational networks, maintaining permanent contacts with their home countries in Africa through business. It is important to note here that African immigrant businesses are African immigrant owned and African immigrant controlled. The coping strategies of African immigrants are calculated on, in fact, the business arena of African immigrants in Germany as a whole and Berlin in particular has special tuned vistas as immigrants engage mostly in single–handed lines of small scale businesses for which they can afford to individually raise the needed financial capital. Again, the level of participation in either local or transnational business depends on legal status, human and social capital amassed. The figure below captures the local and transnational economic activities of German-based African immigrants.

232Value added tax 258

Operating Business in the light of Carrying Out Mass Transfers of Immigrants and Goods to Other Countries Within and Out of EU Owning and Operating of Owning and Operating Automobile Afro Restaurants, Bars and C ompanies for Buying and Selling of Night Clubs Cars within and out of Germany

Owning and Operating of German-based Owning and Operating Automobile Telephone Booths, Cyber Cafes African C ompanies O nly for and Kiosks for Spätkauf Immigrants Local Transportation/Exportation of Cars and and Transnational Goods to African Countries Undertakings

Owning and Operating of Flight Agencies and also Provision of Operating Business in the light of Renting, Other Home Services Loading and Exporting of Containers to Africa with European Goods and Owning and Operating Accessories Afro Market/Shops

Figure 19: Transnational and local coping trajectories of German-based African immigrants in Berlin

African immigrants own and operate varying businesses in Berlin. Figure 19 exhibits the different transnational and local economic delights of some participants of this study. Worthy of note is that all participants who own and operate businesses have acquired the necessary status and logistics needed to operate businesses of the nature they are into and as such owning and operating businesses according to participants of this category is not changing their statuses but rather harnessing their identity, statuses and improving their lives on a whole. These lines of businesses are:

6. 1. 2. 1) Afro Markets/Shops

Afro markets/shops are markets where foodstuffs and other accessories from Africa are sold; therefore it is a goods provision sector of business on a small scale and participants who own

259 and run Afro shops revealed that their clients come from diverse origins including native Germans. Among the foodstuffs and items sold in afro markets, some are gotten from Asian markets here in Berlin while a majority of them is gotten from Holland, Belgium and African countries like Cameroon, Nigeria, Ghana, to name these few. Mr. Kobi, a participant who owns and operates an Afro shop, discusses about the afro shop business when I raised the issue:

Interviewer: Could you please just tell me a little more about this business? Maybe where you get the goods and other things you sell here? Interviewee: You see, the goods always come. I have two or three companies from Holland that they call me every week, every two weeks, they call me and they ask me the goods I need. Because sometimes, I am short of some plantains, yams, cocoyams. You know and maybe I need three cartons of plantains that is two ripe and one unripe, then may be two cartons of white yams and also one carton of cocoyams. At times they also bring morocco like three cartons you know and I will be selling and placing further orders.

Figure 20: A photograph showing Plantains, Yams, Pounded Yam, Couscous, African Fanta and Malta (foodstuff and drinks sold in an Afro shop).

Interviewee: They call me and ask and I order from them. And the hairs and creams for instance I get them from Frankfurt. There is one company GT World. I have their catalogue, so any cream that I have seen that I am short it, I mark it, I just write the article number, send it, fax it to them and they will call me and tell me when they can get the goods for me.

260

Figure 21: A photograph showing Laces, hair attachments, various body and hair care creams and African movies sold in an Afro shop

Interviewer: What about these clothes, shoes and bags I see here? Interviewee: Ok these clothes, the shoes and the bags I get them from Africa. We also get it from GT World from Holland.

Figure 22: A photograph showing African outfits and shoes sold in an Afro shop

261

The taxes too are high. And palm oil, I get it from Ghana, from Africa. Groundnuts from Holland and these ones that are still in its seeds233‐ here in Germany. There is a big Asia shop, I get it from there Interviewee: The films are Nigerian films. I also get them from GT World, they sell them. Because I have catalogues from them. These people always publish. They know what we need. The Africans, they know what we need here. Interviewer: What about these drinks like Guinness234? Interviewee: We get it from them too GT World. We get it from Holland. We can also get it from Africa. It is also possible. Interviewer: Are there any media where they try to promote this business? Interviewee: Yes, we have a Ghanaian channel, it’s a music channel. It is every Saturday, you understand. They always put me in the air. The name of this shop is called. So anybody who listens, I know a lot of Ghanaians, a lot of Germans who listen to this channel. Every Saturday 5:30235. If possible I can find the frequency number and you can listen to it. 5:30 every Saturday. People who are making birthdays, people who are getting married, funerals, you know announcements. Shops like this are passing over the air. And again distributing flyers and cards… (Fieldwork, Berlin).

The excerpts of Kobi bring to the foreground the process in carrying out the afro shop business in place which makes possible the operation of the business. The volume and frequency of the business are captured in the variety of things sold in the afro shop and the time interval these goods are ordered. It ranges from African food stuff, drinks, body creams through clothing, hair attachments, shoes to African movies236 and other African accessories. Thus Africans are living home out of home. Still, in the volume of the business is implied the classification of the business, it is a local and transnational line of business because some items are also gotten locally in Germany and Berlin and a majority of items from across borders. Suggesting, localism and transnationalism operating the afro shop business. Other afro shop owners and operators like Ebeny, Omalle and Curtis equally showcased the same process during their interview discussions.

233 Groundnuts in their shell 234 A brand of drink of Irish origin 235 That is 5:30 pm 236 What the films show is wealth, fame, culture, reward and very often the work of the power of God The films gives a taste of what the African lives for or the meaning of life for the African. So while in the diaspora Africans continue to see and feel home. Making sure that what they see in the movies, before their return, they too would make wealth and live comfortably. This makes it such that if an immigrant hasn’t attained the levels like such in the movies, these category immigrants see return for a far perspective 262

Again, since the business is operated out of the African context, Kobi brought to attention a medium of advertisement for him saying that there is a Ghanaian radio channel that publicizes his afro shop and other Ghanaian occasions and African activities, thereby increasing social capital and network for business prosperity via the media. The figure below captures a signpost of an afro shop.

Figure 23: Photograph of an African market signpost located at Berlin-Amrumer Straße

6. 1. 2. 2) Automobile Companies for the Buying and Selling of Cars within and out of Germany

Some participants of this study are into automobile business, which they own and run. These are automobile companies responsible for buying and reselling of second-hand cars within and out of Germany, implying it is a goods provision line of business. Herve, a tycoon in this line of business, elaborates when I mentioned:

Interviewer: Could you please just tell me a little bit about this business? I mean how you get the cars for sale Interviewee: The business is easy, we buy the cars from people and people call me when they have cars or a car, for instance, a person just called to notify he has something, a car to sell. I buy it and resell it. All types of vehicles, I buy. Interviewer: Please how much does a corolla costs for instance? 263

Interviewee: You know there are different types of corolla. You can buy them for 800237, 900 and you resell them at 1000, 1200 but it actually depends. Actually, it depends on the car brand. Interviewer: Are there any other thing about this business that you would like me to know which I have not asked? Interviewee: Yes. About publicity, I work much with the internet. I have a web page where I put everything… (Fieldwork, Berlin).

From the above interview discussion of Herve, in the process of operation of the buying and selling of car business, there is a lot of variation. The volume and frequency of the business can be not be easily captured since the operator’s ability to bargain for buying low and selling high counts. There is also localism and transnationalism implied in this business line as the commodities for sale are gotten from in and out of Germany. As regards advertisement for business prosperity, Herve mentioned using the super highway technology, the internet, for his publicity. This also increases social capital for a business. Another participant man engaged in this business also mentioned the strong position of bargain in the business and the impact of the internet on the business. The figure which follows captures a car park.

Figure 24: Photograph of a car park with different car brands for the transnational business of buying and selling of cars located at Berlin-Kurfürstenstraße

237 Euros 264

6. 1. 2. 3) Automobile Companies for the Transportation/Exportation of Cars from Germany to African Countries

Automobile companies for the transportation/exportation of cars from Germany to African countries are companies which provide the services and logistics involved in the transportation of cars or motor vehicles to African countries. African immigrants who are involved in this line of business mostly have uniquely Africans as their clientele. This is a transnational line of business with a profound and sound functioning of social network for the smooth functioning and satisfaction of services provision. Bassey, a participant man in this business line, expatiates at the issue:

Interviewer: Can you just tell me a little more about the business because I don’t know how it operates? Interviewee: The business is not an easy business, is just about exporting cars to African countries, to different African countries. What the clients they do is, they buy their cars, they bring it here238 some of them they keep it for one month, sometimes may be for two weeks, they load whatever they want to load, goods, items. And the only transaction between me and them239 is sending those things240 through Hamburg. Interviewer: How? Interviewee: Through a shipping company in Hamburg. I play the middleman between the customers and the shipping company. They241 bring their cars here and then I take it to Hamburg. Hamburg will transport it to Africa and then I get the documents242. And then they pay me and then I pay to Hamburg. Interviewer: Ok so like how many cars do you ship or send one time in a month? Interviewee: In a month, business was good last year. But this year we are still expecting that business will be good. But the shipping company, they have a little bit of delay in their ship this time. So for the shipment of cars I cannot say specifically this amount of vehicles. Say up to 20 to 30 cars. Eeemm to specify yearly, it is not what I have been calculating you know. Interviewer: How long do these cars take to arrive Africa? Interviewee: It depends. Eeehh like Cameroon, one month, like Nigeria, two weeks. It depends on the countries. Interviewer: Why do they take this time?

238 At his business lieu, which is a yard located at Berlin Ostkreuz 239 Clients. 240 The loaded cars. 241 Clients 242 Papers containing information about the owners and the cars or whatever. 265

Interviewee: Why? Well it is not a play. They go through ships and then sometimes like Cameroon, may be they go through other African countries before they come243 you know. I don’t know how they transfer it but it goes to other African countries before coming to Cameroon and there are some directions to Cameroon. For Cameroon is one month. For Nigeria, two weeks Oh for Kenya, they go through all these Arab countries244. Like eeehhh Senegal, one month. Cotonou, two weeks. Ghana, two weeks and what else again and other African countries. Togo also is three weeks Interviewer: Then for Central African Republic? Interviewee: Well we’ve not done business up to that extent. Mostly we are concentrating in West Africa. And the coastal countries; Gabon takes three weeks also… (Fieldwork, Berlin).

Bassey’s excerpt above expatiates on the function of the automobile transportation business in which he plays the middleman role. The middleman role played in this business is that Bassey is the person who collects the cars of Africans wanting to ship their cars or motor vehicles to Africa and then give the cars to a shipping company. In his terms he puts it like this “I am the middleman between the customers and the shipping company” and in every other process in the business (shipping) the middleman is implicated until the cars are delivered to whoever it is destined. The participant lays more emphasis on the volume and frequency of the business which is necessarily based on some aspects. Firstly the time clients wish to keep their cars for loading matters since some customers keep for one month and others two weeks. Suggesting that business lieu does not only has an economic function but also a latent function as it serves a place for communal life a place where people meet and thus contributing to a sense of community and facilitates the spread of information. Again, the desires of customers, makes it such that shipment goes in turns. Secondly, the number of cars available for shipment at any point in time in his keeping is also important. This is because it makes transportation of the cars cheaper. For instance, in case there are up to 20-30 cars in a month, all are transported at once to a shipping company in Hamburg but in case there are only say two or three cars, he keeps them until he has a substantial number of cars to transport. Still, another important thing in this business is time for shipment with the shipping companies. This is time required for the cars to reach their destination countries. It takes two weeks to one month for a single ship to travel to about five to six West African coastal countries to deliver the cars. Thus the “volume and frequency” of the transportation/exportation of car business is significantly affected by time and also money/profits is usually earned by the middleman only when the ships set off to

243 They arrive in Cameroon. 244 The countries found mostly in North east Africa. 266 their delivering destinations. Felix, another tycoon in this line, equally confirmed this process and time for West African countries but adds that the time for transportation/exportation is shorter for North African countries since they are closer to Europe. The figure below captures the advertising strategy of a transportation company.

Figure 25: A signpost for a transnational business on imports and exports of vehicles and containers to African countries located at Berlin-Ostkreuz

6. 1. 2. 4) Kiosks, Cyber Cafes and Spätkauf Markets

Kiosks, cyber cafes and Spätkauf markets are shops where every day-use home articles and accessories are sold on retail more especially on a small scale. Most kiosks usually operate simultaneously with cyber cafes otherwise known as internet cafes where computers connecting to the internet network for communication are installed for use and goes on until after midnight at times they are labelled as 24 Stunden offen245so it is called Spätkauf markets in Germany. Operating Kiosks, Cyber Cafes and Spätkauf Markets is a local line of business in goods and services provision. Ony, a Nigerian participant man, responds when I asked:

Interviewer: Could you please tell me some more about this business?

245 Open for 24 hours 267

Interviewee: Yes, I bought the computers, there is no other way, I bought everything here. I spend my whole day here. I come at 10 O’clock and I close at 1 O’clock or 2 O’clock 246 to make ends meet247. Interviewer: These drinks I see that you are selling, where do you get them from? Interviewee: I buy them from Metro248 , some are foreign, some we buy here. They bring foreign things in Metro. They give you a card and you can always buy all these things in Metro. Interviewer: Has the Nigerian Association been able to promote this small business of yours in anyway? Interviewee: Some of them do that at times but it depends because you don’t expect somebody who is living in Spandau249 to come here because I own an internet café here you know. So other people come here. I have even more foreign nationalities as costumers than even Nigerians so I can say that my customers are mostly Germans and so I don’t rely on Africans. Also the clothes and hair attachments you see here do not belong to me but to my German wife, she is the one who bought them and put them here to be sold since I have a small kiosks… (Fieldwork, Berlin).

The operation of kiosks, cyber cafes and Spätkauf markets business is a sit-down business as Ony who operates this kind of business reveals, in that he provides services and goods usually over the counter. For instance in case a customer is in need of internet services, he provides the connection to a machine from his server situated right behind his counter. Though this business is local in nature, there is some indirect transnationalism involved. This is because some of the drinks sold at the kiosks are foreign but the owner does not make direct transnational connections or go across borders to get them. Rather these drinks and other items are gotten from Metro, a whole-sale and retail market here in Germany. Metro thus plays a broker role to kiosk business runners since it provides items at cheaper prices, suggesting that, operation of kiosks, cyber cafes and Spätkauf markets is not a voluminous business. In addition, the clientele to this business is diverse with both native Germans and foreigners. Ampem, another participant man of Ghanaian origin, rather complained about the sit-down nature of the kiosk business. The following figure shows a kiosk with the participant standing in front.

246 1:00 am or 2:00 am 247 Earn a living side-by-side paying the necessary bills 248 A company that supplies local and foreign drinks 249 One of the localities in Berlin 268

Figure 26: Photograph of a Kiosk owned by a participant with signpost depicting the goods and services at Berlin-Kameruner Straße

6. 1. 2. 5) Transfers of Immigrant Families around and out of Germany and also Transportation of Goods and Accessories in and around Germany and Europe

Some immigrants who acquire a German nationality, especially those who sought asylum, desire to move out of Germany either to England250 or to the US251 in order to continue pursuing their original ambitions at the onset of migration. For some of such immigrants, they change city to another German city in order to find work for a continuous incorporation. This has given birth to the line of business I term “transferring immigrant families around and out of Germany”. This business involves the moving of people and their homes. Getting involved in this line of business involves logistics like goods carrying vehicles, license, paying of taxes to

250 This is reminiscent of immigrants whose ambition at the onset of migration was for studies and rather after arrival in Germany, they sought asylum. As a result such immigrants saw that the ambition of studying is eroding. So moving to England after acquiring a German nationality, is first and foremost a solution to a language barrier which according to the person, (s)he may not be able to attain the educational standard he or she wishes because of language barrier in Germany. Again such immigrants feel and think that they will be permitted to and can continue their studies and become professionals in according to their heart desires in England unlike in Germany which they think there will be so many barriers hindering them from reaching their heart desires. As such, they will make a further migration. 251 Immigrants who move to the US after acquisition of a German nationality, usually do so for family reunion and continuation of ambition of migration. 269 names but these. African immigrants who engage in this line of business carry it out on a small scale and this business runs side-by-side transportation of goods and accessories in and around Germany. It is therefore a local and transnational services provision sector of business because it spans across the borders of the Federal Republic of Germany. What is particularly worthy of note about this line of business is that immigrants who are involved usually operate on an illegal basis that is these immigrants are known as private people with goods carrying vehicle licenses and motor vehicles but not as persons who operate business whereas such immigrants operate business on a local and transnational level and do not pay taxes, not to mention declaring taxes. Mr. Kwami, a Ghanaian male participant who is involved in this line of business throws more light on this line of business when I raised the issue:

Interviewer: I don’t really know, could you just please tell me more details about this Umzug business you do? Interviewee: The business is like this as I told you from the beginning, I am doing transport and people know me for that252. I have a truck I use to carry peoples things inside Berlin, outside Berlin, outside Germany like to England by truck. I bought the truck, I have no license because I do it253 on a small scale, actually I really like this Umzug business because it gives me the opportunity to go around Germany and other places. Interviewer: So how does the business go? Interviewee: Okay, sometimes people call me and say Kwami I have something here‐ I want to go to for example Dusseldorf, Bremen, München or I want you to bring something from München for me. With Africans, I make a mündlicher Vertrag254, we just fix a time we have to meet, mostly the people255 they don’t know very well, so I tell them me I don’t pack256 my job is driving. So I bring my truck, you pack it in and then I drive it to where ever you are going. If you257 need somebody to help do the packing, okay then I can say I will bring two people and it cost this258 and then we can start the journey. Interviewer: How about to take somebody to England?

252 That is for doing transportation 253 The Umzug business 254 Mouth or verbal contract 255 Customers 256 Packing of goods or other accessories into the truck for transportation 257 A customer who solicits the help of packers or a packer 258 A particular negotiated levied amount 270

Interviewee: To take somebody to England, the people259will have to pack it, I will also help and when we arrive260, we do it together‐to offload, and ja when I am there261 it mostly takes three to four days and then I am back262.Because you know I also own and run this Cyber cafe and Spätkauf Markt and I have another one at Nollendorf Platz here in Berlin but for this one263 my customers are mostly Germans so I don’t rely on Africans. Interviewer: Which other places do you go to? Interviewee: I go to London very often because many Africans leave here264 and go there265, those who have passports, because they say or complain that Germans don’t give chances to people and I also go to Belgium, Holland, France, Italy, Luxembourg you know. You see when you do this Umzug business , white people they do it with me, white people they call me but mostly with the white people you266 need to do more advert, but with Africans, they easily give your number to other people‐ like they267always say I know one guy Kwami and you know it is more Africans who have worked this way to promote268 this business I am doing. Interviewer: So how much do you tax them269 to pay? Interviewee: Okay with my African people about 2,500 Euros to go to London. If it is from the state270, they have to pay more271but I am taking that amount considering brotherhood272that is why I take 2,500 from them. Sometimes they273 do it for the state to pay and in this case, the state pay 4,000 Euros. One thing is that generally they274 have a fix something275they have

259The moving or migrating family 260 England 261 From Germany to England 262 To Germany 263 The Cyber cafe and Spätkauf Markt business. 264 Germany 265 London 266 Referring to himself 267 That is if somebody needs the Umzug service, Africans will put the person into contact with the business person they know 268 Advertise 269 Clients who seek the Umzug service 270 Job center 271 That is if it is the job center making the arrangement or the contract with the business person, he will tax a higher amount for the service 272 With the understanding and consideration that the clients are Africans who too are seeking to better their living conditions and also that he is in the position to help them by reducing the price for them. 273 Sometimes some clients seek the service and job centre pays directly to the account of the business person 274 Job centre 275 Fixed amount of money 271 to pay it doesn’t matter where you276 are going and if it is more than that277, you278 pay the rest.279 (Fieldwork, Berlin)

Kwami, makes it clear in the above interview discussion that he owns a goods carrying vehicle which he uses for the transportation of people and goods in and around Germany and as far as England and other European countries like Belgium, Holland, France, Italy and Luxembourg. Therefore this business line is classified under local and transnational business. The process of this business goes thus: a call placed to Kwami leads to a verbal contract, then going for the job of packing household items or other things with other people (usually co-ethnics) as the customer may have. Suggesting that African immigrant business orientation provides jobs to co-ethnics. Then driving to wherever is the desired destination of the client and finally offloading of goods which is equal to completion of service provision. Implying that, the business is based on trust. Transportation to and from England and other European countries usually takes days, suggesting that the frequency of the business can be difficult to deal with. Also, the clientele as revealed by the participant is diverse, that is Africans, native Germans as well as other immigrants, because in most cases those who have used his service serve as advertisement for his business. This means that social network and capital for business prosperity is the making of the clientele. Cash payment has contributed to the sustenance and continuity of the business since even though written contracts are not made payment is sure, though negotiable. In this business line only one participant gave in for the interview discussions; Africans are equally engaged in this business illegally.

6. 1. 2. 6) Afro Restaurants, Bars and Night Clubs

Afro restaurants and bars are restaurants where uniquely only African delicacies/ foods are prepared and sold at different prices. The delicacies usually prepared are served in different forms for instance it can be served taking into consideration whether it is for immediate consumption or “take-away”280. Most Afro restaurants operate with bars inclusive and in the

276 The immigrant of immigrant family moving out of Germany 277 Fixed amount of money 278 The immigrant 279 The amount that adds on the fixed sum that Job centre pays. 280 Popularly expressed in German as Zum hier Essen oder zum Mitnehmen 272 bars are usually African brands of drinks and German brands of drinks which make it a local line of business in goods and services provision. Some foods prepared in these restaurants are mostly bought from the afro shop and in some instances they are brought directly from Africa by either friends or relatives. At the night clubs, mostly African music is provided for entertainment. The figure below captures a prominent African restaurant/bar.

Figure 27: A Flyer advertising an African restaurant located at Berlin-Kameruner Straße.

6. 1. 2. 7) Flight Agencies

More and more African immigrants are becoming flight agents after some training. Operating flight agencies is a business line in which some African immigrants have taken delight in. This business involves the selling of flight tickets and other service packages and logistics from various flights companies to individuals, families and companies. Getting involved in this line of business involves a major logistic as an office and operates side-by-side postage of packages to African countries. African immigrants engaged in this line of business carry it out on a small scale and it is a local services provision sector of business though services provided spans across the frontiers of Germany. Immigrants involved usually operate legally like other businesses. Ngoforo, a Nigerian participant man who owns a flight agency called ‘Kingsco Travels’, exposed more on this line of business when I raised the issue:

Interviewer: Could you please tell me some more about this flight agency business?

273

Interviewee: The business is about we sell flight tickets to different parts of Africa and Europe‐ and home based too281 and we sell special excursion flights or excursion trips, long and short trips and we work with some holidays and, menus and airlines and free airlines and there are 60 airlines where we get our tickets and we give Africans special offers, where they get their ticket not too expensive, but very cheap, so that they can afford to fly home often. But what you have to know is that from September to January is the high season and the lowest season is February, March April and May; June July and August comes in like a middle season. During the high season, you282 sell a lot of things283. Interviewer: What are these things you mean? Interviewee: Like we do Cargo business, we send documents to Africa, we send Packages to Africa and many people come and send packages through me especially Nigerians. Interviewer: Can you please give me details about the holiday stuff? Interviewee: If you walk in as somebody who wants to go on holidays, I will give you some offers and I will tell you‐ I can advice you on special places and cities or countries where you can go to and have a very pleasant time, good hotels to name these. I can give you special offers just to make‐ is a complete package of the flight to and fro, a hotel, the meals is included in this package. Again for instance if you need a car, you can rent one while on vacation. Everything concerning the holidays, I will organize for you here. You just need to get your destination and I will give you the address where you have to go to pick your car and then you enjoy yourself. Interviewer: Okay if I say I want to go to Athens Greece, how is the package going to look like? Interviewee: Okay if you tell me you are going there, what I am going to do is that, I just have to check my system284 and my system gives me the offers that we have for the package and the price for the package. I will check my system and know what and what is contained in the package. So what I was saying is that it depends on how much you pay for your holidays. There are some stars resort hotels you know, there are four stars, five stars, you have three stars, you have two stars and everything is in comparative in the whole package. For example if you want to go to a five star hotel, it means you have to pay more. Some holiday packages costs about 3,000, 4,000 or 5,000 Euros. Some of them you can pay, usually you can get eight weeks or six weeks. For example if you are paying‐if you pay 3,500 Euros with five stars, with all inclusive‐the food, drinks with everything, you don’t need to pay anything whilst there and this comprise about 3,000‐4,000 Euros and this will be for six weeks. This is how this business works. Interviewer: What if somebody wants to go to Nigeria?

281 That is too different parts of Germany 282 Referring to himself (the participant) 283 Services 284 Computer 274

Interviewee: If somebody walks in here and ask me, I am prepared to answer questions on where to go and where not to go to in Nigeria, what to do and what you285 don’t have to do in the light of security in Nigeria. I am an African, so I can advice that person. For example one of the places I can advice a European to go to is Victoria Island286 because Victoria Island is a residential area and the hotels there have American standard and for the cost, I can say 2,000 Euros. Interviewer: Then to Port Harcourt287? Interviewee: I can advise you to live in Oweri288 because I have a hotel in Oweri, so you can live in the hotel, I can arrange all that for the person and it will be even much more easier. Interviewer: How many people usually buy the holiday packages? Interviewee: Many people. Like sometime within a period of six months, I have about 30 persons or 35 people, you know some are families of three persons some families are four people and some are single or sometimes a man and his girlfriend or a man and his wife and these people got to other places not necessary the places you mentioned but the issue here is that the turn over you make matters in six months matters at times may be more than the number of persons….. (Fieldwork, Berlin)

In the above excerpt, Ngoforo brings out the major issue in the flight agent business. The owner and operator of this business occupy the broker position as he explains that he gets tickets from the airlines and then sells to customers at a price and he also makes some percentage of profit depending on the price at which the airline offers the ticket. There are different package prices for different tickets according to the customer’s destination and desires. For example, holiday packages or touristic packages cost from 2,000-5,000 Euros for periods between six to eight weeks of stay. In the service provision of this business, there is the use of modern times magic, the internet. The business life operates in three seasons- high, middle and low customer volume fluctuates according to seasons, suggesting volume is season dependent. The participant again calls to the scene of his business home social capital as he mentions that should a customer wish to visit Nigeria for holiday, he can put together home connections to make a person’s trip satisfying and enjoyable. This implies that the external social capital possession by the operator of this business can also increase the number of customers and boost business; though what matters is profits and frequency not the number of tickets sold. In the figure below is a flight agency advertising board.

285 Referring to a client or customer 286 A city in Nigeria 287 Another City in Nigeria 288 Is a vicinity within the city of Port Harcourt 275

Figure 28: Photograph as advertising strategy of a flight agent located at Berlin-Herrfurth Straße

6. 1. 2. 8) Real Estate Management Services from Germany

The marketing of technical home services is another joy of some participants of this study. This service is real estate management. That business is activated by migration ambitions especially of greener pastures migrants. It involves providing all the logistics for the buying of a plot or piece of land, a house, building a house or starting some kind of home-based business at home to immigrants who are in Germany and who may not know how to go about such projects at home or even those who may have severed289 or lost contacts with siblings back home. Thus it is a service and goods provision line of business. Onweke, a participant man to this study, exposes this line of business he is involved in when I asked: Interviewer: How about the home service you mentioned? Interviewee: Yes. We290 also organize building arrangements for people291 who want to build houses in Africa. We are into estate management, ja it’s just some service package company that if some people who do not have relatives in Africa, they can build houses. We have

289 This is especially of immigrants who have experienced misplaced trust and confidence from siblings back home and this has caused them to seek real estate management services even though they have siblings home 290 The participant and his partners in Africa 291 Persons who desire to build personal or private houses at home while in the Diaspora or abroad 276 partners in Africa that we can just allocate these contracts to them292 to do the stuff for them293 and so it’s all about service. We have a block company in Africa and so they produce blocks to build houses and ja a lot of people who stay here294 have difficulty building a house in Africa, so we tell them we can offer the services to you. We tell them we can build the house for you, you don’t even need to call your family home, you just give us the contract and we will build the house for you and you pay us. Interviewer: so where and where do you have partners? Interviewee: We have partners. The service for estate management for now is between Nigeria and Ghana. My family, we have a block producing company. It is a factory that produces blocks, ceiling boards and all those stuff295 and we have partners where we can organize a project. It’s just you give us the plan of the house you want to build, we will take it to our estate partners and they will handle the rest of the things you want to do you see this is how we operate in the line of business…(Fieldwork, Berlin).

Onweke in the above excerpt exposes how the business of real estate management is carried out. He reveals that there are partners in Africa whom he is in contact and works with to provide services; even family back home is involved at different stages in the service/goods provision. This implies that this business is social capital and social network heavily dependent for its provision and success out of context. This business is a whole package offered at usually huge sums of money for instance 50,000, 75,000, 100,000 Euros and even more. This makes it such that the volume and frequency cannot be easily determined because land and building materials cost huge sums of money and also the fact that the business is operated out of context. The figure which follows is a flyer for advertisement.

292 Working partners based in Africa 293`Persons who desire to build personal or private houses at home while in the Diaspora or abroad 294 The majority of Nigerians and Ghanaian immigrants in Germany 295 Building materials 277

Figure 29: Real estate management service advertisement flyer

6. 1. 2. 9) Renting and Loading of Containers with European goods and Accessories and Exportation to African Countries

Carrying out business in the light of renting and loading containers with European goods and accessories and exporting them to African countries is a transnational line of business for goods and service provision. In carrying out this transnational business, the operator shuttles across frontiers supervising the business. It involves renting containers of different sizes from companies here in Germany and loading the containers with goods and items that immigrants deem needed at home for sale. Such goods and items include household items like electronics, kitchen utensils, cars, machines to name these few. A Cameroonian male participant who is involved in this line of business discusses (about) the process of the business and some risks involved when I raised the issue:

Interviewer: So Ni296 Mo how do you do this business? Interviewee: First thing I want to tell you is that the business is a very risky business because one can easily go bankrupt. Interviewer: why?

296 A clause of respect used among the people of the Bamenda Grassfields regions of Cameroon 278

Interviewee: Because most often, your sales depends on periods and what you buy and the business is quite risky and unpredictable at times. Okay about the container that I put things inside, I rent the container, but what actually happens is that I rent it through Asamoah one Ghana man Interviewer: How? Interviewee: That is Asamoah usually gets the container directly from the container company and I get it from him, so Asamoah acts like a middleman. Interviewer: How much does it costs? Interviewee: It depends on the container because the containers are usually of different sizes. For example high cube is 30cm different from low cube, for high cube, length is 12 meters, width is 2.40 meters and height is 2.9 meters and so renting and transportation of the container down to Cameroon too varies, it is between 3,000 and 3,800 Euros. When I get the container you know I have my customers who sent their things to Cameroon through the container. Usually I give them my cartons to pack their things inside and I charge them and end amount of money that is 120 Euros per carton, I mean until the person297 in Cameroon collect the carton he or she doesn’t pay any money again and also I have connections in Cameroon, I have connections with Guarantee298 Yaounde and Bamenda, Musango Douala, Limbe, Kumba299, they are all my agents you know who distribute the cartons to the various places300 where the claimers live, so you know I do door‐service. That is when the container arrives the port and I declare it to the customs at the port and remove the container, I sort the cartons for the different towns and send it to my agents ready for distribution, we make calls to make sure everything goes right and my owns things which are there301, I take them to my warehouse and shops in Muyuka302. Interviewer: You must be a super service provider oohhh. Interviewee: (He laughs for a while) sure, many people prefer me to Alain Njock303 Interviewer: Yes, Interviewee: okay let me continue, so when the container comes, my customers bring their cartons and me too my own things that I have bought like fridges, TVs304 DVDs things for the house and also business tings you know, we pack it inside the container. Usually I employ two people to help with the packing of the container because when the container comes, it stays only two nights on the container ground. You know a container is something big and the space for it to stay is usually lacking and where they normally deliver the container is in somebody’s

297 Family Relation or friend in Cameroon delegated as the person to claim the carton. 298 Travelling Agency 299 Cities in different parts of Cameroon 300 Towns and cities 301 In the container 302 A town in the Southwest Province of Cameroon 303 Another Cameroonian in the same line of business 304 Televisions sets 279 yard which I usually some small thing305 for him to allow me use his place you know. So that is why the container stays only two nights on the container ground. Usually I like the container to be delivered on a Friday afternoon and we start do the packing on the same Friday through Saturday and Sunday and lock the container on Monday and this same day, the container leaves the container ground for Hamburg for Shipping to Cameroon. Interviewer: How long does it take for the container to be in Cameroon? Interviewee: It takes three weeks to one month when it pass through other countries. Okay when the container leaves from Hamburg port, I am informed because then I receive a Bill of Laden306 when I receive this Bill of Laden, I will "after I receive the Bill of Laden. When I arrive, I will make all the necessary qually307 to declare the container and after declaration then the distribution as I told you before308 that is how this business is and I do this about three to four times a year it is not easy you know…(Fieldwork, Berlin)

The above excerpt elaborates on the business of loading of containers with goods and exportation to African countries. The participant begins by classifying the business as risky. This is because of the seasonal nature and the logistics involved in carrying out this business. The process of operating this business involves logistics which the operator does not own but rather rents. Getting the container involves a middleman. Loading the container also involves other people, usually co-ethnics, to work. Shipping the container to the destined country involves a shipping company (takes the same process like shipping cars to African countries). Offloading the container after arrival at destination country and distribution of goods still involves co-ethnics or employed workers. Because there are many actors involved in this business who are not stake holders it implies a sound social capital and network in Germany and Cameroon which contributes to ease function and service provision satisfaction in this business. Again, in the process of carrying out this business, the operator provides temporary employment to co-ethnics. The frequency of this business is affected by the different processes involved compounded by time. The participant still in this excerpt makes one to understand that because of the level of trust vested in him, most Cameroonians prefer him, to which the survival of his business can be attributed. Generally though African immigrants are self-employed, they

305Some money 306 A document issued by the Hamburg port specifying details about the container and which ship is transporting the container and how long the ship will take to arrive the Douala Seaport in Cameroon. This document is normally issued for anything that is transported by ship to anywhere not only to Africa 307 Documentation 308 Earlier 280 work to provide goods and services to co-ethnics. Though most of the reasons for taking to business are German contextual, there are also other aspects of business.

6. 1. 3) Other Aspects of Operating Businesses

The reasons for taking to businesses are not limited to unemployment, convenience, availability of financial, human, cultural, and social capitals as well as the business incentive of becoming self-employed according to the confessions of some participants. There are other aspects that tailored some businesses which are: business as a mark of identity, business as a means to send remittances home.

6. 1. 3. 1) Business as a Mark of Identity

Particular business clusters emerged as a result of identity. Some participants of this study who carry out businesses mentioned that the lines of businesses which they are involved in concerns providing goods and services mostly to co-migrants from either the same origin as them or to co-migrants from Africa generally. This implies that African immigrant business people identify with the goods, services and their clientele. In this vein, Pecoud (2004) noticed the impossibility of disconnecting the rapport between culture and business among German- Turkish business people in Berlin. This aspect is ramified in some participants’ talk about business. Mr. Ebeny grapples with this aspect when I raised the issue:

Interviewer: But why did you decide to do this transnational business? Because I think there are things in Germany you could have still been able to sell. Interviewee: To do business, I decided to go transnational309 because I am an African. So I have to sell things from Africa. That is my identity. In fact, I cannot go to compete with Penny Markt, Aldi, Netto or Real310. If I dare do that, then I am finished. Again I decided to go transnational because my African things which I like to sell are not here. They are rather in other countries, so I have to get them from there… (Fieldwork, Berlin)

309 Across borders 310 German based super markets 281

Ebeny who owns and runs an Afro market outlines in the above discussion that he does business in an area or with commodities which he identifies with his culture. Not only is the aspect of cultural identification important for his business but also he mentions that he cannot compete with German-based super markets in particular. This suggests that immigrant business is tailored towards immigrants or particular lines for survival of business. For this reason, African immigrant business people enjoy some influence in their business niches though they are not main actors in the German economy. This participant mentions again that the commodities which he sells in Germany are not produced in Germany but rather in other countries, the reason why he goes transnational. Implying immigrant social capital and ties shape immigrant business activities and orientation locally and transnationally which is also a means of business survival. Udoh equally talks about the fact that he entered the shipping agent line of business because he noticed that the line of business was concentrated with Turks who provided the services less satisfactorily to Africans. This is tantamount to the lack of human/cultural and social capital in Africa that could work for the satisfactory provision of such services. As an African with the necessary human/cultural and social capital he engaged to the line of business and more and more Africans preferred him because he could speak English, French, Pidgin English and some other Nigerian dialects. It is also implied that African immigrants with transnational connections and social capital take advantage of their identity to increase the ease in conducting transnational business. Also Ngoforo , the travelling agent; took onto the travelling agent line of business for the same reason as Udoh and provided African flight tariffs for cheaper prices than other non-Africans in the same line of business; as such more Africans preferred him. The above suggest that to a large extent one can use immigrant identity to understand African immigrant economic activities and business survival in Germany. Though, not all self-employed African immigrants carry out businesses which are immigrant service or good provisions oriented rely solely on co-migrants. For instance self- employed African immigrants who own and run Spätkauf markets and internet cafes do not rely solely on immigrant ties for the survival of such businesses. While some immigrants carry out local businesses, others are involved in transnational business.

6. 1. 3. 2) Business as a Means to Send Remittances Home

Remittances are monies sent back home by migrant workers or migrants especially to family members as aid. Some immigrants with irregular statuses started doing business in the light of 282 shipping cars and other accessories as a means of sending remittances home formally with minimal control. This is because sending cash remittances through formal channels such as the Western Union or money gram keeps such migrants uncomfortable because of the fear of official controls and checks. Dicaps, a Cameroonian participant man, straddles with this aspect when I raised the issue:

Interviewer: You mentioned buying and exporting cars to Africa‐why did you decide to get involved in this line of business Interviewee: You know when I was asile what we call adoro311, sending cars to Africa, I was not sending cars but I was sending my money. That was another way for me to send my money back home. When you give it to somebody, the probability that it will not reach home is 100312. That was what I did. As a matter of fact my first money I had here313 I gave it to one guy to take it home and just of a sudden he called me and told me he was arrested in France and that was all about the money. So my sending cars for another way for me to send my money back home because sometimes you will go and sell the car and make more profits and you can do something314 and then help other people in the family. (Fieldwork, Berlin)

In the excerpt of Dicaps above, he brings out the experience of uncertainty and lack of trust sending cash remittance home through informal channel of co-ethnics. He explains that his remittance never reached its destination using the co-migrant channel. Mention is made of the fact that this uncertainty opened the gateway to transnational business for some German-based immigrants. Still, sending remittance home is a migration ambition for most, if not all immigrants. Roland and Chidi also confirmed that their start of business was boosted by the mistrust in co-migrants. The carrying out of business both local and transnational matters especially with those involved since at times it is ethnically inclined or has an ethnic spirit. Some ethnics are very enterprising in the light of business and are always trying to do some business where ever they are. This activity by immigrants has worked very much in affecting the individual decision to stay, being another means which immigrants use to knit up incorporation.

311 Asylum seeker 312 That is 100% 313 The first cash profits that this participant made in Germany after arrival 314 Can carry out personal projects, it could be to build a house or set up a small business in preparation for return migration. 283

6. 1. 4) Business and Continuous Stay for African Immigrants

Carrying out business for the participant sample led to some progress or improvement in the lives and immediate families of those involved in business undertakings. This factor equally contributes enormously to the decision to continue staying in Germany (abroad). Imperatively the above aspects are working in a system for German-based African immigrants to influence their economic progress as well as their continuous stay in Germany. The Causal Loop Diagram below illustrates:

+ Social Capital Financial+ Capital + + + + + + Business + + + Social Network Survival Strategies + ++ Stay abroad

Figure 30: CLD capturing the interplay of social capital and business for African immigrants and their continuous stay in Germany.

Considering business in the above causal loop diagram as a dependent variable at the local level (Germany) for our case and also taking into consideration a period of five years first for a beginning with progress. When the thought of business comes to mind, financial and social capital comes in as the first logistics of the game. This is because it is practically impossible to do business first and foremost without these forms of capital. As such immigrant resources have been pivotal for business. To begin with financial capital will have weight at the start of the business and given the kind of business. Although everything being equal, finance is needed to put the logistics for any kind of business in place and business items particularly. Financial capital can determine whether the business will start off and survive to a successful level or not. So with financial capital there is a likely tendency of the business to start off and survive. The success and continuity of the business is more stringed to the social capital and social network. Social capital to this position are the targeted customers (Africans being a higher 284 proportion) and others (tax consultants or business consultants), who can contribute positively to the success and continuity of the business. The success and continuity too will depend on the amount of social capital and the show of mastery in management of this capital in stock. Thus the greater the mastery of social capital, the more tendencies that one can keep and increase social capital for the business and contribute to the business’ progress and continuity, which will consequently lead to the creation of a good social network for the business. As such social network can be seen as an open-door to better economic opportunities for business success.

Again, a large social capital (those whom services will be provided to) can determine whether the business will remain local or go transnational. Trust on the business dealings will have a hand to add in the success of the business, that is to say trust from the person who is providing the services and from those who are receiving the services (customers). Because the more trust that comes from social capital, the more the business moves towards its goals of continuity and making profits. This is so because when financial and social capital that have been amassed are all working in a system and everything being equal and business is seemingly succeeding, then emerges the tendency to device strategies to hold it on not to crumble. Considering that everybody enjoys success and will always want to remain successful; thus good, better or best strategies will work to increase social capital. Thus, with more social capital, the effect will be positive on financial capital as well. All these will affect the business success and continuity on both ends. The survival strategies put in place for the continuity and progress of business can also determine whether the owner can go transnational in the operation of the business or remain local (that is carrying out business only in Germany). In this case, whichever side flourishes with less problems and stress, the owner is likely to concentrate there. But immigrants with transitional networks can take advantage of the increasing ease of conducting international business. This gives birth practically too to whether the business owner will continue to stay in Germany or return to African (home) and do business from there. One thing to take note of is that government tolerance of informal business practices especially as government treats immigrant businesses (economy) as an aspect of multiculturalism and as an aspect of globalization plays an important contributing role to the continuous stay of African immigrants of the operating business class in Germany. Though, staying abroad too could be looked at from the perspective that the individual is at the roundabout of the new high and sophisticated technologies and at the crossroads of cultures, cultural adaptation being significant here. 285

Conclusively, African immigrant business protects African immigrants from economic marginalization such that they need not enter German labour market. Some of the lines of the transnational businesses rely on ethnic network.

6. 2) African Immigrants Identity Formulation and Incorporation (Patterns and Practices)

The phenomenon of globalization and global citizens has however made space for immigrants to develop multicultural identities. Nonetheless it would be fallacious to dismiss the fact that though minority immigrant groups make the effort to integrate in host societies they continue to remain different in spite of their bids. This could be attributed to the fall in self-esteem. For instance, in case a host society is closed and unwelcoming, cultural identity (both individual and group) begin to assume increased importance to provide significance, self-reinforcement, acceptance, respect and some solace. The importance of identity cannot be underemphasized especially in confronting new life and living realities for immigrants. Irrespective of whether or not sub-Saharan African immigrants in Germany choose to identify with(in) the broader category of black, they are nevertheless identified as such by the German public and this continues to impinge on their lives. Like other immigrant groups in Germany, black African immigrants are challenged on a daily basis and this leads them to find ways to address and negotiate society’s assumptions about them. The manner in which African immigrants and other foreign peoples in Germany define their identities affects their interaction with mainstream German society. Prior to the arrival in Germany, the African was identified by nationality but at arrival in Germany, they are categorized afrikanische Leute315, Zuwanderer aus Afrika316 or die schwarzen Leute317. As such, Africans cease to be Cameroonian, Nigerian, Ghanaian, Sierra Leonean, Gambian, Liberian, Kenyan, Congolese, etc. This cessation of classification either based on country of origin or ethnicity because of a new broad identity category, makes it such that their real treasured identity becomes nothing. This has caused some

315 African people 316 Immigrants from Africa. 317 Black people 286

African immigrant groups to resort to emphasizing their ethnic identity and seek the recognition of mainstream society within this comfort zone.

The definition of identity revolves around the ego, the totality of a person or of a group (characteristics such as: who you are, what you think about yourself and the way you are viewed by the world). It is important here to note that identity encompasses a broad range of categories for instance one could be identified through social class, job, gender, ethnicity, nationality, age, religion, lifestyle, income, outfit, leisure, size and shape of the body, accent, food, music to name but these. Identity formulation can be challenging for immigrants in new host societies because in most instances immigrants constitute a problem to themselves since some simultaneously belong to an ethnic group and to the mainstream culture(s) thus making their identity problematic. This makes it such that very often one may find persons with more than one identity and as such, such persons cope through the development of an integrative approach to identity being multicultural. On the other hand not all immigrants are able to handle such situations, especially immigrants with incorporation/integration difficulties. Such troubled immigrants more often than not do not have a clear definition of identity and have not explored the identity options. In instances where migrants move as individuals and groups into the mainstream society, the movement can either make or negatively affect the status and confidence especially for a group and further frustrate its sense of purpose; but should such movement make success as pass mark, incorporation becomes fast. In such cases, self-belief validation, respect and above all a sense of purpose for the group is reinforced as such identity becomes paramount.

Létourneau (2001: 5) remarks that “as social creatures there is a very deep ontological longing in people to feel complete, which manifests itself in a desire to belong to something that is greater than oneself and to participate actively in the life of this supra individual entity”. The construct, identity, has Latin origins and it is coined from the word identitas; the word is formed from idem meaning same. The term thus denotes the notions of sameness, likeness, and oneness. Identity therefore means “the sameness of a person or thing at all times in all circumstances; the condition or fact that a person or thing is itself and not something else” (Simpson and Weiner, 1989: 620). Similarly Houghton Mifflin (2009: 400) defines and looks at identity as “the set of behavioural or personal characteristics by which an individual is recognizable as a member of a group”. Identity therefore presents the qualities of exact sameness (identicalness or indistinguishability)—the quality of being alike for instance 287 sameness of purpose kept them together; oneness, unity - the quality of being united into one - and selfsameness - the quality of being identical with itself. Still, for Erikson (1976) when writing about human development, identity refers to the stable, defining characteristics of a person that makes them an individual. Having a solid sense of identity requires a thorough understanding of oneself, including one's own traits, preferences, thought patterns, strengths and weaknesses. To know your identity, you must understand both how you differ from others and how you are similar.

6. 2. 1) Belonging to German Society

Pivotal to the question of integration of immigrants and immigrant communities in Germany is the salient issue of identity. The political, social and cultural playing fields of the new Germany, encourages multiculturalism making the issue of identity even more relevant, this has pushed diasporic minorities to mobilize for the formation and maintenance of collective identity. Zolberg (1999: 8) writes, “collective identity formation usually involves self- conscious efforts by members of a group to distinguish themselves from who they are not, and hence it is … a dialectical process whose key feature is the delineation of boundaries between ’us‘ and ’not us’”.

African immigrants struggle to belong, and even those with German nationality have constant reminders of them enjoying German benevolence and they cannot become anything of value, though applicable to all foreigners in Germany. Helmut Kohl, the Christian Democrat slogan was simple: "Germany is not an immigration country." Still, the accent of African immigrants, especially of the first generation, distinguishes them from the crowd. More often in the S-Bahn and U-Bahn318of Berlin in discussions between an African and a native German, they are constantly asked the following questions: “Woher kommen Sie?”319, “Wie lange bleibst Du in Deutschland?”320 and “Wann gehst Du zurück?”321. Such questions continue to place African immigrants outside the inner circle of society. The African immigrant bears the impact of distinction more because of the frequency of these questions though these questions are also

318 Outside and underground trains 319 Where do you come from? 320 How long will you be here in Germany? 321 When are you going back? 288 asked to other foreigners living in Germany. In light of this “excluding” atmosphere, some African immigrant groups have awakened and cling to their home culture through the formation and operation of cultural/ethnic associations. This therapeutic recourse to exclusion to reinforce their identity is not exclusive to African immigrants in Germany, but generally to displaced people. Since African immigrants cannot change how the German society perceives them, it is within their potential to manage how they respond to society. The process of incorporation for African groups can be thought of as the negotiations in which Germans and African immigrants engage around certain boundaries.

As made clear in the opening sections of chapter six, theme analysis of the interviews transcripts singled out identity (re)creation as a data category from this study. African immigrants in Germany cope with the dislocation and orientation they face in their new host by re-creating a sense of place in their domestic environment around cultural activities. The display and exercise of material and immaterial aspects of culture including other external activities and practices play a crucial role as African immigrants negotiate their presence and identity in 21st century Germany, a society where individuals and groups define their identities around lifestyles and culture. This aspect is made manifest in the form of immigrants cultural/ethnic associations and organizations and is a strategy of incorporation since German- based African immigrants perceive Germany as a place of opportunities and has influenced the development of multiple identities. Some African immigrant groups in Berlin lead multi-local lives as they maintain trans-border social relations, side-by-side engagement in group- transforming identity negotiations through culture production activities and incorporation in culturally diverse Germany. Issues of collective identity take the form of cultural associations or organizations. In this light therefore, Pecoud (2000: 447) remarks that “cultural attributes such as trust, solidarity, skills, mentalities and so on are not inherent to a group but they are often re(activated) after migration and then need to be maintained through collective life. A group’s boundaries need also to be constantly re-affirmed. This is a circular process: cultural attributes may define boundaries between groups while boundaries reinforce such cultural attributes” and this adds to multiculturalism in Germany. Another frequently emerged theme of this study relating to immigrant incorporation is how immigrant groups form associations/organizations (cultural/ethnic) geared towards identity (re)creation and culture expression. This pattern is in line with the first and third sub-objectives of this study, which are to explore strategies of incorporation and identity reproduction among groups of African immigrants and to explore African immigrants’ support networks, types and impact. The 289 sections which follow specifically handle the participants’ cultural/ethnic associations/organizations and their incorporation in Germany, origins of African Cultural associations/organizations, objectives of cultural associations/organization and other aspects of cultural associations/organization before getting to the crux of the above-listed aspects. First, some clue about African immigrants’ cultural associations/organizations and incorporation in Germany will be provided.

6. 2. 2) Cultural/Ethnic Associations/Organizations and Incorporation in Germany

Data gathered from fieldwork indicate that a majority of participants belong to one or more cultural/ethnic associations. Most of these African immigrants are highly attuned when it comes to asserting their identity as a people. Some African immigrants have transited to German-based African immigrants with statuses as German citizens, while others are still transiting from irregular status to legal permanent residence in Germany. Yet, these statuses do not automatically translate into a sense of belonging or melting especially when it comes to mainstream German society. This is due to some drawbacks from the immigrants or from the society they live in. Making it such that among the many African immigrants living in Germany, some are in the space between, which is shuttling between Africa and Germany but not sojourners in German society and as such the struggle to negotiate a niche exists and persists. This major fact of the lives of German-based African immigrants has translated into the formation of numerous cultural/ethnic‐based associations in an effort to maintain an identity and foster incorporation within the larger context of German society and as a forum for addressing issues which confront them. These associations provide a sense of continuity, belonging, they equally contribute to participants’ social networking in incorporation and serve as an umbrella for solace in case of difficulty of fruition of an adopted social pathway strategy and more importantly incorporation within the German context of pluralism and some sort of conviviality. The different kinds of African immigrant associations/organizations for this study are depicted in the table that follows.

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Names of Cultural Associations/ Countries Of Origin Composition of Associations and Organizations Organizations (eingetragener Verein- e.V.) German-Cameroon Grassland Cultural Cameroon Composed of native Germans, Association (Deutsch-Kamerunischer immigrants from the North West and Kulturverein Grassland e.V.) This West Provinces of Cameroon generally association is regional in nature. known as the ‘Grassfies’ region of Cameroon Mano River Multi Cultural Organization Sierra-Leone Made up of native Germans, immigrants e.V. This Organization is multi-national in from Sierra Leone, Liberia and Guinea nature. Conakry, reason for its name multicultural name. Bali Cultural Association Germany (BCA- Cameroon (specifically It is made up of native Germans, Germany e.V.). This association is local in from Bali). immigrants who are indigenes from all nature. the Balis (7 in number) of the North West Province. There are three branches of this association in Germany: Berlin, Baden-Württemberg and Nordrhein- Westfalen branches. Ibibio Community Association Germany Nigeria It is made up of Nigerian immigrants e.V. This association is local in nature who are indigenous from Akwa Ibom State (Community).There exists another branch of this association in Hamburg/Bremen Oroko Cultural Association Germany e.V. Cameroon It is made up of immigrants who are This association is local in nature indigenous of the Oroko tribe in the South West Province. There exist other branches of this association in other states of Germany.

Table 24: Profile of Participant Cultural/Ethnic Associations/Organization

Table 24 above depicts the profile of the five various participant associations/organizations of this study. Among these associations/organizations are: German-Cameroon Grassland Cultural Association known as (Deutsch-Kamerunischer Kulturverein Grassland e.V.322), this association is regional in nature. The Mano River Multi Cultural Organization e.V. an organization that is multi-national in nature. The Bali Cultural Association Germany (BCA- Germany e.V.), this association is local in nature with three branches Berlin, Nordrhein-

322 Eingetragener Verein 291

Westfalen and Baden-Württemberg. The Ibibio Community Association e.V. Germany is local in nature with branches in Berlin and Hamburg/Bremen. Finally, there is Oroko e.V. Germany that is also local in nature with branches in other states in Germany. The thesis now turns to look at the origins of associations/organization in the sections, which follow.

6. 2. 2. 1) Origins of African Cultural Associations/Organizations

African cultural identity expression has made a hallmark in multicultural Germany and Berlin in particular, with the advent of African cultural associations/organizations. These associations did not just spring up from nowhere as some individual immigrants took the initiative to gather other immigrants under an umbrella of an association for several reasons. These reasons are: community formation, identity assertion, identity recreation and for public incorporation.

6. 2. 2. 1. 1) Community Formation

Generally, the lay sense of the word community conjures a group of people living in one place or district. Cohen (1985: 12) argues that “community involves two related suggestions that the members of a group have something in common with each other; and the thing held in common distinguishes them in a significant way from the members of other possible groups. Community, thus, implies both similarity and difference. It is a relational idea: the opposition of one community to others or to other social entities”. The concept of community has four elements according to McMillan and Chavis (1986: 4): “The first element is membership. Membership is the feeling of belonging or of sharing a sense of personal relatedness. The second element is influence, a sense of mattering, of making a difference to a group and of the group mattering to its members. The third element is reinforcement: integration and fulfilment of needs. This is the feeling that members' needs will be met by the resources received through their membership in the group. The last element is shared emotional connection, the commitment and belief that members have shared and will share history, common places, time together and similar experiences. The definition I propose is as follows: sense of community is a feeling that members have of belonging, a feeling that members matter to one another and to the group, and a shared faith that members' needs will be met through their commitment to be together. The sense of belonging and identification involves the feeling, belief, and expectation 292 that one fits in the group and has a place there Rivas-D (2012), a feeling of acceptance by the group, and a willingness to sacrifice for the group. The role of identification must be emphasized here. It may be represented in the reciprocal statements ‘It is my group and I am part of the group’. Fifty two year old Mr. Tum who is founder of the German-Cameroon Grassland Cultural Association (GCGCA) exposes on the reasons for the formation of the GCGCA when I raised the issue:

Interviewer: Why did this Association begin? You as the founder, why did you found this Association? Interviewee: I founded this association because I realized most of our Grasslanders the “grafie323” and children from my own particular village324, they were so scattered. So I thought as an elder to bring them together one, and in another way my back thinking325 was to bring the Cameroonians together…(Fieldwork, Berlin).

One thing to notice about the participant in the above excerpt is that by virtue of his age (52 years), he is considered to be an elder and a custodian of culture in the North West region of Cameroon; such a person in society is depended upon for cultural continuity. The participant expresses in the excerpt that he (realized) as an elder that, the consciousness of who one is, is imperative to survive total assimilation in another place where one is a minority. This led him to community formation, the founding of the German-Cameroon Grassland Cultural Association (because the Grasslanders are a people who share a common history, ancestry, culture, traditions and many other aspects) and thus to bring together peoples and cultures from the grassland areas of Cameroon not only as Grasslanders but also as Cameroonians. It implies that group consciousness can be better expressed as a group or community rather than individually. Bah and Roland, the founders of the Mano River Multicultural Organization also expressed the view that the raison d’être for the formation of the organization was to enable continuous group consciousness while in Germany. Following, is the founding of cultural associations/organization for identity assertion after community formation.

323 Refers to the group of people who come from the Grassland regions of Cameroon. 324 Kom is a village in the Bamenda Grasslands of Cameroon 325 Having in mind 293

6. 2. 2. 1. 2) Identity Assertion

Asserting one ‘s identity is the move made by oneself taking a position to make clear/declare to everyone outside one’s group (maybe culture, community, tribe, peer, to name these) that one is proud of who he or she is or who they are in the case of a group. Such a move thus helps create and foster a strong sense of identity though it can also work to further marginalization and exclusion in some contexts. The concept of identity assertion is a form of group consciousness. One would notice that it is difficult for people who migrate to shed off their cultural package completely so easily. This move by African immigrant groups is a move to fill the hollow of exclusion created by migration and thus stimulating mainstream consciousness to the needs and issues of African immigrants. Bassey, a participant man who has lived more than 19 years in Germany grapples with the aspect of identity assertion in the light of cultural associations. He talks about community, language, experiences, and identity when I raised the issue:

Interviewer: Why did you decide to join the association? Interviewee: Yes. I mean to have interaction with people of my community. There are so many black communities, we talk about, we speak our language326, that is where you talk so many things about yourself327‐who you are and your experiences exactly and Identify yourself you know… (Fieldwork, Berlin)

In the interview excerpt of Bassey, he confesses that he became a (member of the Ibibio Cultural Association) in order to identify with the people of Akwa-Ibom state, suggesting that the essence of life and living is group membership/belonging. Secondly, he makes mention of speaking their language which is also another avenue for identity assertion. It implies that aspects of immaterial culture can also work to harness identity. Still mention is made about experiences328; this is because experience is more often tied to whom one is. For instance a majority of participants of this study are phenotypically different from Europeans and as such most got to survive exclusion through the employment of strategies jammed packed with varying experiences. This suggests that experience also asserts identity. Aaron, another

326 Ibibio 327 Mostly related to experience as an immigrant and what moves one is making to incorporate or regularize status 328 The experiences in this context relates life and living in Germany as African immigrants with varying statuses, experience at arrival/and impact of social capital in Germany, bids towards incorporation, and generally the assessment of their lives at any particular point in time and family background. 294 participant man, also raised this issue during the community group interview of the GCGCA as he stated that one of the reasons they find themselves together is because they have and face the same problems in this society (Germany). Identity formulation is the next reason for the formation of cultural associations and organization.

6. 2. 2. 1. 3) Identity Formulation

In discussing African identity formulation in Germany, it is useful to consider the ethnic and cultural pluralism of Germany via-a-vis integration. African immigrant associations/organizations in Berlin and Germany in general form their own group sense of identity based on aspects such as the opinions of family and friends as well as the parameters of the social contexts in which they live. Paramount to the move of the associations’ identity formulation is the response gotten from mainstream German society. This response acts as an indicator to help immigrant associations/organizations to continue to uphold their unique identity. Germans who are part of some the African immigrant cultural associations and organizations rather act as influencers between the groups and mainstream society especially in the bid of these associations to gain a place and incorporate into mainstream German society. Mr. Tum captures the identity formulation issue in the excerpt below

Interviewer: I can see that you belong to the German‐Cameroon Grassland association.. Interviewee: I sitting here, I am the founder of this association here. And I made this association eeehhh thinking‐the Grasslanders together and mix with Germans or the other by giving them a name German, not Grassland alone because I am already a citizen of this country329 and I bring other Cameroonians together by calling it German‐Cameroon Grassland Cultural Association… (Fieldwork, Berlin).

In the excerpt of Tum his main point is that of adding native Germans in the association to gain recognition in Germany which is a means of negotiating identity. This is because the representation of what it means to be African is complex for the African in another context and can more often harness homogeneity making incorporation into mainstream society slow or even difficult. Therefore, the formulated new identity of Grasslanders Cultural Association considers to a remarkable degree the location i.e Germany. This suggests that the German-

329 Germany 295

Cameroon Grassland Cultural Association defines itself with reference to multiple places. (German-Cameroon) is thus a formulated identity, which includes mixture of cultures. The figure which follows depicts in clear precise words the new formulated identity of Grasslanders incorporating the German and Cameroonian flags and the name particularly written in German, another form of verbalizing identity.

Figure 31: Signpost at the Intercultural House with specific formulation Deutsch- Kamerunischer Grassland Kulturverein e.V.

6. 2. 2. 1. 4) Social Incorporation

The experience of a majority of African immigrants who sought asylum already woke the consciousness that acceptance by mainstream German society is not guaranteed. The impetus for African immigrant incorporation has therefore seen the light of day as groups of African immigrants/cultural associations and organizations have vehemently denied blending culturally into mainstream Germany. Worthy of note is that these African immigrants’ cultural associations use their material capacity to sustain their homogeneity while still incorporating into mainstream Germany. In this light therefore, some of the associations serve as forums where immigrants can learn and understand the culture of the receiving German society. Again, as a means through which they can learn, adopt and put into practice strategies to be incorporated into Germany so that they can continue to stay. In fact, African immigrants use

296 these associations as a place to meet different persons to share their ideas and learn more on “beat-the-system strategies” in order to incorporate in Germany. Felicitas, a participant during one of the community group interviews, grapples with these facts when I raised the issue:

Interviewer: How dis association di try fo intergrate?330 Interviewee: Fotuk on dis integration, tin if you cam for som new place, yu no fit integrate if yu no no the language, so one of de objectives dem fo dis wa German‐Cameroon Grassland Association na for helep pipo a min the members weh dem jus cam new fo integrate fo dis German society (Community Group Interview, Berlin)331

Felicitas in the above discussion during a community group interview brings up some pertinent issues. Firstly, she talks of newly arrived members332 of the grassland association. Most newly arrived immigrants from Africa usually lack knowledge about the operation of German society and this lack of knowledge (which spans from lifestyle, choices, law, language-generally culture per-say) usually stands as a barrier to most immigrants especially greener pastures immigrants and this raises a feeling of frustration because of culture shock on the part of the newly arrived. It is in this vein that one of the objectives of the association is to compass new members towards incorporation because as she mentions if one comes new in any society one cannot get integrated without knowledge of the society. The compass in the context here spans from where to take German language courses free of charge, contacts of restaurants that can give a job. Also, contacts of native German friends who may want to marry an African immigrant man or woman, or wants to have a child/children with Africans, contacts of where to get help with accommodation should a new member be in need, contacts of available social service to newly arrived, to name but a few. This therefore implies enlarging the social network of participants out of the group into host. This implies that apart from the manifest function of social incorporation, cultural associations also provide latent functions of social and emotional support to its members. Bassey, another participant, also highlighted this issue as he mentioned that he gives contacts of persons who have small job offers to members who belong to the

330 How is this association managing to incorporate as a group? 331Talking about integration, if one arrives newly in any society, one cannot get integrated if one does not have knowledge of the language. As such, one of the objectives of the German-Cameroon Grassland Association is to help educate and direct its newly arrived members on how to get integrated into the German society. (Felicitas Nkambe 34 Community Group Interview, Berlin August 2007) 332 In many cases, most newly arrived members are simultaneously newly arrived immigrants in Germany. 297

Ibibio e.V. especially as one of the objectives of the association is also to help members in need. Pabis of the BCA further sided with the above point.

6. 2. 3) Activities Geared towards Identity Assertion and Incorporation

The phrase activity has to do with action, doing or endeavour of something for the achievement of particular goals. The participant associations and organizations do carryout several activities for identity assertion and incorporation in Berlin and in Germany. Among these endeavours are: participation at the Berlin Carnival of Cultures, coming together monthly, organization of talks and debates to handle immigrants issues, organization of conventions.

6. 2. 3. 1) Participation at the Berlin Carnival of Cultures

Participation at the Berlin Carnival of Cultures (Karneval der Kulturen Berlin) is an avenue through which many African immigrant cultural associations in Berlin expose identity, express culture in different forms. The information in the section below is amalgamated freely from an internet site: http://www.karneval-berlin.de/de/english.175.html.

In the late 80s the former Mayor of Berlin, Richard von Weizsäcker, and the Commissioner for Foreigners' Affairs, Barbara John developed the idea for an institution open to all cultural, religious and social communities and groups in Berlin. Due to their joint efforts the “Werkstatt der Kulturen (WdK)” was founded in 1993 as a forum for cultural multiplicity and a catalyst for intercultural exchange. The WdK supports numerous projects aiming at the expansion of cultural activities and the promotion of intercultural communication. Simultaneously, it offers professional working spaces for music, dance, theatre and literature and is the organizing body for the world music contest “Creole-Weltmusik aus Berlin und Brandenburg” and the festival of traditional dance “Bewegte Welten”. The WdK is the initiator and organizer of the Carnival of Cultures in Berlin (Karneval der Kulturen Berlin) which took place for the first time in 1996. Carnival is one of the oldest celebrations in the world. It developed in ancient Europe, and then travelled to the Caribbean, South-America and Africa in colonial times and finally – centuries later – sent back impulses to a culturally, socially and demographically changed Europe. These changed circumstances heavily influenced many contemporary urban carnivals today, making 298 a strong point of the cultural expressions and aesthetic visions of migrants. The German- Cameroon Grassland Cultural Association registers each year to take an active part during the Berlin Carnival celebrations. The figure which follows captures a cultural display during one of the Carnival celebrations.

Figure 32: GCGCA in a cultural display at one of Berlin Carnival of cultures at Berlin-Südstern

Fru, a participant man of the GCGCA captures the above display in his explanation as to how the Grasslanders portray their identity at the Carnival using Pidgin-English language333:

Okay like fo Karneval, we bi de dey. We be wear we contri clos dem and we dance to, so eny man wey e bi pas see we, e no say na som pipo dem dis wey dem comut fosom place334 (Fieldwork, Berlin).

The Berlin Carnival of Cultures is one of the prominent events which the GCGCA uses to assert identity especially through their material culture as during this celebration members of the GCGCA always appear in their (colourful traditional Grasslanders’ attire, using traditional drums, gong, flute, pot and piano to play) and dance traditional music. Secondly, this celebration is also used by this group for social incorporation as the GCGCA has taken

333 Pidgin English is a local form of broken English spoken in some countries in Africa. It was used during the colonial days as the language of communication with the colonial masters and it is still widely used in very crude forms even today. 334 Like at the Carnival of Cultures, of course we were there. We danced in our traditional dresses and anybody who passed around knew that these people come from somewhere. 299 advantage of this event to add plurality in the cultures of Berlin. Further, because of the association’s reputation, it always takes active part during the celebrations; it is now recognized as one of the immigrant associations in Berlin such that the association is usually invited yearly by the Werkstatt der Kulturen to take part even before they register to take part. Mohammed, a participant of the Mano-River Multi Cultural Organization, also confirmed the use of the Carnival celebrations for making their presence known and recognized.

6. 2. 3. 2) Coming Together Monthly

Another endeavour towards identity assertion and incorporation for some African immigrant groups is coming together monthly to discuss issues especially of incorporation as a group. The figure below captures one of the monthly held sessions of the German-Cameroon Grassland Cultural Association.

Figure 33: A photograph showing the holding of a meeting session of the German-Cameroon Grassland Cultural Association at Berlin-Wedding.

At these meeting sessions’ discussions on extra-curricular activity, options geared towards recognition and incorporation are discussed such as visiting the chancellor’s office335 and

335 Kanzleramt 300 having talks with the chancellor, writing letters to the mayor336 of Wedding, taking part in some street feast337 and some other festivals to name but these. Worthy of note about the holding of these meeting sessions is that the local pidgin-English language is used as the official language of the group. Aaron equally presses hard on the language aspect as he says:

Ul tin wey we go tuk fohier go binafo pidgin bicos na wan of the official tuk dem for grasland an oso say we di tukam na foyu, we nee di tuk fo say may oder pipo dem understand tin wey we di tuk fohier. (Aaron Community Group Interview, Berlin)338

The excerpt exposes the fact that language is used as a form of cultural expression but it can also serve the latent function of concealing information from ‘supposed outsiders’ within a group and society at large. Next is the organization of cultural conventions for identity assertion and incorporation into mainstream Germany.

6. 2. 3. 3) Organization of Cultural Conventions

Many African immigrants come to Germany with the hope of returning to their home country within a few years. More often, these “few years” have turned into long-term stays of 15, 20, 25 and even more, and conventions have come to mend the long absences from home. Conventions are yearly come-together celebrations usually organized by different African cultural associations (for participant associations) particularly for identity assertion and culture expression in Germany (Diaspora). These conventions are in most cases commemorating the birth of the association, its progress and sustenance. The convention celebration is a package of activities running for two days. One of the activities of concern for this study from the convention is the cultural evening. The cultural evening is an event where all participants including invited guests who are Africans are expected to attend in assorted African outfits as a mark of identity and African delicacies are also prepared, presented and introduced to the public during the cultural evening. It is also characterized by a fashion parade of African wears (Afritudes) coalesced with African riddles and jokes (usually said in mungaka or pidgin-

336 Bürgermeister 337 Straßenfest 338 Everything we shall say here will be said in Pidgin-English. This is because it is one of the official languages of Grassland and also because we are saying it to you. We are not saying it that some other person should understand what we are saying here. (Aaron Community Group Interview, Berlin) 301 english). Below are photographs which capture aspects of culture and culture expression at the BCA Berlin convention.

Figure 34: Photograph of masquerade dance performance by the Ngoteh Juju at the BCA Berlin Convention.

Figure 35: Photograph of men and women dressed in the traditional grassland outfit the Tugho.

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African men with assorted African outfits ready for the fashion parade to grace a cultural evening of a convention at Berlin-Kurt Schumacher Platz

Figure 36: Men of the BCA expressing culture through outfits-the Abgbwada, Jumpa and Damtsiki at a convention cultural evening.

Still, like other immigrant groups, African immigrants try to keep home cultures alive in many ways, including through food, which is used to maintain social relations. During conventions some African immigrants have the opportunity to consume foods they have not consumed for long time. The following figure displays some traditional dishes from Cameroon. On the left is Achu and Yellow soup, in the middle are plantains and at the right is Kondre.

Figure 37: Photographs of some Cameroonian traditional dishes displayed at the BCA Berlin convention.

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6. 2. 3. 4) Organization of Talks and Debates to Handle Immigrants’ Issues

Even more so, some of these associations and organizations come together and organize talks and debates on issues directly affecting them in Germany as African immigrant men or women and how African immigrants can improve their chances of integration. The talks are usually organized during festive times like New Year’s celebration, Day of the African Child, World AIDS day, Mothers’ Day, Women’s Day among others and the topics usually taken up in the organized talks and debates fall within these confines:  Learning Deutsch for integration  Integration options and African Immigrants  Integration difficulties  The Cameroonian identity  African culture and Western culture  Immigration as a tool for Development

For instance, during the women’s day celebration of the year 2011, a talk on the topic ‘Difficulties of African Women’s Integration in Germany’ was organized. Main panel speakers during the talk were women of different profiles from different African cultural organizations. The figure which follows captures the women’s day celebration talks at Berlin-Burgdorfstraße.

Figure 38: A photograph capturing panel discussants on the talk-difficulties of African Women integration in Germany

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Having grappled with the activities of cultural associations and organizations geared towards identity assertion and incorporation, I now turn to some specific objectives at the base of cultural associations and organization.

6. 2. 4) Objectives of Cultural Associations/Organization

Apart from cultural associations and organizations serving the manifest functions of community formation, identity assertion, identity formulation, and social incorporation, the latent functions also serve as the specific objectives of these associations. The latent functions come into activity in the course of making effective the manifest functions, in order words, latent functions are by-products of manifest functions of cultural associations. The sense of objective in this context is tailored towards specific aims cultural associations and organizations wish to serve. Among these objectives are mediate home situations especially vis-a-vis ethnics/co-ethnics, handling cases of death of members, provision of financial and social support as well as carrying out home projects to mention but these.

6. 2. 4. 1) Mediate Home Situation (vis-a-vis ethnics and co-ethnics)

‘To mediate’ suggests a sense of reconciliation of two or more parties not in agreement or unity. Some of the African cultural organizations founded by some immigrants have as specific objective to act as a go between co-ethnics. Thirty three years Mohammed, a Sierra Leonean of the Mano-River multicultural organization, pressed forward his thoughts on this issue as he discusses:

We founded this organization here the main aim that time was because of the division between Sierra‐Leone, Liberia and Guinea Conakry because that time was war time and Liberians here339 were blaming each other –Liberians were saying it is because of Sierra‐Leone and Sierra Leoneans were saying too it is because of Liberia you know all these was causing hatred between the three nationalities, so we found this association to unite these peoples. We first found the club that is the cultural group so that musicians from the three nationalities

339 Germany 305 play340 together to show the other people that we are together. Then this information go down341 and they always write342 about us down there because they always see what we are doing here in newspapers and it help them a lot to forget about what happened during the war because we fight ourselves… (Fieldwork, Berlin).

The discussion of Mohammed above first of all makes mention that the organization is made up of three nationals: that is Sierra Leoneans, Liberians and Guineans. He adds that the main objective for founding the organization with the three nationals was to act as a go between the three nations because war caused enmity between these three countries. As such the founders of this organization wished to set a stage pace for unity between the three countries from the diaspora. In this way, the members of the organization carry out activities together as a united people and they make sure that this example put forward, percolates down to home countries in order to show and make home countries understand that they have (forgotten about their differences) and they now live in love, peace and unity. Thus the organization serves as a yard stick for home countries to emulate. This helps the home countries too to keep their differences aside and look forward in unity. Another main issue is the case of immigrants who belong to some associations and eventually die in Germany before their planned return either due to sickness, accidents or from some other unforeseen circumstances.

6. 2. 4. 2) Handling Cases of Death of Members

It is usually very frustrating and sad for Africans around when an African dies in Germany; this is because Africans consider that their greener pastures have even brought sorrow and loss especially to the family of the immigrant who dies. Repatriating the corpses of African immigrants who die in Germany because of any reason is problematic; as such one of the objectives of most Africans in Germany coming together under the umbrella of an association or associations as immigrants is that of helping to repatriate their corpses back to home country in case they die abroad. Dicaps, a key participant and former president of the BCA Germany, grapples on this aspect when I raised the issue:

340 That is cultural music and lyrics 341 To Sierra Leone, Liberia and Guinea Conakry 342 Local newspapers 306

Interviewer: okay so has this association recorded any failures? Interviewee: Yea. I would say yes because one of the main reasons of coming together as I would say is to help ourselves343. There is this system in Germany344 when somebody dies, you are given some number of days to clear the corpse (to take the corpse away) or they (Germans in charge) will take to where they call climatorium345 and we Africans we are not used to burning corpses. In fact to some African families it is sacrilege that the corpse is not seen. So the wish of most Africans living in Europe is that, when somebody dies, the corpse should be transported back home346. And the cost347 today is getting to about 8000 Euros. Many parents back home won’t be able to afford this cost, that one I guaranty you. So we348 are trying a possibility that if such a thing should occur349 we should be able to bear the cost350. So last year I proposed to the association because‐ let me still go back‐ last year one student351 died somewhere in Darmstadt, I was called as the president‐ yes I had nothing to do there was no money what should I do. And worse still this guy has been living for more than three years and we don’t know him352. so you wanted us to do what? So many people rightfully or wrongly escape from the responsibility353 by saying that he was not a member; some people would have done something (some people would have contributed some money towards the repatriation of the corpse). Had it been that he was a member as I said some rightfully or wrongfully escaped from that responsibility by saying he was not a member. So this was an eye opener. Now I proposed to the people354 that we should pay in a sum of 100 Euros each as insurance, for if such a thing should happen355 then we will have it easy but up to the respond is good but you know black people when it concerns giving out money… (Fieldwork, Berlin).

343 The sense here is that when a member has a problem, other members of the association contribute ideas and other resources even money to help the member in trouble and usually all these contributions become much including emotional support. 344 German funeral rites or rituals 345 Actually Krematorium, where they burn corpse 346 In this case Cameroon 347 Cost of transporting a corpse from Germany to Cameroon 348 The Association, that is BCA Germany 349 That is to say if a member of the association dies 350 Carry the cost of corpse transportation to Cameroon 351 Member of one of the branches of the association (BCA) 352 That is he had never been registered to the association and so does not belong to any of the branches of the BCA or even associated to members of the association. 353 To contribute money towards the repatriation of the corpse back to Cameroon, because according to the norms of the association only registered members have that privilege whilst in Germany, that the association shall carry the cost to repatriate their corpse back home to their families 354 Members of the association 355 If a member dies in Germany 307

The participant Dicaps in the above excerpt brings out one (main latent objective356) of cultural associations which is that of maximizing social capital for self-help357. The participant goes on to describe the death rites and rituals in Germany (i.e. what is done when a person dies through to the preservation of the corpse and to the final stage of burning)358. The death rites and rituals are different from those in Africa and this, to a typical African; it is abnormal-that a corpse is burnt not buried. As such for most immigrants, their desire is that their corpse be repatriated back home for burial in case they should die in Germany. The cost now according to this participant is about 8000 Euros and this cost is way beyond individual or family affordability. This is why one of the main objectives of the association is to handle the death of members. In this regards therefore, the BCA association has come up with an insurance scheme of 100 Euros for each member to handle cases of death of members though not all the registered members of the association have paid. Still, the participant cites an example of a native of Bali who died in Darmstadt and members of the association refused to make monetary contributions for the repatriation of the corpse under the pretext that he was not a member of the association. This suggests that, members of the association enjoy the privileges and rights to receive help in case they get into some unforeseen circumstance. It further implies that the social capital and social network that an immigrant connects to and keeps while in Germany has reaching impact, reason why most (members of the association more often than not regard the cultural association as a family). The incident of the death of the non-member, according to Dicaps, served as some sort of a re-awakening to other immigrants who do not belong. The GCGCA also expressed that, discussions within the association have not finalized on the association taking responsibility of repatriating the corpses of its members. The Ibibio equally expressed that one of the objectives which they come together is to discuss also on the issue of death of an Ibibio person in Germany just in case it happens. Following, is the provision of financial and social support as an objective that cultural association/organization serve.

356 It is latent because the association is registered as a non-profit making association, thus it is assumed that there is no collection of money, implying no paying of taxes. It is the case with most African cultural associations and organizations in Germany. 357 This is an example copied from home countries associations and organizations. 358 This aspect is chosen because in Germany, burial of a corpse cost money and those who cannot afford the cost, their corpses are burnt and a majority of African immigrants cannot afford the burial cost. Again according to participant, burning a corpse costs somewhat the amount like repatriating a corpse as such; immigrants prefer to repatriate corpses instead of letting the corpses be burnt. 308

6. 2. 4. 3) Provision of Financial and Social Support

Further still, the objectives of cultural associations are not limited only to mediating home situation vis-a-vis ethnics/co-ethnics and handling cases of death of members while in Germany but they also provide financial and social support. Finance has to do with money. Most of the participant associations have savings and loan schemes and also ‘Njangi’ 359 which serve members exclusively and because it is a cultural scheme more grounded on solidarity and trust, it avoids the complexities of modern capitalistic saving schemes, making it common and available to all members. Social support in the context here has to do with the group action toward members within a group in society. Eni, a participant man who belongs to the Oroko Kulturverein e. V., elicits on this objective of cultural associations when I raised the issue:

Interviewer: Why did you decide to join your cultural association? Interviewee: Ee an association is always good in the sense that may be one can be in trouble and one needs some money or you need some social help like you need a place to stay or sleep and you are in this association, the association or the members can borrow some money and the members can also provide that social help and since you are in a far away country, with such an association, you have feeling like you have a family, you have people around you and you are not alone... (Fieldwork, Berlin).

In the above interview Eni talks about the cultural association providing financial help and social help because according to him the association replaces his family since he is away from home; as such the association takes the place of family while in the Diaspora. This suggests so many things because the family is not only the gateway to the larger society but it is compacted with lots of other roles and responsibilities such as keeping trust and the show of solidarity to members especially when it concerns money360. A cultural association provides encouragement to members who seek to start a business through providing opportunity options for members to borrow money or raise capital for business. Secondly, the family provides emotional warmth and a brotherly hand to members in difficult situations. In the excerpt, the participant notes that a cultural association provides social help to members which includes providing a place to stay, counselling and encouragement for new members who are homesick and disappointed

359 It is a contribution where in each meeting session members contribute each a certain agreed amount of money and give to one person and it rotates until all members involved have received in their turns and it takes on again and again until a member decides to drop out. 360 Borrowing and payback or refunding 309 because of the circumstances they are facing as immigrants, making available work permits to members who do not yet possess theirs to look for a job, making available insurance cards to members who are not yet insured, for medical treatment, pay hospital visits to sick members and also providing money to sick members361, attending the marriage ceremonies of members, welcoming the new-borns of members, condoning with members who are bereaved362and in this case also, an agreed amount of money (non-refundable) is also given to the member. The other participant cultural associations expressed that they also provide financial and social support to its members. Cultural associations do not only show solidarity and emotional connections to members but extend the action across frontiers as they are also interested in the well-being of the family back home through giving aid such as carrying out projects at home.

6. 2. 4. 4) Carrying out Home Projects (generally giving aid)

More and more African immigrants see and profess themselves as African immigrants, despite their acquisition of German citizenship, and statuses implying living in two worlds -living in Germany but being African through keeping African values. African immigrants groups as associations have taken steps to anchor themselves within the German society and use the advantage of their social location to make contributions to their home country. Some Cultural associations make findings on the kind of aid needed home, then write out practical and feasible projects and seek funding here in Germany and carry out these home projects as a cultural association with some of these provided funds. The sections which follow identify some projects carried out by some cultural associations

Still, in most of the cultural houses of some of these associations, there is always a freewill donation box (Spendendose) or tin where any amount of money can be dropped in. In some cases, in these houses cultural dishes and drinks are provided for goodwill donation. Also the Spendendose is usually taken out to the larger public during Carnival celebrations and conventions for the collection of cash and also more contacts for Spende are also made by cultural associations during these times. The collection of goodwill donations is usually carried

361 Usually non-refundable 362 In case of death of a parent or sibling 310 out for long periods and the money is finally used to carry out a home project by the association. Among the kind of projects carried out with cash donations are:  Supporting the provision of electricity (BCA and GCGCA project).  Supporting the provision of portable water (BCA project).  Supporting the building of wells and springs (BCA and Oroko project).  Buying of medical equipment for local health centres or hospital (Oroko project).  Making of school benches for some local schools (GCGCA project).  Provision of food at orphanages (BCA, Mano River and Ibibio project).  Scholarship as encouragement to brilliant school children and students (BCA project).  Buying of laboratory equipment for high schools (Oroko project).

In addition, members of associations and friends who are native Germans (also members) of associations, make contacts with either companies or offices that desire to change their office or work equipment such as desktops, central processing unit (CPUs), scanners, printers, papers, books, pens, laptops (more often than not still in good and useable conditions) and some of these offices or companies either give it to the individual as gifts or they spenden (donate) these items to the association. In the event where such items are received by members as gift or Spende, the association sends these items home as aid especially to:  Schools and vocational centrrs as learning and study equipments (GCGCA project).  Children as school accessories to relieve parents of some burden (BCA project).  Hospitals as data bank (Mano River Project).

Again, members do not only make external contacts for such gifts and donations, they equally ask at their work places and in some instances, co-workers wish to give out dishes, chairs, clothes, shoes and even baby accessories. All these items are collected and sent home as an association as aid particularly to:  Orphanages as provision of clothing to the needy (Mano River and BCA project).  Support to widows and widowers (Ibibio project).

Some cultural associations do not only depend on gifts and donations because at times the donations are not enough to carry out a desired project so members also make yearly and spontaneous donations in order to carry out some of these projects. In the by-laws of some cultural associations, at the end this is stated under miscellaneous and these I call other aspects of associations. The next section states these aspects. 311

6. 2. 5) Other Aspects of Associations

While cultural associations and organization as groups serve for identity and incorporation into mainstream Germany, for looking at and handling issues regarding home, the thoughts and activities of cultural associations are not limited to these only. They are equally extended in other aspects which are directly related with individual member(s) adaptation, coping and well- being. Most of these aspects have been dealt with in chapter six and in some earlier sections of this chapter. The aspects are therefore only listed here below:  Deals with issues of cultural pressure in Germany especially among African-African and African-German partners (Pabis excerpt Chapter 5)  Looks into issues about the African family in Germany (Silja’s excerpt Chapter 5)  Growing black Germans and the African culture in Germany (Mohammed’s excerpt Chapter 5)  Serves as a bowl of information on attitudes of Host towards new comers (Nsoh’s excerpt Chapter 6)  Mobilization of class resources (Bassey’s excerpt Chapter 5)  Serves as a tank of cultural capital (Tum’s excerpt Chapter 6)

6. 3) Conclusion

This chapter analysed the discourses of coping and identity formulation strategies of incorporation of German-based African immigrants. The interviews—both with individuals and community groups—raised and discussed issues about immigrants’ incorporation in the pathways of coping and identity formulation strategies and also incorporation preferences (especially self-employment ventures and the umbrella of cultural associations) pursued as a ‘means-to-an-end’ vis-à-vis migration ambition. Moreover, as a compromise of living double realities for the former and the latter. The dominant discussions of incorporation coping strategies invoked by participants of this study, offer mostly different alternative coping and incorporation strategies of first generation male immigrants of African descent. Being employed or working is the essential incorporation tasks for all immigrants and a condition sine-qua-non for the coping and continuous stay in Germany with an indefinite stay. In some instances for the acquisition of an indefinite stay or a German nationality in particular. The most prominent pathway to coping is carrying out of self-employment ventures. In fact 35.7% 312 of participants’ prefer this coping option for the improvement of their lives. The interview guide specified some main issues which allowed a full picture about participants’ situations and reasons for engaging in self-employment ventures. Many participants especially men, noted that among any other aspects—post regularization of status and continuous incorporation—was coping which, in some instances, tally with ambitions at the onset of migration. This point was borne out of the fact that most male participants at some point experience unemployment, inconvenience and the availability of financial, human, cultural and/or social capital as well as business incentives the more they lived in Germany. These activities and operations incite African immigrants to take up different forms of identity, in ways which both mould their new aspirations and continuous incorporation which are critical to the continuous stay and futures of German-based African immigrants. This suggests that there is no particular time plan that governs the completion of the process of incorporation for African immigrants in Germany especially. In fact, incorporation and coping cannot be understood only as the irresistible sweep of a set of improvising to the socio-economic structure of integration in Germany, but rather as a process by which German-based African immigrants adapted socio-culturally assuming their immigrant role and associating with African immigrants in Germany. The analysis in this chapter confirms that individual knowledge and resources, both in Germany and out of Germany, act as catalysing forces within the economic order for African immigrants. All in all a significant percentage of participants gave preferences to various trajectories of transnationalism of coping, identity formulation and incorporation.

Still, for most African immigrant groups, the migration experience of identity crisis and exclusion after arrival in Germany, associated with changes in the socio legal system being benevolent to the presence of immigrants, made room for immigrants groups to formulate new and multiple identities for themselves. This has shaped their perception of Europe and minority immigrant identities. The formation of cultural/ethnic associations and organizations is therefore a means of continuous incorporation after the processes of the social pathway strategies and coping by German-based African immigrants. A majority of participants belong to at least one or more cultural associations. One would note therefore that incorporation, coping and identity formulation is the common denominator of the migration experience. This consists of complex, shifting, and quite dynamic adjustments in the socio-cultural, environmental and even ideological factors for the immigrants and for Germany. The patterns pursued towards incorporation sway from assimilation and more or less from integration. To

313 understand these patterns one must consider the increase in the phenomenon of German-based African immigrants and their strategies of incorporation but also some of the attendant costs, risks and dangers involved in immigrant living and incorporation in host Germany both as individuals and groups. Having dealt with data analyses in chapter five and this chapter, the following chapter grapples with discussions of findings, recommendations and conclusions of this dissertation.

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CHAPTER SEVEN

DISCUSSIONS OF FINDINGS, RECOMMENDATIONS AND CONCLUSIONS

7) Introduction

This seventh chapter focuses on the discussions of findings of case study analyses from the research and offers an attempt to feed results into academic and societal discourse. It first of all straddles with the summaries and links of earlier chapters in this dissertation; following are the research objectives and their contribution to the findings, then findings and discussions of this research, lessons, contributions, limitations and implications for further research and lastly general conclusions.

This dissertation consists of a general introduction and seven chapters including a general conclusion. In the first parts of the general introduction, it throws light on the statistics and flows of worldwide migrations with the specificity of African migrations to Europe in the twenty first century. The second part enlightens on EU populations projections until 20 and the need for immigration but also the struggle to uphold the concept of fortress Europe and the last parts elaborates the outline of this dissertation and after this general introduction follows the first chapter which sets the stage for this dissertation.

The opening section of Chapter 1 of this research dissertation presents an overview of migration into Germany in the era of globalization highlighting the case of African immigrants with reference to the expanded EU. It is followed by the background and context in which this study is situated and this encompasses aspects of scope of the research such as statement of the problem, motivation and justification of case and study area, research questions, research objectives, an introduction to the research methodology with specificity of the extended case study method and the grounded theory given the aims of this empirical scholarship, last but not the least systems thinking and reflexivity as a perspective and stance for the data analysis, and lastly the theoretical considerations and the rationale of this study. The next step in this dissertation is the reviewing of literature.

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Chapter 2 is divided into two separate sections of higher order. The first sections built a theoretical foundation upon which this research is based by reviewing the relevant literature to identify research issues which are worth researching because they have not been dealt with by previous researchers or earlier studies. The literature in cognizance with notions of globalization and migration, reviews various write ups which grapple with issues such as the theorization of migration and the particularity of the transnational perspective engulfing the important aspect of the challenges and the limits of transnational perspective to migration without leaving out the subject- the rise of transnational migration giving the embedded practices of immigrants; following is an examination of the typologies of migration, next is an examination of the debate between integration and assimilation—national identity versus personal values—and the last section of the literature review specializes on transnational migration, globalization and the nation-state, transnational migration and development - the role of remittances, gender and transnational migration and finally transnational migration, ethnicity and religion.

In the second major section of Chapter 2 of this dissertation the theoretical synthesis of the theory of governmentality and disciplinary power of the state are mingled and notions of acculturation, assimilation and social capital as a resource, are integrated for generating an account of how both the immigrants and host societies are constrained under the umbrella of host societies. Still in the second part of this section, definitions of some key concepts of importance are dealt with. Then the last parts of this section look at policy perspectives in relation to sub-Saharan migrations to the EU. The next move in this dissertation is the situation of this study geographically.

For purposes to familiarize foreign readers of this dissertation on the research setting Berlin social context (situation), ecological validity accreditation the, Chapter 3 handles the background information on area of study. Detailed aspects with regards to the history and state formation of Berlin in Germany are looked into. Next, is the geography of Berlin with reference to her strategic position and relations with the outside world; this places Berlin’s political economic and social structures in a historical perspective. Again the demography of Berlin is no less important giving its today multicultural nature. Worthy of note about the next section of this chapter is that it traced the presence of African immigrants in Berlin in the late twentieth and twenty first century and their statistics. Then an overview of the magnet for immigrants

316 into the city of Berlin, Berlin’s economy and the last parts of chapter three harp on the different religions in Berlin and other aspects and facts about Berlin.

The fourth chapter, still, consists of two sections of higher order. The first higher section, handled my research design, methodological approach and the research strategy. This study employed the extended case study method in combination with the grounded theory approach. In the beginning of this chapter I focused on how I entered my field and carried out the ethnographic study. The first parts grapple with a description of research design and sampling, which contain a major aspect that is the criteria for the selection of participants and this aspect further treats sampling procedures. Followed as another issue dealt with in this chapter is the methods for data collection; firstly a section on Protocol of Interview setting/location and process how the different contexts in which my research was carried out aided in the data collection process, and how my results were produced. A fourth key aspect of this higher section is the specific approaches to data collection - it discusses how the individual in-depth interviews, community group interviews, life and case histories, observation and participant observation, and the ComQol (Comprehensive Quality of Life Scale) were used in data collection during this research. Last but not the least is the section on how I analysed my data as it is important for understanding the specific context in which issues of my research are embedded with regards to the grounded theory. Qualitative content analysis, systems thinking and systems analysis complemented by causal loop diagrams engulf this section; in addition, units and levels of analyses are specified under this section. Lastly, the specific circumstances of my fieldwork, challenges and difficulties encountered in the field, and moves made to handle them are analysed. After laying out the research design, the next step was to take a close look at the research participants.

This study combines qualitative and quantitative research methodologies with demography and thus the second higher section of chapter 4, specifically presents the socio-demographic variables of the sample population for this study, German-based African immigrants, and describes key aspects of the participants sample such as distribution by gender, nationality, age, number of children for participants, educational profile, religious inclinations, employment status, matrimonial status and other intricate aspects related to the matrimonial and civic statuses of participants. Also, reasons for immigrating into Germany were another vital issue of this study and so the last part of this chapter looks into the main reasons for immigrating

317 into Germany which are: for greener pastures, to seek asylum and for studies. Followed are analyses of data gotten from participants of different categories.

This study uses ethnography and demography in combination with an exploration of current German societal opportunity structure as such participants of this study were grouped according to the strategy adopted. The introductory sections of the fifth chapter of this dissertation lays out the study by the step-by-step bid to capture and analyse the strategies of incorporation and all other aspects related to the incorporation of German-based African immigrants. Then, the cross-cultural historical perspective of a typical African immigrant for greener pastures into Germany and an excursus to the analyses in this chapter and the next. This section has two aims: first, to make known the perception of the African immigrants about Germany and the spur for emigration from Africa and immigration into Germany; and second, to lay a background for understanding the issues in the analyses to the reader. Chapter 5 analyses two major pathways of social strategies of incorporation adopted by some African immigrants in Germany. These social strategies are marriage and reproduction. With the confines of the marriage strategy, it analyses key aspects such as: reasons for getting married which includes marriage as a means of survival, to continuous stay in Germany (Europe), for the acquisition of a residence permit, and a way out of difficulty or as a means of self-help. The marriage processes, places and the impact on immigrant statuses and these processes and places span from Germany through Denmark to Africa in the case of different statuses for different immigrants. Other aspects related to the marriage strategy are discussed such as: sympathy, love and marriage, freedoms and marriage and finally marriage and cultural conflict. Again, under the rubric of the reproduction strategy key issues explored and analysed are: reasons for reproducing with native Germans and these reasons include reproduction as a means to stay, to regularize immigrant irregular status, and to acquire a residence permit. Following is the process of Change of Statuses through reproduction for different African immigrants and lastly other aspects of reproduction among which are: profiles of substituted persons in the reproductive strategy, transfer of status and incorporation bend through marriage, bump towards incorporation for African immigrant women (students exclusively) through reproduction, and cultural conflict of mulattoes children’s upbringing and African immigrants from reproduction. Worthy of note is that these strategies go side-by-side (with) coping and identity assertion. Under the last parts of each of the strategies analysed in this chapter are causal loop diagrams depicting the dynamics and linking of concepts involved in each of the

318 strategy and their resultant effects on different aspects African immigrants’ lives and the German society.

Chapter 6 on its part handles various analyses on the economic and identity creation trends of German-based African immigrants in coping and incorporation. In this dissertation the economic trend explored and analysed as employment (self-employment) is specifically the local and transnational business activities and the impact on immigrants’ lives. To begin with, the analyses under this issue explored key aspects such as reasons for taking unto self- employment ventures among African immigrants. These reasons are: unemployment; convenience; availability of financial; human/cultural; and social capitals and the incentive for business. Following is the local and transnational business undertaking of African immigrants which spans from operating afro markets/shops; automobile companies responsible for the buying and selling of cars within and out of Germany; automobile companies responsible for the transportation and exportation of cars from Germany to African countries; operating kiosks and cyber cafes; through carrying out business in the light of mass transfers of immigrants and their families in and out of Germany and also transportation of goods and accessories in and around Germany; operating afro restaurants, bars and night clubs; flight agencies; to business in the line of providing home services from Germany; and business in the line of renting and loading of containers with European goods and accessories and exportation to African countries. The last parts of this section handled other aspects of business which includes: carrying out business as a mark of identity, means to send remittances home, and lastly business and economic progress of African immigrants. The reasons for taking unto self-employment ventures, the local and transnational activities and other aspects of business all go hand in gloves with identity (re)creation for individual participants of this study.

The second section of Chapter 6 takes on African immigrant groups’ strategies of identity (re)creation and incorporation. The major aspect of this strategy is the formation of cultural associations/organizations. The issues explored under this aspect span from reasons for the start of cultural associations/organizations, objectives of cultural association/organizations, through to the activities of identity assertion for cultural associations/organizations, incorporation and identity creation for cultural associations/organization, and lastly to incorporation of cultural associations/organizations and multiculturalism in Berlin.

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Finally, Chapter 7 of this dissertation treats with the findings, discussions, recommendations and conclusions of this study as evident in the sections which follow. Before the discussions on findings and recommendations, I present the empirical study in different phases and the contributions of the research objectives to this research. The dissertation ends with a “theoretical Case-Model” that summarizes the different aspirations, experience and preferences of immigrants and the necessity to construct a new identity in order to improve their social status.

7. 1) The Empirical Study

This research was carried out in three phases. The first phase spans from March 2007-March 2008, this phase involved implementing the original research methods and questions. The second phase goes from June 2008 –January 2010 and involved filling data gaps in the light of research objective. The last phase from October 2010 - March 2012 straddled with consensual validation with participants (individual African immigrants and groups).363 A majority of participants were gotten through a snowball sampling strategy. Not equal numbers of men and women were interviewed, the reasons being that there were more men who fit the criteria for participants than women and besides more men were open and willing to be involved than women. Using the extended case-study method, I attempted, as far as possible, to include a range of backgrounds (i.e. different nationals from Africa). African immigrants came from six African countries: Cameroon, Nigeria, Ghana, Sierra Leone, Liberia and Guinea Conakry and the interviews were conducted and transcribed by myself. However, the interviews were conducted in English and Pidgin English (Creole). The interviews investigate various avenues of incorporation, and have a particular focus on the roles of social, economic and identity creation strategies of incorporation. The incorporation processes of 37 immigrants as individuals and groups of different profiles (sex, age, educational attainment, marital status, country of origin etc.) were studied.

363 This time span made the research more effective as it gave the opportunity for multiple chances to talk to same participants giving room for the verification of data. 320

Research Objectives and their Contribution to the Research

The aim of this dissertation has been to demonstrate the usefulness of incorporation strategies and the material circumstances of immigrants and individual immigrant experiences and negotiations, with these aspects of lived reality, can be viewed together as critical aspects of the social processes by which complex patterns of immigrant incorporation emerge and are re- invented over time. Prior studies and accounts of immigrant incorporation and or integration have posited the primacy of immigration solely for work or to be employed. I have in this dissertation shown how each of the strategies of incorporation implicated in the other, and can be seen more closely as related levels of social reality which co-produce the incorporation of African immigrants into mainstream German society without necessary assimilation. This study demonstrated that the social aspects of African immigrants are profoundly implicated in the complex interactions of discursive/cultural and material/economic social forces observable in the lived experiences of German-based African immigrants. Having looked at the research objectives and its contribution to the research, the section which follows discusses the findings of this study.

7. 2) Discussion of Findings

This section discusses the results of the findings from the analyses (carried out in retrospect) of individual immigrants’ incorporation processes and experiences in Germany with the advent of the EU expansion over the past 20 years. It is imperative to state here that Europe is seemingly much less an issue for Africans, once they have made their way in. When they have reached their European country of destiny, shaping their identity anew in the new cultural context is more important than how their lives are embedded in Europe (as the entity surrounding their country of destiny, here: Germany). The discussions look at various notions of incorporation, and have a particular focus on the roles or effects of notions of strategies and incorporation of African immigrants. Before getting into the discussions on notions of incorporation, it is important to state the single most important code status change and the hypothetical statement from this study goes that no matter which strategy and pathway adopted for incorporation, change from an irregular status to a regular status is paramount for the African immigrant.

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7. 2. 1) Notions of Strategies of Incorporation by African Immigrants

The term ‘immigrant incorporation’ first and foremost suggests the act of becoming a and functioning as part of a new country/culture without alteration or giving up one’s original culture or nature, putting emphasis on the aspect of not losing originality. Immigrant integration in twenty first century Germany has received impetus from varying perspectives and as a result the emergence of immigrant incorporation particularly from the part of late twentieth and twenty-first century African immigrants. This is for two main reasons: firstly, incorporation is a complex process of negotiation (especially on the part of immigrants) and secondly, Germany being a host country was never considered as a country of immigration. Incorporation of immigrants into host Germany suggests that immigrants have not been incorporated elsewhere and thus dismiss connotations of previous experiences of incorporation. This study being an analysis of the strategies of incorporation by African immigrants in the German context brings to the fore ground that pivotal in any discussion of immigrant incorporation is the nature and motive of migration. Being an immigrant in a foreign or strange land, forces the immigrant to come to terms with existing power relations and structures in host societies and the infinite variability in the incorporation strategies, processes and experiences. The sections below discuss the different notions of strategies of incorporation for German-based African immigrants.

7. 2. 1. 1) Strategies of Incorporation as a Process

This study on German-based African immigrants’ incorporation strategies and identity creation in Germany analysed the process and experience of incorporation by German-based African immigrants as embedded processes of interaction over time, described in terms of the stages of come, stay and incorporate. This study found out that incorporation which is the result of strategies used by African immigrants is a process, not a happening or predefined occurrence.

7. 2. 1. 2) Strategies of Incorporation and Length of Stay in Germany

Talking about the aspect of incorporation related to the length of migrant stay in Germany, this study noticed that government policies of both assimilation and multiculturalism is based on a

322 particular model of the integration process, one which posits on the correlation between the degree of integration for the immigrant and length of stay in Germany (Bundesministerium des Inneren, 1997). Despite changes in government immigration laws and integration policies this assumption has not changed364. With this understanding therefore, I appeal to public policy planners for shake-ups in policies because it implies that responsibility for providing the means specifically to facilitate active integration for long-term African immigrants are lacking. However, empirical evidence of this study demonstrates strongly that the relationships between incorporation needs and the adaptation processes is cumulative with respect to length of stay in Germany and as such some immigrants find it unjustified, unacceptable and funny that in the national talk of integration, barriers of language, culture and prejudice are cited as corner stones that enable the marginalization of African immigrants in Germany.

The majority of African immigrants who arrived from Africa in the period from the early 1990s up to the early 2000s sought asylum and during this period as asylum seekers professed they used the work permits of friends (especially students) to find work relatively easily in construction companies and they acquired very limited Deutsch proficiency. However, the decline in construction companies after the reconstruction of Berlin from the late 1990s to the mid-2000s left many African immigrants unemployed coupled with the lack in knowledge of Deutsch (the German language), which was also the case of some African immigrants working in the gastronomy sector of the economy (especially in the restaurants) and as a result more and more immigrants began to choose the self-employment option as a coping strategy. Considering above circumstances of African immigrants at the time, language services for immigrants from Africa from the mid-2000s could not only serve just as an integration provision but also as a necessary ingredient for an indefinite stay in Germany.

Also, the situation of immigrants from different African countries too, can demonstrate the rapport between incorporation and the length of stay in Germany as complex. For instance, the experiences of Ghanaian immigrants who immigrated in the 1970s and the 1980s: they were able to get jobs and sooner acquired the German nationality; though, the incorporation process was accompanied by the ageing associated with its underpinnings (health and welfare needs).

364 Because of the vehement refusal of Germany to acknowledge the presence of immigrants despite their numbers and as a result the coming up with laws and integration policies was also with reluctance and even more so, the laws and policies too were much lacking of specifics for immigrants. 323

Still, to harness the fact that the relationship between the incorporation process and the time spent in Germany is not a simple correlation is that most participants who immigrated into Germany from the 1990s with the asylum seekers experience supported the view that the longer it takes to incorporate for successful incorporation into mainstream German society, the higher the tendency of frustration on the part of the immigrant, entailing a subsequent uncertainty of return or delay of return. A study by Idemudia and Boehnke (2010) about the psychosocial wellbeing of Africans in a Diaspora setting (Germany) found out that the different statuses of African immigrants and tasks contributed immensely to the acculturative stress encountered by immigrants at different stages of acculturation, and the acculturative stress is somewhat similar in nature and severity and continues the longer an immigrant stays in host Germany. The issue here suggests that the incorporation process is a much more complex one as earlier mentioned than can be defined simply by reference to length of stay in host Germany. In this vein therefore I propose a definition of the incorporation process as “the move toward full/partial recognition, participation and access to German society” and cancel any idea of incorporation as an end point which assumes that the needs of African immigrants diminish with time or after incorporation. The need for incorporation may, because of the unfavourable circumstances of African immigrants in Germany (especially the enlargement of the EU and the economic crisis hitting hard on some nations), increase over time. Thus, one may see the strategies of incorporation as an inexorable process of becoming part of mainstream German society that is never complete even after the acquisition of a German nationality for some if not all African immigrants. This is because of the structural barriers such as the unfavourable economic situation of Berlin, inequitable access to employment which compound incorporation as such making the incorporation process somewhat incomplete. Most participants of this study consider that incorporation or the fruition of strategies can take various forms. The point here is that there are variations in the longevity of the Aufenthaltserlaubnis issued to different immigrants who used different strategies of incorporation. However, one thing that is sure is that irrespective of the number of times an immigrant has to renew his or her Aufenthaltserlaubnis the goal of incorporation is achieved via strategy. This means that the goal of incorporation is embedded in various processes and stages with length of stay in Germany not being the only determinant and thus one cannot always explain the incorporation process and experience of many immigrants insisting only on length of stay in Germany. The idea that incorporation is embedded in various processes and stages carries the notion of integration with mainstream culture and population, but cannot be considered simply as linear but rather as varying forms of pluralism or multiculturalism of host Germany. While such 324 incorporation is true for a majority of African immigrants, as a goal it seems to validate the ambitions of multicultural policies of the Berlin state and dismiss the assimilationist perspective in the accounts of incorporation, an issue associated with seeing integration as a lifelong process. The problems of African immigrants (though not forcefully) are considered narrowly as integration problems, resulting from the fact that they are the ‘other’ rather than as the result of disadvantage based on structural obstacles. Such obstacles like considering the fact that an African immigrant doubles as an asylum seeker and third country national; not only this, the German Vorrangprinzip to name these which places them last or totally out. In fact, put in other words as deprivation resulting from their worth in the city space rather than from race. Nevertheless, there are specificities of African immigrants’ experiences which meander through and accompany African immigrant incorporation that cannot be conceptualized adequately in very clear terms. Part of the reason for the difficulty arriving at a definition of incorporation is that incorporation is likened to integration and the question about the nature of integration is often posed for political reasons, taking cognizance of answers for related issues such as the allocation of resources for integration services. This is because the dominant view has been that on the role and position of immigrants, considering the diversity in ethnic and cultural backgrounds of immigrants in Germany. As such, this political linear orientation ideology makes it ultimately impossible to arrive at a definition of incorporation that is elaborate.

7. 2. 1. 3) Fruition of Strategies of Incorporation as Achievement for the African Immigrant

If strategies of incorporation experience cannot be defined solely as a rite of passage by reference to the aspects of come through, incorporate and stay for African immigrants, when can it be regarded as an achievement for German-based African immigrants? In this regard therefore, the success of the incorporation experience could be measured based on factors acknowledged to affect incorporation. Obviously these factors are extracted from this study and limited to the empirical evidence obtained in this study and also the caveat must be mentioned that the factors are a compass for evaluating the success of the incorporation experience of the category of African immigrants sampled as German-based African immigrants. These factors are statements about those who have at most progressed to achieve some satisfaction with adjustment and incorporation in Germany. The factors that follow describe a finely incorporated German-based African immigrant as one who: 325

 Holds an unbefristete Aufenthaltserlaubnis, in recent times a 15 years long visa or a German nationality;  Is currently holding an employment or is self-employed;  Had and made use of social and other capitals after arrival;  Is currently living with a family household of at least 2 individuals;  Not necessarily having a good command of Deutsch but has autonomy over his or her quotidian life and activities  Maintains transnational contact with the country of origin more in the light of business  Is in frequent contact with other Africans especially those from same origin, native Germans and non-Africans through friendships and membership to associations/organizations; and  Has participated in and gained some knowledge and expertise not necessarily qualifications from some area of vocational training in Germany.

Although the above factors are pragmatic for the finely incorporated African immigrant in Germany, it does not mean a permanent settlement of African immigrants in Germany, though Germany seems to be the destination country for most participants.

7. 2. 1. 4) Successful Incorporation

Considering any experiences of incorporation, be it through marriage or through reproduction, the incorporation that African immigrants chose and attain varies greatly. The etic perceived situations of immigrants and the emic perceptions by immigrants themselves of their situations vary greatly; in fact, race, cultural differences and prejudices are self-fulfilling prophecies. Certainly, any attempt to discuss successful incorporation involves emic perspectives, and Africans have varying perspectives on what constitutes success in terms of their lives as immigrants.

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7. 2. 2) Features of Strategies of Incorporation

Instead of focusing on the achievement of statuses or the length of time it could also be more useful to look at the strategies of incorporation in terms of its key features. While maintaining the idea of processes, one could equally look at the experiences in the strategies of incorporation from two perspectives that is, from immigrant and from the society (Germany). On the part of the immigrant it includes aspects such as identity (self-esteem, understanding), competence (skills, knowledge), the position in the city space vis-à-vis other immigrant groups (for instance place of residence, social network, and generally welfare dependence) and the society as legal structure and as opportunity structure (options for regularizing statuses and assuming positions in the social structure, the interdependence of positions). Strategies of incorporation are constructed by the African immigrant’s interaction with the various elements of the political, economic and social structures of the host (Germany). Though it is not the same as the interaction between different cultural practices in Germany, strategies involve the process of incorporating immigrants into social relations characteristic of German society, which is, incorporating immigrants into dominant social relations in Germany. Many writers acknowledge German society as generally multicultural but largely mono-cultural in terms of her social institutions (the political and legal system, educational institutions and the professions); additionally the German power structure with the dominance of Deutsch in the institutions of power makes the society mono-linguistic. This poses potential difficulties with the national integration project as it is unrealistic, given this mono-cultural and mono-linguistic nature of the institutions of power in contemporary Germany, to ignore the fact that some negotiations from this perspective with immigrants are required to accommodate the immigrant and for the immigrant to adapt. I do not intend here to get into a political debate but it is impossible to talk about immigrant incorporation without venturing into the issue of negotiation and adaptation. This understanding has made it such that instead of African immigrants to adapt and integrate, they rather prefer to incorporate knowing that the German state provides a level of material support and services, as well as open areas of economic activity in which they can function as active agents though not as stakeholders in the economy. Piening (2008) raises concerns about integration of immigrants by the state of Berlin pointing out that immigrants are also expected to play an active part in their social integration meanwhile it is also required of native Germans to exercise cultural relativity and display openness vis-à- vis immigrants and their cultures. Most government policy documents of the German Interior

327

Ministry concur with this perspective, nevertheless, African immigrants especially, are still expected to integrate and adapt in fundamental ways. For instance, in case of difficulty to find employment, immigrants are encouraged and expected to take unto self-employment ventures as a way of integration and adaptation posed by challenges of multiculturalism and conviviality in German society instead of being dependent on state welfare benefits. In this vein therefore the German state provides a level of financial support and services to immigrants venturing in different areas of economic activity so that they too can function as active agents, for example, waiving of taxes for businesses during the first years of operation, providing tax advisers, to just name these. From this study, it is evident that African immigrants’ strategies of incorporation are complex and difficult to forecast as it involves a range of variables especially at the level of the individual, the institutions and policies of and host Germany in general. As such the discourse of incorporation raises issues such as: background of immigrants (perception about host country and reason for migration) the mode of their migration, the specific historical period in receiving Germany. The findings of this study propose a definition at this point, of what can be laid down as features of incorporation by African immigrants in Germany which are taken to be:  Incorporation is an embedded process;  Different patterns of the processes depends on the statuses immigrants acquire after arrival in Germany;  It takes place over a period of time and is somewhat continuous;  It takes place within a changing context of statuses;  It is constructed by the immigrants’ interaction with the various elements of the societal opportunity structures of host Germany, into which immigrants take advantage and be incorporated;  The above five features do not cancel, on the other hand, that individual capital is important in weltering the immigrant incorporation process and;  The period from arrival through incorporation is significant in the lifecycle of the African immigrant especially with considerations of return vis-à-vis ambitions at onset of migration.

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7. 2. 3) Factors Influencing Strategies of Incorporation

From the above discussion it is clear that there are many factors which influence strategies of incorporation and in the incorporation process of African immigrants. They can be labelled as migration and after-migration variables for the former and the latter. They exert complex interrelationships in the process of incorporation for African immigrants, though not to the same magnitude, as some are independent variables while others are dependent variables. For instance, participants unanimously identify the main factors, from the context of Germany in particular and EU at large, as they mediate the laws and policies and especially structure the societal opportunity structures and the processes and opportunities with regards to marriage and/or reproduction with native Germans or persons who hold the German nationality (in German society). Again, the form of migration and the surrounding circumstances especially migration into Germany to seek asylum, to study or for greener pastures sets the scene. The socio-cultural and economic context encountered by the African immigrants in Germany also has a great influence on their incorporation experience. Important is the potentially gendered nature of the strategies and their implementation since self-employment was a strategy primarily used by male immigrants, whereas marriage and reproduction were used by both genders, with gender necessitating somewhat different implementations especially in the case of reproduction365. Still, one would agree that circumstance of exclusion immediately after arrival in Germany, is the most immediate and most important determinant of strategies of incorporation, incorporation experiences and successful incorporation for German-based African immigrants.

7. 2. 3. 1) Reasons for the Migration of Africans to Germany

The mode of migration for most participants of this study and the circumstances surrounding their migration also influence incorporation. A major factor affecting incorporation is the reasons for immigrating into Germany, and more importantly the lack of adequate information, knowledge and preparation before emigration from Africa. Most participants emigrated for greener pastures. A key participant put it this way “that is why if you can remember I told you from the beginning, there is always lack of information, if I should be honest it is as a result of

365 Because of the Sorgerecht concept and its implementation in Germany 329 hardship you know and lack of valid information”. There is much empirical evidence that in most cases African immigrants were unaware of how or what Germany is like and so most thought they were going to their “perceived paradise”. Immigration bolstered by economic hardship, and frustration compounded with lofty ideas that Africans have about Germany and Europe and also for most participants the source of information about Germany was their friends, and these were mostly men.

7. 2. 3. 2) African Immigrant Background and the Incorporation Culture (strategy) Difference

The background of immigrants whether social or cultural has a significant influence on the incorporation process and experience of the African immigrant. For instance, there is frequent acknowledgment in German public discourse of the diversity existing among immigrants to Germany this is usually understood in terms of German ethnic repatriate groups, which is taken to be ‘culturally integral’. However, German-based African immigrant groups often come from diverse backgrounds as evident from the participants’ sample of this study. This suggests that African immigrants attach varying meanings to different aspects of culture in German society and therefore, in these terms German culture is not shared equally. African immigrants move with their cultures though there may be hitches or no avenues of expression at all times and in some places if not all. In the German context, some predispositions, attitudes and practices related to specific experiences of African immigrants is considered common sub-culture as it is particularly tailored towards an incorporation into mainstream society. This is what I term ‘incorporation culture difference’ related to the status acquired by the African immigrant at arrival which was frequently cited by most participants as a factor in incorporation-referring to the differences in incorporation culture by asylum seekers, students or scarcely immigrants who immigrated for family reunion. Empirical evidence reveals that different statuses have some effect on the incorporation process and their significance can be ascertained, given the mediation of law and policy factors, and the crucial importance of economic/employment position of immigrants in Germany. Furthermore, incorporation culture difference is based partly on prejudice encountered in Germany. Regarding the significance of status acquired at arrival in incorporation, it is interesting to note that among participants who followed either the marriage or the reproductive strategy of incorporation reported of culture-related problems in the incorporation process though participants did not tag such issues as difficulties because immigrants tend to have accepted them and are moving on with their incorporation schemes in 330 spite of the difficulties. This brings to the foreground the moving of African immigrants from one social structure to another implying some kind of cultural adaptation in the new experiences associated with immigrating and incorporating into the new life in Germany. This is what allows for the possibility of the devise and implementation of strategies of incorporation in response to the new circumstances. In the incorporation strategies and processes of African immigrants there is hardly cultural interweaving or better still, the notion of melting pot seems totally out of place probably because immigrant and incorporation experience seem somewhat same irrespective of status acquired after arrival in host Germany.

7. 2. 3. 3) African Attributes

Empirical evidence from this study reveals that socio-demographic attributes such as age, matrimonial status and the number of children, especially at the time of migration, are stages of the African immigrant’s life that affect the selection and process of incorporation. Firstly, the average age at the time of migration is 28 years for the majority of participants suggesting that most participants were relatively younger, could actually not have been married and may not have achieved anything worthy of importance in their lives reason why most immigrated alone and for greener pastures. Immigrating for greener pastures according to participants is somewhat going to a “battle field” meaning that African immigrants are aware of the fact they are going to be faced with problems and thus are to some extent prepared. Therefore, whatever strategy of incorporation is chosen, the immigrants according to them still have time in his or her life-cycle to attain their life ambitions. In fact, age did not constitute any specific difficulties in the incorporation processes.

Again, the fact that most participants who adopted the reproductive strategy were men and women migrants who were in their prime reproductive years (most between 35-45 years) and childless before and at the time of migration reveals two major backings behind the action of reproduction. One is that since ambitions at the onset of migration prove difficult to achieve or are eluding and having not had any children before immigration into Germany, choosing the reproductive strategy is also a starting point to a redefinition towards ambitions at onset of migration. Furthermore, the identity crisis faced by African immigrants constitutes another significant disadvantage and problem and thus the urgent need of incorporation using the reproductive pathway surfaced only after immigration into host Germany. On the overall, 331 though participants reported the confrontation with an existing social context and culture which conditions the opportunities the success or failure of strategies, the ability of immigrants to adapt and flow in the face of adverse circumstances is an important factor in the way in which the incorporation processes take place. This is evident in the subjective accounts of participants diverse incorporation processes, processes and experiences which are far from their prior perceptions and hopes for life in Germany.

7. 2. 3. 4) Social Capital, Social Network and Incorporation

Another corner stone from this research endeavour is the change of social network and social support in facilitating immigrants’ incorporation. Patterns of strategies of incorporation for nearly all 38 participants of African origin did not change in terms of the types, resources, and total accounts. The support was mostly social, information, and emotional support. In addition, the types of social support were not affected by when they occurred in the incorporation process because most participants of this study immigrated during the era of the EU enlargement which caused the stone walling of immigration laws in order to allow Europeans the privilege. This constant that held in the incorporation process and its impact on immigrants varies according to the different strategies of incorporation and their contexts. Moreover, the traditional cross- sectional approach cannot fully capture the dynamics of social network and social support as well. But the importance of friends providing social support in information and compass to incorporation immediately after the immigration process is of significance. This study reveals that friends, more especially friends with the same reason for immigrating into Germany and or same migrant experience and informal networks were the very (most) important and frequently used channels for most African immigrants. Though, only one immigrant clearly stated the use of family as a strong social support in incorporation, suggesting that for the African immigrant the family has no significant role in the migration, after migration and incorporation processes.

In addition, the formation and existence of cultural associations and organizations is of immense importance to support incorporation, in terms of practical services, social interaction, and German culture as a whole. The interview data of this study elicits that the incorporation process and experience was somewhat the same for most immigrants since most participants migrated for greener pastures not for family reunion purposes. As such the experience of 332 migration could not be easily digested and thus the incorporation process weighed equally on most immigrants given the fact that all immigrants seem to be in the same situation though there was associational support in the provision updated information with regards to the laws and policies with regards to integration and expulsion. However, the support which cultural associations and organizations offer depends on how well how many members have studied the German society and are connected to German authorities.

7. 2. 3. 5) Cultural Associational Support, Identity (Re-)Creation and Incorporation

African immigrants in Germany cope with the dislocation and orientation they face in their new host by re-creating a sense of place in their domestic environment around cultural activities. The display and exercise of material and immaterial aspects of culture including other external activities and practices play a crucial role as African immigrants negotiate their presence and identity in 21st century Germany, a society where individuals and groups define their identities around lifestyles and culture. The exploration of personal, communal, collective, and institutional experiences bring to the foreground the dynamics that underlie the development of cultural associations among different groups of African immigrants, and the role they play in the formation of their sense of identity and community in specific places that are also integrated in transnational networks.

In Berlin, among participants who trust and belong to a community–Cameroonians, Nigerians, Ghanaians generally speaking–incorporation for members who are less trusting and do not belong to any of the communities is less a problem. For the other participants from Sierra- Leone, Liberia and Guinea, the glue that binds communities together and spawns identity is not established but still in the making process. Participants of the former groups indicate high levels of belonging with rare attitudes of ambivalence or resignation about belonging or participating in group or associational life unlike members of the latter group. This behaviour could be credited to their privileged statuses acquired which facilitates residency and by extension citizenship. Though political participation for all groups of African immigrants is still to see the light of day, it is important to note here that incorporation by African immigrants, and by extension social capital, are quite relevant and must be taken into due consideration in discussions of African immigrant incorporation in Germany in this period of globalization in the twenty first century. 333

7. 2. 3. 6) Context of Host Germany

Bottomley and de Lepervanche (1990: 41) note that “all immigrants no matter their origin and background have to confront another nation–state and another dominant culture”. African immigrants are faced by the lifestyle and cultures in Germany to varying degrees, which are unfamiliar with original culture and lifestyle and this makes it such that incorporation and finding employment become questionable to the immigrant. As seen in Chapter 3, the German society is culturally diverse but it is largely mono-cultural in terms of the major social institutions and the structures of power. At the same time, there are a range of sub-cultural identities possible, based on characteristics such as religion, sexual orientation or occupation, to mention a few; ethnicity, also serves a site of identity (Fincher et al., 1993: 109). In fact, any analysis of the factors affecting the incorporation process of African immigrants should take into account the interrelations between socioeconomic factors and government policies in Germany or in the different states of Germany, particularly the ones concerned with integration, as well as the issue of background factors. According to some participants of this study major changes and the bottlenecks in the incorporation process have made some African immigrants strong while others have remained particularly vulnerable and indecisive as they have remained not incorporated/not integrated and dependent on state benevolence for their cases. As such, much of the strategies of incorporation of African immigrants can be interpreted only through an understanding of the influence of various social, economic and political structures of the German context.

7. 2. 3. 7) Attitude of Host Germany

The manner in which African immigrants are welcomed in host Germany constitutes a factor in the incorporation process. Participants during this study mentioned frequently that after arrival they began to understand that they are not legal or regular migrants and this as such limits any means to live and work in Germany or better still, they are excluded. “ewig Ausländer”366 the Berlin/German public often misinterprets the visibility of African immigrants. A majority of them who arrived from Africa as asylum seekers and do not share the experiences of racism or racial consciousness with many other German minorities.

366 Forever outsiders 334

Considering these African immigrants only, a significant proportion of Germany fail to recognize the everyday racial prejudice that African immigrants generally encounter living in Germany. Germany’s particularity about African immigrants stems first from the recent immigration of African immigrants into Germany in large numbers in the twenty first century, and second from the “ewig Ausländer” stereotype. This is because, no matter how long African immigrants have lived in Germany, they cannot melt because of their race and unique cultures and thus are forever considered foreigners. Issues ranging from stereotyping, prejudice, and overt deprivation to institutional discrimination, making access and participation more difficult as well as being restricted in public life as such, incorporation seem the better panacea. The above sections discussed some parameters of the numerous factors which affect the incorporation experience acknowledging the relative importance of different factors variation for individual migrants and groups. There are also significant factors today which this study did not consider that can also affect the reception of immigrants and their incorporation experiences especially the change in host context structure, for instance the change of migrant selection procedures with the enlargement of the EU or labour market demands. These aspects and more will make incorporation for immigrants different.

7. 2. 3. 8) Government Policies

In Germany, as seen in chapters 6 and 7, the state has a significant impact on the incorporation process or on the success of the strategies adopted by immigrants through her policies and services in all areas of life, from selection procedures of migrants who can get married in Germany, acquisition of status, employment and access to welfare benefits to name but these.

Another hallmark elucidated by this study from the policy perspective is the incorporation process. The incorporation process is affected by the policy of social justice367 and multiculturalism (because of the EU open-door policy for Europeans). This has caused most African immigrants to take on self-employment ventures because equity and access to jobs for this minority is a hard nut to crack since recognition of earlier qualifications or certificates is nothing to go by. To compound matters, the status which most African immigrants acquire immediately after arrival in Germany keeps them on the disadvantage even more. In fact,

367 Equity and access 335 according to the commissioner for integration for Berlin, unemployment is considered as disintegration. Integration policies which are still to see the light of day are that of recognition of the African immigrants’ qualifications and the key steps in re-entering their professions or occupations in Germany. This can be a crucial factor in integration. Most African immigrants have rather incorporated because their worth in the city space is very doubtful not to mention the recognition of qualifications gained in their countries of origin and their occupations in Germany, most participants mentioned that professional and or trade qualifications have rather been wasted in the course of incorporation and for most in the post incorporation period.

7. 2. 3. 9) Economic Factors

The German economy today is different from that of the post-war period when African immigrants were able to find employment easily in the construction industries. The post construction period of Berlin has had far reaching consequences, especially in terms of job loss. African immigrants who are considered to be low skilled or even unskilled have suffered the most as evident by the high unemployment rate among immigrants in Berlin (Piening, 2008). A majority of participants in self-employment ventures reveal that the push came from their inability to find a job. Though, other structural factors too played the smoke-screen role like language barrier or the German Vorrangprinzip to mention these.

7. 2. 4) Incorporation Problems

About three quarters of participants experienced problems in incorporation in Germany and immigrants made sure these problems do not interfere with the incorporation process or hinder incorporation since participants needed to acquire regular statuses and residence permits at all cost. The major problem experienced was mainly cultural, the borne of 90% if not 100% of problems faced by immigrants’ stems from being the ‘other’, in other words: being black in Germany is a problem. Still, the African culture and German culture are far less compatible especially for instance when it comes to raising children in Germany. Again, when asked about efforts to incorporate for participants and difficulties faced by associations, the main difficulties cited in incorporation were language, life-style preferences and choices on the general and personal orientation level. Participants also mentioned unemployment as a difficulty in the 336 incorporation process. About half of the participants were semi-skilled or low-skilled persons in their countries of origin some possess administrative or managerial skills which became caged and suppressed as the strategies of incorporation, processes and experiences completely thwarted the original migration ambitions. Surprisingly, in response to specific questions about changes/improvements in the lives of participants, nearly all participants admitted their lives have improved considering their material and financial circumstances before migration and immediately after migration. This study hardly prioritizes the learning of Deutsch as a means to incorporate since Deutsch was most frequently nominated as an integration difficulty and was assumed as part of the reason for the employment perspectives for African immigrants and the effects on social identity. Followed are some lessons from this study.

7. 3) Lessons

There are several lessons to learn about African immigrants, the EU and their incorporation and their experience vis-à-vis other non EU migrants. The sections below grapple with these issues.

It is also important to state boldly here that for Africans in Germany, their move to Germany is obviously not really a move. They do not give up their old identity to adopt a new one (the assimilationists of Berry’s acculturation scheme). They also do not amalgamate two identities or acquire hybrid identities (as sketched in Berry’s integration type of an acculturation orientation or in work by Naika Foroutan). They certainly also aren’t separating from the host or even host and heritage culture (to briefly address the remaining two types of Berry’s fourfold scheme i.e. the integration and marginalization). After the analysis of this dissertation, I conclude that German-based African migrants do everything—legal and illegal—to expand their identity. This, in my view, means that what they engage in is not a mixing of identities, is also not a ‘retaining but also including’ (as described by Berry for successful ‘integrators’). What is observed here is an expansion of identities through incorporation and transnational activities.

Secondly, the European Union and European integration is a factor that cuts off African immigrants from Germany and further contributes to marginalizing them. Laws and policies in Germany are made with the consideration of Germans first, other EU member states citizens, 337 and OECD member states. African immigrants are not taken in view. As such the EU expansion does not affect African immigrants theoretically but practically African immigrants are affected because of the job market saturation with either Germans or other EU member states citizens. It is imperative to keep in mind the understanding that, African immigrants after arrival in Germany understood their place and most of them know that the power to change their position or status is not within their capacity since they do not belong in the first place. As such their incorporation and coping strategies is ‘comfort zone’ within which they continue to lead their lives as the ‘other’ in spite of EU expansion.

In addition, the issue of race and the “visibility” of sub Saharan African immigrants compared to other non EU migrants which leads to their many experiences of discrimination or more indirect and subtle marginalization owe its origin to their skin color. Mentioned earlier, being black is a problem and thus makes it such that life for the African immigrant is torn between Africa and Germany. During this study immigrant jargons like ‘darky’368, ‘araba’, ‘fake oyibo’369 and ‘shing-shong’370 were frequently used especially when referring to treatment at the asylum camps, treatment at job sites and in many instances at offices since Turkish is an official language in Germany. This makes it such that these non EU migrants see themselves as worthy in the social space in Germany especially as they do not look black in skin color as sub-Saharan African immigrants. Thus they think they are classified in German society as hard workers with varying expertise in different domains, thus well-educated. It therefore means that because other non EU migrants do not bear the same phenotypical characteristics it makes their immigrant experiences quite different from African immigrants. The impact is only harnessed to a feel when it comes to a situation of native German and native Chinese or native German and native Turk encounter, an experience the African immigrant is used to. Even for African immigrants who are considered as good cases-well placed within the social ladder, especially medical doctors/doctors, engineers, consultants to mention but these, acquired either the student or asylum seekers status at arrival. They rarely immigrated as experts though have become professionals, their stories of racial encounters do not differ. This excluding atmosphere for African immigrants is at the origins of the birth of cultural associations and organizations for identity assertion in the city space of Germany.

368 Referring to black African immigrants 369 Referring to mostly Turks, Moslems in general and to African immigrants from North African 370 Referring to Chinese, Japanese and generally to all Asian immigrants 338

7. 4) Contributions to the Study

7. 4. 1) Research Methodology and Contribution to the Research

This dissertation adopted a triangulation of methods, a research strategy referred to as a mixed or multi-method approach. The aim of mixed methods design is to take the best from qualitative and quantitative research traditions, and to mediate the weaknesses of each in the research process. Both the qualitative and quantitative research traditions have pros which emerge more when a flexible and reflexive coalesced methods approach is adopted. The tools of qualitative and quantitative methodology are appropriate for collecting qualitative data of varying forms. This study combined a discursive content analysis of interview texts in the qualitative tradition of social research (Schreier, 2012), with a descriptive statistical analysis of results in the tradition of quantitative research to corroborate the analyses putting the basis for a culturally grounded reading and understanding of data in relation to the research questions and objectives and adhering to systems thinking and system dynamics precepts. However the uses of different methods of analyses to explore the data are employed so as to provide findings their worth since they complement each other and are productive when used together (Guba and Lincoln, 1981; Patton, 2002).

An icon canon of social research targeting exposure of macro social trends, implements descriptive statistical analyses, a quantitative approach of taking frequency distribution into account was beneficial in measuring the actions, attitudes and perceptions of participants and for statistical aggregation of the data. Patton (2002), on the other hand, remarks that qualitative methods generated much in-depth information about sample cases. A con of the qualitative approach is its limited generalizability. Its pros are that it provides valuable insights into the meanings, interpretations and experiences of research participants which cannot be gotten through quantitative methods (Ezzy, 2002). The mixed methods approach according to Darlington and Scott (2002) generally aids to maximize the pros and compensate for the cons of both qualitative and quantitative methods. This makes up such that when results obtained from various research methods are allowed to feed into each other iteratively during the research process.

The rich qualitative data collected, provided access to the experiences, views and interpretations invoked by African immigrants in discussing their strategies of incorporation 339 and their lives as immigrants in Germany. Results from the analysis of data and some questions in retrospect from the qualitative study were incorporated into the analyses. This opened the avenue for this study to consider whether trends in coping, incorporation and identity (re)creation examined by this study pertains to a majority of first generation African immigrants in Germany. Schreier (2012) writes that the wider relevance of findings grounded in qualitative data could be checked in another sample (of immigrants for our case). The use of the extended case study method although this study dealt with Africans exclusively, native Germans were also included in the sample population had as target not to make the results from this study idiosyncratic in perspective to African immigrants alone by including also several Germans. In this manner, the complementarity of perspectives generated results, marshalled to give grounds in the account of findings offered in this dissertation.

7. 4. 2) Contribution of Systems Thinking and System Analyses

Another empirical focus of this study was how African immigrants’ coping, incorporation and identity creation strategies may interact with existing societal opportunity structures in the social system in increasing and upholding the stock of African immigrants in Germany. Questioning the data in these terms provided a means to examine whether there are causal relationships (cause and effect) between immigrants’ coping and incorporation strategies and social structures and how these relationships are implicated in the materialization of strategies of incorporation over time. The analyses of the previous two chapters and in this chapter suggest that the strategies of incorporation inputs to some elements of the German social order will contribute to preserving some of the interactional patterns of the German societal opportunity structure, whilst potentially helping to eliminate and exclude others. The systems thinking and systems analyses based notion of links and cause and effects of nested social systems within the German society applied here aided this study to illustrate how understandings of specifics of the societal opportunity structures of the German society by first generation African immigrants since the 1990s led to the emergence of specific social, economic and identity creation patterns of incorporation and continuity of these patterns in present day by African immigrants will only go a long way to increase the current stock African immigrants in Germany as a whole and may cause specific policies targeting transitions of this minority group to emerge. Therefore, the systems theoretical framework is especially suitable for deriving context-specific predictions. 340

More specifically, systems thinking and systems analyses allowed this study to conceive of irregular statuses of African immigrants as a hindrance in the realization of migration ambitions and therefore strategies act as catalyst for the change of status from an irregular to a regular status with the acquisition of long term stay permits. The CLDs enabled feedback effects from African immigrants’ simultaneous adoption of the marriage, reproduction and employment strategies as influential grounded stances in relation to the coping and incorporation discourse. It further provided a means to view some of the meanings of strategies, taken up by African immigrants as they desire to incorporate and create identity, as potentially disruptive of the migration ambitions and yet local and transnational engagements as checks on this disruption.

Using systems thinking and system analyses one can understand African immigrants’ increased adoption of strategies of incorporation as another perspective of social change which the German social order has nonetheless absorbed, given the falling birth rates among native Germans, the increased aging population and the need to shore up pension schemes as one of its sub-systems. It allowed identification of the cause and effect processes fostering African immigrants’ mass adoption of the marriage and reproductive strategies and suggested how the material circumstances of immigrants are exacerbated in the processes of these strategies given the disparate processes of incorporation embedded in the marriage and reproductive strategies experienced by African immigrants. The application of the systems thinking perspective enabled interpretive access to the ways in which the different strategies of incorporation chosen and adopted by African immigrants in the change of status and acquisition of stay permits are not potentially disruptive of the social structure in mainstream German society, but rather foster conviviality and multiculturalism in the German society.

7. 4. 3) Theory of Governmentality, Welfare State Concepts and their Contribution to the Research

In this dissertation the theoretical synthesis of the theory of governmentality and disciplinary power of the state as the boss and immigrants as the subjects under the state are mingled. However, these welfare state concepts, reconciled with notions of acculturation, assimilation and social capital as a resource, have proved useful for generating an account of how both the analyses’ cultural, economic and the material facets of the social are bound up in the processes through which German-based African immigrants’ incorporation and coping mechanisms are 341 adopted and pursued as they make changes in their statuses and improvements to their lives as a whole. This ‘toolkit’ has allowed me to discuss the social and cultural meanings of marriage, reproduction and the different circumstances of African immigrants’ lives and identity creation as agency in Germany and the implications for return and policy in a bid to rollback immigration for Germany. Again, perspectives of dynamism and interconnectedness derived from the systems thinking perspective proved productive for considering how German-based African immigrants’ strategies of incorporation, coping and identity creation may interact with the existing aspects of governmentality and the social system, in terms of their potential to support, develop and maximize strategies to incorporate, cope and continue living in Germany. The theoretical framework used has enabled this study to offer an innovative account of how micro processes of status regularization-making by African immigrants contribute to the making of new laws and the reformulation of some other laws and policies (macro level processes) present in the German legal and administrative structures.

7. 5) Implications of the Study

7. 5. 1) Theoretical Implications

The theoretical formulation of social capital that links with civic engagement conceptually has not been specifically used in this dissertation but rather identity and trust. These issues have been addressed in coalition with the perspective of immigrant incorporation in mind, given that the findings match this paradigm. Summarily, this dissertation shows that social capital is not only a valid concept but also vital to discuss immigrant incorporation since trust and the existence of community, according to the social capital formulation, are viewed as a facilitator or sort of grease that lead more easily to collective action.

The innovative theoretical synthesis developed in this dissertation applied to a large set of empirical data has enabled the production of a particular account of German-based African immigrants’ strategies of coping and incorporation that constitutes an original contribution to anthropological and sociological knowledge in this field of enquiry. Not only do the cultural, material and social circumstances principally account for the perspectives of these strategies, but these phenomena are also interwoven in particular in the lives of African immigrants, such that it sometimes reinforces the self-esteem of the immigrant and vice versa at other times. The 342 particular statuses acquired by immigrants after arrival in Germany, together with social capital, affect the social practices taken up in deploying strategy processes to incorporation. The societal opportunity structures in Germany which help to uphold patterns of strategies, dynamically compounded by social policies give outcomes to multiple means of status change for African immigrants. In fact the statuses of African immigrants are only changed or maintained as long as immigrants continue to understand their lives as immigrants in Germany similarly and continue to act accordingly. Shifts in one part of the social fabric of immigrants’ lives have altered views and experiences of other aspects of their lives. In this vein therefore, the continuation of quotidian live in strategies cease to make sense not because incorporation is the final phase in the immigrant life-cycle, but because redefinition and refocus of goals emerge and development of new meanings for an immigrant. Therefore, patterns of social practices which provoke changes in the life-cycle of immigrants are complex processes through which meanings are defined and re-defined. The figure which follows depicts a theoretical case-model for this study.

Immigrants Strategies

Aspirations, experience Socio-Anthropological Perspective and preferences (marriage, reproduction, employment, business operation, study etc)

Social Network Societal and group perspectives

Support for Construction of Status Incorporation identity

Incorporation

Figure 39: Theoretical Case-Model

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The above Figure 39 displays the theoretical case model which is derived from the foregoing theoretical exposition of this study on immigrants’ incorporation and identity creation. It forms the basis from which coping and incorporation strategies are considered. It depicts the di-polar relationship between immigrants’ perspectives and strategies and includes the support for incorporation (through societal opportunity structure relating to the theory of governmentality) and strategies of incorporation (from the socio-anthropological perspective).

7. 5. 2) Policy and Practice Implications

In terms of policy implications this research indicates that much more needs to be referred to from the policy context especially within a holistic framework taking into account the African immigrant experience in the specific German context for the translation into practice. Consciousness of the incorporation related phenomena brings to the foreground perceptions of immigrants and host Germany that can be obvious. These perceptions are defined in and by the societal opportunity structures (socio-cultural) and the policy system of host Germany. The experiences host Germany and African immigrants have vary and the variations are due to contexts. As such, in designing policies and feasible programs for African immigrant integration and or inclusion, it is important to acknowledge and respect the background and socio-cultural context immigrants are coming from. This will determine the ability and capacity of African immigrants to integrate. In this light therefore, the following guiding questions are imperative:

 Are immigrant background taken into account in the formulation of integration policies and programs or it is assumed that immigrant background is neutral?  To what extent integration policies and programs in Berlin and or Germany need to take cognizance of immigrant background vis-à-vis host Germany?  Do integration policies and programs in Berlin and other cities around Germany recognize different perspectives and forms immigrant backgrounds can take?

This will therefore streamline in clear terms both what policy needs to know (which constitutes the problem) and what policy and practice need to do and how to do it (stands as part of the solution). The table which follows gives a number of examples of ways forward which should be viewed within the larger world context of African immigrants’ lives. 344

Policy Context Policy and Practice Perspective What Policy makers need to know What policy and practice perspectives need to do

Identification of the differences in the lives Get to know African immigrants’ of African immigrants and other immigrant experiences and perspectives. groups and if these differences are addressed Identify capitals and networks of African by the policies and programs of integration. immigrants. An analysis of the eventual differences Prepare for specific policy opportunities among immigrants and other immigrants or targeting African immigrants. minority groups. Look out for other policy openings for Involvement of African immigrants in the African immigrants. integration process of policy and program Work with African immigrants in the form of formulation in order for the programs to action research anticipate impacts forehand. Extraneous factors to policies consideration of programs of integration. What is the ideal and real win-win situation for all stakeholders?

Table 25: Policy and practice perspectives on African immigrants in Germany

Table 25 elaborates on the policy and practice perspectives with regards to African immigrants in Germany. For immigration and integration policy makers charged with laying down of policies and executing measures aimed at integrating African immigrants into mainstream German society, it would seem important to look not just at migration of African immigrants to Germany as a series of events (i.e. come and settle). This has been common place perspective with other migrant populations in Berlin especially Turks. This has made such that immigration and integration policies have often given wrong and stereotypical interpretation of the particular African case assuming migration as a series of events. Instead of clearly understanding the gap between the desired situation of African immigrants and how African immigrants perceive of their situation which is the basis for the definition of the African immigrant problem and the experiences in their problem resolution.

345

It would also be of help for policy to look out and examine different ways in approaching migration and integration management of immigrants paying particular attention to African immigrants. This is because policy has more often than not laid down so many measures such that the ability of policy to understand the complexity of the policy systems and processes has been dwarfed by policy models, simply because change is a constant, most policy issues are tightly related and thus governed by feedbacks.

Finally, attention needs to be accorded to the voices of African immigrants, those most affected by migration and integration policies. The participants interviewed in this study are not passive recipients of German policy benevolence but resourceful individuals able to provide ideas and solutions grounded in the realities of their daily lives. It is up to policy to listen and practice to act.

7. 6) Limitations of the Study and Implications for Further Research

This study had several limitations in terms of data collection. Firstly, the lack of addition of comparative analyses with earlier African immigrants in a study concerned with coping and incorporation strategies. The reason behind this was firstly that the data collected for this study was considerable and to adequately treat the obtained data, given time and logistics constraints, thus comparative data from earlier African immigrants could not be included.

Secondly, studies on African immigrants in Germany have only recently begun to provide another lens from the more usual focus on German expatriates, Turks and Asian immigrants which has historically dominated in this field. Consequently, it was reasoned that cross- minority immigrant group comparisons might be better left until a clearer picture of German- based African immigrants’ incorporation experiences is developed. The study is also limited by a lack of attention to other important dimensions of difference such as race and ethnicity, for similar reasons.

The lack of data gathered on educational attainment and incorporation is another limitation of this study, given the links between educational attainment and labour market access and outcomes for African immigrants’ incorporation Nevertheless, reading the analysis in Chapters 6 and 7 one could identify this caveat. 346

Information on gender typing in this African immigrant study was not collected and this constitutes a gap in the research. In fact, attention to these immigrants’ experiences after regularization of status, acquisition of residence permits and cemented incorporation would have jammed the analysis. Aspects of social differences among the immigrants like ethnicity were not carefully addressed in this study for reasons of space and these are regrettable intentional omissions despite the potential relevance of these aspects for the research.

(The sample I employed is the major limitation to my study). The categorization of my study group as African immigrants portends a limitation because most of the participants come from different countries spanning the African continent. Therefore, designating my participants as Africans presupposes a homogeneous group with a shared culture. This is not the case. Nevertheless, I chose to homogeneously categorize my study group as first generation immigrants of African descent on the strength that the colour of their skin distinguishes them out and could therefore have a bearing on their experiences in the host society.

Again, a limitation of this study is the lack of attention paid to matters of immigrant health. The extent to which changes in environment coincide with eroding goals of African immigrants and disease representations among immigrants and the treatment of cultural others fields, or broader changes, is not addressed in this dissertation. This omission too is related to the constraints that conducting an extended case study presents despite the potential relevance of this social aspect for the research.

This study focused on German-based African immigrant’s economic transnationalism, their strategies of incorporation into their host society and the (re)creation of their identity in an expanded European Union. That is the data and analyses handles principally what African immigrants are doing/are carrying out as activities (both local and transnational) to make their living in Berlin and how these activities are affecting their immigrant statuses and the consequences of these activities on the German society. This is an attempt in filling in the gap in literature on transnational migration which has predominantly been focussing on, Turkey, Europe in general and parts of America. African immigrants’ incorporation strategies and the transnational sphere were focal points here. The study did not take into due consideration

347 transnational social spaces371 of the German-based African immigrants resulting from transnationalism.

Still, the data and analyses did not speak of the extent in which transnationalism may transform public spheres and political processes in sending countries (African countries). Thus it did not politicize transnationalism. The geographical delimitation of the study area was Berlin principally and not other areas (states) of Germany where African immigrants are found.

7. 7) General Conclusions

In conclusion therefore, most participants I talked to have been subjected to social exclusion, deprivation and or difficult living conditions because they do not belong to the mainstream German society and are trying to become a part of or incorporate. Identity crises and strategies of incorporation by African immigrants impact greatly on the statuses and on the incorporation of first generation African immigrants into the mainstream German society. I have also presented that racial treatment directed at migrants of African descent cuts across the different layers of migrant’s status. Due to identity crisis and deprivation, some migrants invariably find themselves in situations in which under normal circumstances they would not accept to bow to some of the options which they bow to in Germany.

In regards to this identity crisis and deprivation, participants/migrants resolved to devise strategies to adapt to the hard realities of being an African immigrant in Germany and to incorporate. Some of the strategies devised are appropriating the German socio-legal system to change status from an irregular to a regular status (migrant) to obtain a stay or residence permit in order to continue staying in Germany, the proliferating marriages between Germans and Africans immigrants with irregular statuses, reproduction of Germans with African immigrants with irregular statuses, operating businesses/ or seeking employment in different capacities, and belonging to recognized cultural associations in Germany all as strategies to survive, incorporate and receive recognition in the German social space.

371 We speak of transnational social spaces in cases where the ties of migrants and other mobile individuals combine continuously and consistently. And the implication will be on polity and politics. (Faist Thomas, 2004) 348

From participants’ narrations, I conclude that some strategies of incorporation cause some participants I talked to lose their self-esteem. Being married especially for participants who sneaked through the backdoor of asylum seeking made them change their conception of what marriage and being married is all about and what they though manhood was all about prior to migration. For many of the married participants, their concept of marriage and being married was constructed on the basis of a man proposing to a woman and once the marriage date has been arranged; there is no reversal of decision from getting married from the parties involved. Otherwise it might be considered that the gods may be angry with one of the parties or that something else has gone wrong somewhere that needs appeasement of the gods or some cleansing rituals, this view prior to migration has had to change. This change is based on choice in the context of the host society where social exclusion, deprivation and other host societal bottlenecks lock some migrants from attaining their goals at the onset of migration. Some migrants especially men now have to contend with the fact that in Germany, women have more rights than their female counterparts in Africa do. These changes have an effect of shaping the attitude of German-based African immigrants to host Germany.

For many of my participants, migration has been associated with enhanced social status within their families. In addition, especially back home the fact that immigrants can raise some money to contribute to the family budget or send remittances back home has enabled them to get autonomy from their families home. In the face of exclusion and deprivation that migrants encounter in a bid to incorporate, other migrants have become very central in providing the much-needed social and moral support when other migrants arrive and are unable to raise money for upkeep. This has been possible because some ‘yet to be legal’ migrants use the documents of already legal migrants to take up jobs. Women participants are also engaged in the implementation of different strategies in order to survive and to incorporate. In my opinion, as much as migrant women of African descent also have potentials to manage survival and incorporation, this has been somewhat emancipatory.

The account of the findings of this study should be judged on the basis of criteria relevant to qualitative studies in general as discussed above. I do not claim any universal applicability of this account, but offer the results of this analysis as one, partial account of how strategies of incorporation developed among African immigrants and are pursued in relation to acquiring legal stays in Germany, how material circumstances of African immigrants impact on these

349 processes and the interaction with existing societal opportunity structures in producing permanent and indefinite stays for African immigrants over time.

Stances made in this study though about how strategies of incorporation and societal opportunity structures may interact in producing effective incorporation of the African immigrant into mainstream German society may be of broader relevance. The variations and shared meanings inhering in the discussions African immigrants engage with have broader cultural resonances. The ways in which material circumstances inflect the processes of incorporation may not be limited to African immigrants alone as a minority group. The meanings aired by African immigrants and their tricks in pursuit of regularization of status and the acquisition of residence permits are linked to the present social conditions.

This dissertation suggests that the strategies of incorporation and identity creation used by German-based African immigrants, are similar to the strategies used by other immigrant groups in Berlin and Germany as a whole but the branch of African immigrants’ transnationalism still leaves much to be desired. This theory–building research showed that the incorporation pathways and African transnationalism are more complex and this sets a foundation for further research about the trajectories.

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Internet Sources http://web.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/NEWS/0,,contentMDK:20648762 ~pagePK:64257043~piPK:437376~theSitePK:4607,00.html. Retrieved 4th May, 2015 Retrieved from: http://unctad.org/en/Docs/ditctncd20108_en.pdf . Retrieved 4th May, 2015 http://web.archive.org/web/20080612020333/http://www.berlin.de/tourismus/sehenswuerdigk eiten.en/00175.html. Retrieved 13th June 2011. http://web.archive.org/web/20070807093738/http://www.west.net/~antipas/protected_files/ne ws/europe/hohenzollerns.html. Retrieved 13th June 2011. http://cmd.princeton.edu/papers/developments.shtml. Retrieved 12th December 2010 http://www.mapsofworld.com/germany. Retrieved 7th November 2011. http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/c/cc/Berlin.bezirke.png.Retrieved 7th November 2010. http://www.economist.com/news/middle-east-and-africa/21603013-why-so-many-africans- still-risk-their-lives-reach-europe-no-wonder-they-still http://www.who.int/topics/reproductive health/en/ Retrieved 28th May 2009. http://www.voices.no/mainissues/mi4001099152.php Retrieved 12th October, 2010. http://d-a-s-h.org/dossier/13/02_geschichte.html Retrieved 22nd February 2010. www.worldbank.org/prospects/migrationandremittances http://www.unfpa.org/swp/2006/english/introduction.html http://www.ipsnews.net/news.asp?idnews=34748 http://encarta.msn.com/media.html http://www.euro.centre.org http://www.worldbank.org/prospects/migrationandremittances http://www.monitoringris.org. www.worldbank.org/poverty www.weather.com http://www.morgenpost.de/printarchiv/wirtschaft/article1309952/Zwei- Millionen-Berliner-sprechen-mindestens-zwei-Sprachen.html http://www.welt.de/printwams/article616463/Berlin_wird_farbiger_Die_Afrikaner_kommen. html

382 http://www.berlin.de/berlin-im-ueberblick/wirtschaft/berliner_wirtschaft.en.html http://www.berlin.de/imperia/md/images/rbm-skzl/berlin-im- ueberblick/wirtfin/wirtschaft_neuegrafik.jpg "Lutheran Diocese Berlin-Brandenburg". Selbständige Evangelisch-Lutherische Kirche. http://www.selk-berlin.de/. Retrieved 8 January 2012 http://www.karneval-berlin.de/de/english.175.html Retrieved 19 August 2013

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ANNEXES

Interview Templates

Research Topic: German‐Based African Immigrants’ Transnational Sphere: Strategies of Incorporation and the Creation of Identity in an Expanded European Union

Date of interview: Place and Time of interview: Language used for interview:

Name of Interviewee: Nationality: Gender: Age: Civic Status: Marital status (If married, Nationality of partner/spouse): Number of Children: Level of Education: Religious Affiliation: Current Work status (employed, unemployed, contract, self‐employed etc. / profession) Length of stay in foreign country: Reasons for Immigrating: (work, study, asylum, business etc)

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Interview Guide for Individual Participants

Research Topic: German‐Based African Immigrants’ Transnational Sphere: Strategies of Incorporation and the Creation of Identity in an Expanded European Union

1) When did you travel to Germany? 2) How did you come about the decision to travel to Germany? 3) Could you just explain to me what you thought Germany or Europe was like while back in Africa? 4) When you came to Germany what did you expect to get and what are you getting? 5) What circumstances did you meet here when you arrived? 6) When you arrived in Germany did you get help from some people? 7) How did other people help you when you came to Germany (probe for details) 8) Why did you decide to get married? 9) How did the marriage help you? (probe for details) 10) How did the conditions make you to decide to stay here? 11) What would you say has improved in your life since you came to Germany or what is your general assessment of your life at this point? 12) Before you arrived Germany, what did you used to do for a living back in your home country (that is either in Cameroon, Nigeria, Ghana, Sierra Leone, Liberia or in Guinea Conakry?) 13) What have you been doing to earn a living out here in Germany? 14) You indicated you are not married but have a child(ren)‐did you have this child(ren) with a German woman or an African woman? (probe for details) 15) What circumstances prompt you to have a child with a German woman? (probe for details). 16) Did your children in any way regularize your stay here in Germany? 17) Why have you decided to stay/settle in Germany? 18) What about acquiring a German nationality or citizenship? 19) As African‐German parent(s), what do you consider yourself to be? (a African‐German or simply an African)

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20) Has your perception of issues changed after your arrival in Germany? 21) Why did you decide to join the Association of your country here in Germany? 22) Why did you decide to start attending church and how has it satisfy your aspirations 23) How are you managing to incorporate in this society? 24) What do you think about returning back home 25) If you were a political leader here in Germany, what would be your vision for immigrants especially African immigrants here in Germany? 26) What other things would you like me to know about you or German society that I have not asked (I shall be very grateful to know)

386

Interview Guide for Participants Carrying Out Businesses both Local and Transnational

Research Topic: German‐Based African Immigrants’ Transnational Sphere: Strategies of Incorporation and the Creation of Identity in an Expanded European Union

1) Why did you decide to open an Afro‐shop? 2) How has the Association helped in promoting you and your business? 3) Please just tell me much about your Afro‐shop business (probes as discussion goes on how he carries out his transnational activities) 4) What about other businesses? 5) Why did you decide to start this cross‐border business? 6) How has your business impacted on your life (probe for details how) 7) How has your business changed your immigrant status here in Germany and what do you consider your status here now to be? 8) Have economic changes and policies here affected your business? How? 9) How are you adjusting to changes here in Germany (I mean economic changes and policies and also immigration laws) in relation to your business (I mean to organize your business, considering your other connections and your immigration status? (Temporary or permanent) here in Germany) 10) How do you get the goods/things for your business? 11) What other things would you like me to know about your business that I have not asked?

387

Interview Guide for Cultural Association and Organization

Research Topic: German‐Based African Immigrants’ Transnational Sphere: Strategies of Incorporation and the Creation of Identity in an Expanded European Union

1) What are the conditions for seeking membership into this Association/Organization? 2) When did this Association begin and why? 3) What are the activities of this Organization? 4) How do the activities of this Organization assert your identity (Africans/Black?) 5) Since the inception of this Association, what have been the successes and failures (particularly problems that it is facing?) 6) How is this Association seen here in Germany? 7) How does this association consider its identity to be? 8) How do you express your identity here in Berlin? 9) I wish to know more about the Karneval der Kulturen here in Berlin 10) How does this association use this event (Karneval der Kulturen) to assert its identity? 11) What other cultural accessories are harnessed through this cultural event? 12) Do you people have Aid from the Berlin city council for its running? 13) What is the vision of this Association with regards to your home country (back in Africa?) 14) How has the German policies and conditions affected this Association (both positively and negatively) 15) How are other factors affecting the Association (circumstances related to societal opportunity structures, for instance‐ size of immigrant community, openness of local population (Germans and other immigrant communities, sense of exclusion, implicit racism/discrimination in this society? 16) How has this Association been able to tackle gender equity and create an identity for women and in what ways? 17) If you people were to be the governing body of the Federal Republic of Germany How would you proceed to address the problems of immigrants and such associations? 18) What other aspects/things would you like me to know about this your Association which I have not asked? It shall be most welcomed.

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Reasons for Getting Married Emic codes and category Perspectives Etic codes and category Perspectives ‐Survival strategy ‐To change status ‐Friends ‐Social capital ‐Married to a European citizen(in the case ‐To identify with main stream European here a German) population and reduce identity crisis, take advantage of the Societal Opportunity Structure (SOS) ‐Perception ‐Experience of reality ‐Marriage ‐A quick fix solution, route to the acquisition of resident permit, way out of difficulty, ‐Self‐help means to an end, not an end in itself, condition sine‐qua‐non ‐Marriage for its benefits Marriage Processes ‐Status ‐Pose a possibility or hindrance for marrying ‐Marriage certificate ‐Evidence of status change and basis for the issuance of resident permit ‐Tightening of inter‐marriage laws and ‐The state seeks to eliminate some category policies of immigrants, indirect means of deportation, failure migrants‐inability to incorporate to stay and achieve ambitions set at the onset of migration ‐Successful marriage in any African country ‐Route to incorporation and recognition of its legality in Germany Other Aspects of Marriage ‐Love ‐Leads to marriage ‐Cannot live in Germany ‐No defined status ‐Partner relationship in marriage ‐Matter of necessity not choice, no cultural compatibility, differing socialization processes, reduced status of the man in marriage

Table 26: Emic, etic codes and categories derived from the analysis of the marriage strategy

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Reasons for Reproducing Emic codes and category Perspectives Etic codes and category Perspectives ‐Reproduction ‐Processes that guides meanings of life, cultural differences, social control ‐Pattern of life, the reality of status ‐Covert and overt lives of African regularization immigrants Reproductive Pathway Processes ‐Sorgerecht and Vaterschaftsanerkennung ‐Opportunity structure for the regularization of status ‐Change of resident title ‐Defined status, incorporation, privileges and advantages ‐Status of first generation African ‐Determining factor for the melting of immigrants parents at reproduction time in second generation into mainstream Germany Germany ‐Buy paper ‐Another pattern of incorporation, resident permit is bought, usually has manifest and latent goals Other aspects of Reproduction ‐Substitution of biological father(s) ‐Comprehension of certain logics in the incorporation scheme ‐Marriage ‐Transfer of status

Table 27: Emic, etic codes and categories derived from the analysis of the reproductive strategy

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Reasons for Taking onto Business Emic codes and category Perspectives Etic codes and category Perspectives ‐Unemployment ‐Push factor to self‐employment ventures ‐Close Polish borders ‐Disadvantaged situation ‐Expanded EU and the German Vorrang ‐Business Prinzip ‐ A way of coping out of hard times, survival, incorporation, improvement of economic ‐Convenience status, continuous stay ‐Independence, flexibility (manifest and ‐Knowledge and technical know‐how, latent) bottlenecks involved ‐Human, cultural and social capitals ‐Connections and clients ‐Waiving of taxes for business in the first few ‐Social capital, social network + trust years and provision of a tax adviser (Steuer ‐Business incentive, provision of legal and Berater) institutional incentive and survival of business through orientation. Business undertaking pathway processes ‐Business undertakings ‐ local and transnational, provision of goods and services ‐Pathway ‐Frequency and volume Other aspects of Business ‐Carrying out business ‐Knit –up incorporation, some ethnically inclined, mark of identity, as a cultural value, send remittances home

Table 28: Emic, etic codes and categories derived from the analysis of the business strategy

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Reasons for the Start of Cultural Associations Emic codes and category Perspectives Etic codes and category Perspectives ‐Bring together ‐Community formation, cultural continuity ‐Community ‐Identity assertion, group consciousness, belonging ‐Association name ‐Identity negotiation, mix of cultures for identity formation, definition of self with reference to place ‐Integration ‐For social, emotional and informational support Activities geared towards identity assertion and incorporation ‐External activities like the Karneval of ‐Social incorporation cultures ‐Coming together monthly ‐Cultural expression ‐Organization of cultural days and ‐Display and consumption of both material conventions and immaterial culture Objectives of Association ‐Show of peace, love and unity ‐Mediate home situation, stand as a yard stick to home countries ‐Handling cases of members ‐Maximizing social capital and social network for self‐help

Table 29: Emic, etic codes and categories derived from the analysis of the identity (re)creation strategy

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A Complete Interview Template from a Key Participant

Name of Interviewer: Gukaah Brenda Nwana Date of interview: October, 2012 City and country where interview was conducted: Berlin Karl Marx Straße, Germany. Language in which interview was conducted: English Language.

Name of Interviewee: PABIS Nationality: Cameroonian Gender: Male Age: 39 Years Civic Status: Indefinite stay Marital Status: Single Number of Children: One Child Level of Education: Bachelor’s Degree in Economics and Business. Religious Affiliation: Non Current Work Status: Unemployed Length of stay in Germany: 13 years Reasons for Immigrating: Private (greener pastures)

Short ‘protocol’ on interview setting/location and process The interview was conducted in the house where Mr. Pabis was living. This participant had just transferred to Berlin for permanent residency from Bochum. During the discussions, there was no noise as we spoke, no persons or calls interrupted. He granted use of the tape and the interview discussions was tape recorded. He was open minded, had profound knowledge about the subject under study and very willing to talk and he had the time to honor his rendezvous with the interviewer. The interviewee was eloquent enough, had no difficulty at the beginning of the interview. First contact with the interviewee was impressive particularly the relationship with the interviewee and so during the interview, facts and issues flowed from the interviewee with no hitches with regards to the origin of the interviewer. The interviewee used eeehhh, and eeemmm as a means to recollect his ideas before saying them out. Informants of this class usually have time to entertain talks like this. Say oh oh oh and 393 nodding the head down as a sign of disappointment during his mentioning of the aspect of racism facial expression looking twisted denoting anger and disappointment and worthy of note is that this informant moved from Bochum to Berlin saying yeah and nodding the head up and down as a sign of approval. Interviewer: When did you travel to Germany? Interviewee: I came to Germany since 1999 Interviewer: How did you come about the decision to travel to Germany? Interviewee: If I should be honest it is as a result of hardship you know and lack of valid information because people (Africans back in Africa) always believe that when you travel to Europe, you get things372 easy. I don’t think that is the truth. Interviewer: Could you just explain to me what you thought Germany or Europe was like while back in Africa? Interviewee: That is why if you can remember I told you from the beginning, there is always lack of information. You know when many people are travelling; I can still remember I advised many friends even up to today, there are some friends who will not want to talk to me because they believe I have not done a lot to permit them or to help them in one way or the other to come to Europe. But sincerely, I am doing this because I know it is of no benefit, it is of no use to help them to come to Europe you know. I will like to mention something you know some of these reasons373 are because of the origin of individuals. How or what do I mean? Most of us we come from poor families, yes and when you come in the city, sometimes you are, how do I put it‐ sometimes you are excited like getting a car, getting some fanciful things which back with your parents for the past 12‐20 years you had no opportunity of getting them, so you think it is some wonders that’s just all you are excited. So when you hear somebody is coming from Germany, he is coming from Europe you know, this is somebody may be he left two years ago and maybe he has bought some old Toyota Corrola may be two or three, so you see him as, you already see him as a millionaire you know, so you are excited you know. You forget to know that those things are temporal and those cars which they bring, they are sometimes cars which are not supposed to ply the roads but we374still consider them to be big something. But I think people who come from wealthy homes; they would not be

372 Better life 373 Reasons why Africans want to come to Europe 374 Cameroonians back home 394 excited when they see such things, that’s what I was trying to say you know. You should think about a child whose parents own a car and they go to school by car and you bring a child who has been living in the bush375 and who has entered a car only once or twice and he is seeing it as an opportunity that oh if I should go to Europe in the next one year, I will have my own car. It is clear that he will be excited over it that is what I think. Interviewer: What circumstances did you meet here when you arrived? Interviewee: Oh! Oh! Oh!376 When you are leaving377, sometimes most people they call it adventure you know. It is like you are going to a battle field. And when you are going to a battle field, you are waiting for anything to happen and it is but sure that when you are going to a battle field, you are not going for a dinner, or you are not going to a party, or you are not going to a marriage ceremony, you are going for a battle so it is also but clear that you are going to be faced with challenges, obstacles here and there. In fact, the first problem I had was cold. Because when I came the young had a bed of not more than one meter, I think you know very well student hostels and for the two of us the bed was not big enough to contain the two of us, so I was forced to be sleeping on the floor and it was not also proper that he would not allow me to sleep on the bed though I was an older person than him (moral of child up‐bringing to render or show respect to an elder person no matter the situation), for him to sleep on the floor. So I had to accept it all. Another problem was language you know. When you come to Germany, in Germany even if you meet Germans who know and can speak English, they will pretend as if they don’t understand English, then you are forced to speak German even if you don’t know (implying that at front face, Germans are not warm at receiving or making acquaintances with foreigners before the hard laws). I have never been to a German school I must tell you this but I speak the German though not perfectly but up to some standard. I can write a little bit but I am doing my best because I was forced to, there was just no way to do without it and oh… this reminds me again there is this problem of racism. Sometimes in Africa you hear about it but you don’t really know what it is. In Germany, you see it, feel it, and live it. I will tell you I have been five times in the court because of racism. I was attacked, well beaten and till today that same case has been adjoined, re‐adjoined and re‐adjoined to the extent that I was annoyed. I told them it is of no use coming here. I was

375 Remote village 376 Verbal expression depicting great disappointment 377 Leaving home for Europe 395 attacked, called the police and they came and caught the men but until today when I go to the court, they say one important witness is not there, case adjoined, it is a sad case. It is eeehh what can I say, it is a sad situation because when you come here, you come to Germany. First you are confronted with what they call stay378, you don’t have a stay, you are forced to register yourself as an asylum seeker, then you are not allowed to work and the only way out of this situation is to get married to a German, to get a child with a German, a situation which many379 do not like but are forced to do it Interviewer: When you arrived in Germany did you get help from some people? Interviewee: I would say yes, yes. In fact if you go to a strange land, you cannot go to a strange land and survive without getting any help from somebody Interviewer: How did other people help you when you came to Germany? Interviewee: Eeeh I met a Cameroonian student from English speaking Cameroon as we spoke and understood ourselves that was enough for him to help me. He helped me by allowing me to stay with him in his tiny room of about 22sqm for about three months and it was from him that I learnt about adoro380 or the so called asile. Before coming to this country, I knew nothing about that. It is from him that I learnt about it and unfortunately for me as he told me, he is a student and he has got little information about that –the so called adoro or asile. So I should do my own personal best to gather information from other people about that. (Again worthy of note is the fact that the experience of an asylum seeker and a foreign or international student equally from Africa are totally different. These two persons live in the same Germany as foreigners but experience two different realities because of their different statuses) asile. However, he helped me to stay in his room for about three to four months. Interviewer: How did the conditions made you to desire to acquire a regular stay? Interviewee: E‐e‐e‐e‐h it is I have realized that despite the fact that the situation is difficult, there are still some advantages living here than living in Africa. I would mention the possibility of getting medical care despite the fact that you may not have anything381 because you have help from the state, you don’t work, those are the type of things you will not have back

378 A regular stay permit which goes with a regular status in Germany 379 African immigrants 380 Broken English jargon for the word asylum seeker or asylum seeking mostly used in discussions by black African immigrants especially in cases, circumstances or places where they deem it is not necessary for a third party’s understanding especially a German or other white people 381 Money to pay for medical services or bills immediately 396 home382. There are minor things which are you know in our society‐ sometimes I tell many friends that Africa is a complicated land and I still stand by that word. Here such things383 are really missing. Many people here mind their business384 you know. The social life here is very different. Nobody care about what you are doing385, you stay with a neighbor you don’t even know the person for one, two, three years, I think that is an advantage that caused me to stay. Interviewer: What would you say has improved in your life since you came to Germany or what is your general assessment of your life at this point? Interviewee: You are provoking me because you make me use certain words that I would not have liked to use. The truth is that I don’t think I am happy. I believe I have made a lot of mistakes in my life and at this juncture, the only thing is to continue. First I have a lot of responsibilities back home, so there is no way of doing things the other way386. Is it not painful enough for somebody who studied for more than 20 years to go out and clean plates in restaurants. Then why was I going to school? Interviewer: But even so what do you think has improved in your life? Interviewee: What has improved? My mentality has changed and the way I do things now. I think if I were in Africa, I would have been doing things the way I do it now. Secondly, these are the difficulties. I have been able to help many people in my family, something which I think if I were in Cameroon, it could not have been possible. That is an improvement. Interviewer: How are you managing to incorporate into this society? Interviewee: Yes there is what we call Sprachewort387 in German that “was man nicht ändern kann muss man aushalten” that is to say what to cannot change, you must do with it. It just explains everything. I have German friends we share ideas. I have black friends we meet and share ideas. Interviewer: Before you arrived Germany, what did you used to do for a living back in your home country (that is either in Cameroon, Nigeria, Ghana, Sierra Leone, Liberia or in Guinea Conakry?)

382 In Cameroon 383 Witchcraft, nyongo or generally evil eye and evil works 384 Care about themselves and not about others 385 Implying social networking and the implicating hand of jealousy in Africa as one goes about his or her quotidian life 386 Correcting the life’s mistakes has already committed 387 Proverb (wise saying) 397

Interviewee: In my own situation388, it is really regrettable. When I left university, in fact I am a graduate from the old University of Yaoundé. Mind you Yaoundé was divided into 1and 2 in I think 1993389 but I am a product of Yaoundé. After my university studies I made some business around buying and selling, you know how Cameroon is difficult. Then fortunately, I don’t know whether to say fortunately or unfortunately, I succeeded in the entrance examination into ESSEC (French abbreviation for Ecole Superieur Des Sciences Economique390) which is based at the same campus with the University of Douala391. At ESSEC you have a five year course and you come out392 with an Msc393 as a marketing consultant. So my own situation that I said is regrettable. When I was in Douala I had no financial help, or say I had financial difficulties, so I was forced to stay with people who were not educationally inclined Interviewer: But you still did not tell me how you were doing to earn a living? Interviewee: For now when I came I had nothing because I was not opportune to do anything. I had to rely on what I was given from the state (some sort of social financial help) but now since I was granted the permission to stay in this country, I have been working from one factory to the other. Interviewer: You indicated you are not married but have a child(ren) Interviewee: Yes Interviewer: Did you have this child(ren) with a German woman or an African woman? Interviewee: Look you are going to be forcing me to be telling you some of these our secrets you know. Interviewer: Please just permit me ask Interviewee: Okay the mother to my child is a German Interviewer: What circumstances prompt you to have a child with a German woman?

388 That is a person who is educated and a professional but migrated to Germany and sought asylum and is considered as a low status person with no education and while in Germany he regrets having come to Germany because according to him his carrier ended. As a result he regrets because migrating to Germany did not do any good to him as such he is always alluding that his own situation is regrettable. 389 That is University of Yaoundé I and University of Yaoundé II 390 Advanced School of Economic Sciences 391 One of Cameroon’s state Universities 392 Graduate as a professional 393 Master of Science 398

Interviewee: Guess you are not going to sell this secret outside because these are not the type of things that one should be telling others. Interviewer: Please have the confidence in me Interviewee: Okay when I arrived Germany, I never knew of what is called chop adoro or adoro394or even being quallated395or having qually396. When I applied for asylum, six months later, I went to renew my asylum ausweise397, I was told my asylum application has been rejected. They rather gave me a white paper398 which permitted me to live in Germany again only for two weeks and after those two weeks I have to be out of German territory. () Can you imagine? In fact I was sweating, so I had use all the available strategies yes. In fact when I came here, in our asylum camp, we were six in a room, can you imagine six people living in one room. So some of these guys399 were already used to the system400. So some of them will go out and come back and narrate stories of what they encountered. You will hear them talking about these old German women. You will see a young boy of about 20 something401, he will tell you an encounter he had with a mother of about 50 something years402. So for me it was strange. In fact if you could meet some of them, they will tell you for me it was strange I could not imagine. But I never knew because my time was not yet up but when I was given this white paper, I knew in fact that if you don’t go after those old women, then you have just one choice‐ either you go back to Africa and that was not my wish. So I went out for anything that could come whether a child or a mother, I was prepared. And I got what I got403 you know. Interviewer: Did your child(ren) in any way regularize your stay here in Germany? Interviewee: Of course my stay here is as a result of their child.

394 Meaning to seek asylum or being asylum seeker 395 Being legally documented 396 A permanent regular or irregular residence status 397 A document that shows that one is an asylum seeker. 398 Abschiebung German word for an expulsion notice given usually to irregular immigrants in Germany 399 Other asylum seekers 400 That is hard asylum laws and immigrants were employing other strategies to cope and incorporate. 401 A boy in his twenties 402 A woman in her fifties 403 A German girl whom he reproduced with 399

The law is such that when you have a child with a German woman, firstly you have what they call v´Vaterschaftsanerkennung404after that there is still what they call Sorgerecht405 that is another paper to be signed and the Sorgerecht allows you to share the responsibility of over the child with the mother of the child and it is from that Sorgerecht that you are given the permission to stay in this country not the Vaterschaft. Although you can be recognized as the father or the mother of the child and you are not given a Sorgerecht and when you are not given the Sorgerecht, though too in very rare cases, you don’t have paper406 to stay in this country (a regular legal status that suffices for the issue of a long term stay permit). Interviewer: What does your child mean to you? Interviewee: Oh, that is the only child I have. So for the moment that is all what I have407 and I don’t play with that child (whatever he is asked to do for the child, he does it without hesitating or complaining) Interviewer: As African‐German parent(s), what do you consider yourself to be? Interviewee: I am an African and will remain an African. Interviewer: Why have you decided to stay/settle in Germany? Interviewee: Eeeh I don’t think. For the moment, I am here because I have a responsibility. What do I mean? I mean I have a child but I think I will one day go back to Africa Interviewer: What about acquiring a German nationality or citizenship? Interviewee: You will be shocked to hear that I personally refused, because I have the advantage to apply for a German nationality. I have the forms here with me but after much consideration, I said but why, I will not do that. Interviewer: I thought may be because of the advantage it has as some people told me Interviewee: Why, Why should I do it? Already I have the advantage, staying here is already the advantage. Look I will tell you one thing, I went with one guy we met somewhere we were looking for job somewhere, this guy is from Sierra Leone, he had German passport, so one old

404 An official document which confirms that a man has been recognized as the father of the unborn or born child in Germany 405 An official document confirming that a father shares the right of responsibility of child care and upbringing (socialization) with the mother of the child. 406 A legal status /regular residence permit as a foreigner 407 It means that according to this participant, even if he doesn’t a very great achievement as greener pastures migrant to Germany but a child to him is an assert and that he can also boast that he has something to show as a migrant 400 man took the passport and looked at him and told him that but you know you are not a German. So those are mockery statements. Why was he saying that? That was an indirect insult. And to add on it, Hitler said “you are born a German, you do not become a German”. If you don’t know go back to their museum and you will find it there. Interviewer: Has your perception of issues changed after your arrival in Germany? Interviewee: Very much, eh eh eh. It doesn’t mean not only the negative about the society; I will also say I have learnt too much here, too much. I believe if I should live in Africa today, I will do things differently. Just look at the society here there is one thing I admire in this German society. In fact for me it is very very necessary, the relationship between a man and a woman – you know. Here most people live, a girl or a girl you know a boy, (about intimate relationship between opposite sexes) you live with him or her for some time, that you know each other very well before you go into the so called marriage issues. Yes. And for me I think that is the best way that things should be managed. That is the best way, I really believe in it. In fact I really appreciate it. Though, though despite that some of those relationships still go bad (broken relationships) but I think that is the best approach. And most Germans, born Germans though they don’t believe in God, if God should come today He will take most Germans (meaning most Germans do things rightfully not because of the fear of God in them but because they are or were brought up in a way that postulates right ways of doing things for the benefit and sustenance of their society* Interesting) Interviewer: I don’t know if have learnt nay trade here, something like Ausbildung? Interviewee: No. some people say I am pessimistic. But I don’t think. I went somewhere408, a woman looked at me and sighed here in Berlin. I called one company and they told me to write my credentials, I did. They replied I think I have the reply somewhere. They said Oh we are sorry but don’t think that it is because of your education. After two months I went to another firma409, I called, they told me to come, I went the woman looked at me and ask me if I can read and write you know. So I wanted to, it was in fact it was like a dream. The first thing here, most of them they believe that black people are useless people but on the contrary most of those black people you see out here are well educated people. The system of education is different‐that one is sure. In our own society people who go to do carpentry,

408 A jobsite 409 Company 401 painter‐what they call Mahler, mechanics410 are either school dropouts or people from poor parents, that one is clear. If you cannot survive and go to learn something411, it means your parents don’t have enough money. It is these days that there are many government schools412, you go and do and learn what they call handwork. But when you come to Germany‐ how many years I graduated413 1993. I stayed two years out414. After I went in for what they call maitrise415 in Yaounde II416 . During my maitrise course I succeeded in concours417 I went to ESSEC418 I attended for one year and abandon it and came to Germany, to go and learn mechanic, to go and learn Mahler, that I will not do, I think that is bringing myself down in one way or the other. I will tell you one story –it is not because of the so called Ausbildung. Instead about five days ago I was watching satz‐it’s a combined TV station, they make French‐ German programs, sometimes from Switzerland too. 419There was one journalist, a Cameroonian coincidentally, a francophone, he spoke very good French, because of political problems he escaped from Cameroon, he was working in Cameroon as a journalist‐ representing France‐Afrique in Cameroon as a journalist because of problems because he explained how the problem looked like420. He came to France, sought asylum, the French government recognized his asylum, they421 gave him422 paper423 to stay. So he went to the job office to apply for job with his credentials. They told him, he is only good for the kitchen. He asked them if they have not gone through his credentials. They told him he can go and do kitchen work or security. What is the implication? Somebody you recognize as a journalist representing France‐Afrique because he is on France he is not still a journalist. In fact when you look at such things sometimes you can go mad‐I will tell you.

410 Generally people who repair vehicles or all sorts 411 Trade 412 State owned schools 413 From the University 414 That is not doing anything in the light of profession, job or business 415 Master’s degree 416 University of Yaoundé II, Cameroon 417 Competitive examination 418 National Advanced School for Economics Business and Management Sciences 419 In one of the programs on screen one day 420 That is the problem that cause the journalist to flee from Cameroon 421 French government 422 The journalist 423 Residence permit 402

Interviewer: I don’t know if you belong to any association? Interviewee: Coincidentally I belong to the BCA Interviewer: How do the activities of this organization work to assert your identity? Interviewee: That question is a bit let me not use the word complicated but because‐you know. I as a person I don’t know if many people will look at things the way I look at. Most people have been confused in this society because of their African background and what they have here424 I have been in many homes trying to solve problems425 and these are just what I call sometimes stupid problems but not stupid in this sense because sometimes the people will always try to copy what they are seeing here426 and sometimes it contradicts to what they already or to how they have been brought up. The society itself is influencing such a behaviour. Let me just take an example, in our culture427, we know that the woman should cook for the man, I am not insulting you428 it is our culture. But here if I am living with my wife or let me say with a girl‐wife or girlfriend, living here, she has to go and do her job somewhere and I have to go and do my job too somewhere. If it happens that I come at 2 O’clock429 and she has to come at 6 O’clock430, so I will stay hungry and waiting for her to come and cook for me, it’s not possible, so I should go to the kitchen and do something. So you see this society is influencing our own cultural behaviour. Germany is yes, I don’t blame them. It is their won situation431. We are used to like you know our cultural dance or so forth we would play loud music and also sing aloud. But if you do that here, they432 will say you are disturbing. Yes you are disturbing. Just look, the mother of my child‐in fact I have experienced a lot of difficulties. I would say‐just okay the type of spices, I am used to sometimes when I spice my food, she will say the house is smelling. I will go and buy my pepper from the Afro shop, put it in the fridge,

424 German culture and lifestyle 425 Marital problems between purely African couples 426 German lifestyle 427 African Culture 428 The interviewer since she is a woman 429 2pm 430 6 pm 431 German culture 432 Germans 403 just because the colour changed433 she will throw it away that it is kaputt , so what would I say about‐everything is just mixed up Interviewer: okay since the inception of this your association what are the successes and failures Interviewee: Oh the successes are just too much. The association stared with just nine members‐nine registered members and today we have about 150 registered members that is already something. Two, the association started as a single group you know but now we have three434 . We have a group in Stuttgart covering Baden‐Württemberg and Bayern, we have a group in Essen covering the whole of Nordrhein‐Westfalen (NRW) and a group in Berlin, that is another thing. As I said earlier we did last year during my own reign435 ‐ we succeeded in providing financial help to our village council436, to our population and we went as far as inviting the former mayor of Bali council to Germany. In fact that was a big show. I am planning this year‐ I had an invitation from what I call our mother group in the USA, BCA‐USA but because of financial constraint, the invitation was turned down, but I intend this year to go to America. Interviewer: okay so has this association recorded any failures? Interviewee: Yea. I would say yes because one of the main reasons of coming together as I would say is to help ourselves. There is this system in Germany437 when somebody dies, you are given some number of days to clear the corpse (to take the corpse away) or they (Germans in charge) will take to where they call crematorium438 and we Africans we are not used to burning corpses. In fact to some African families it is sacrilege that the corpse is not seen. So the wish of most Africans living in Europe is that, when somebody dies, the corpse should be transported back home439. And the cost440 today is getting to about 8000 Euros. Many parents back home won’t be able to afford this cost, that one I guaranty you. So we441 are trying a

433 Colour of the pepper usually changes from bright to dull because of the coldness in the fridge but does not suggest it is bad or can no longer be consumed 434 Three groups that are branches of the main one 435 As president of BCA Germany 436 Bali‐Nyonga community council North West Province, Cameroon 437 German funeral rites or rituals 438 Where they burn corpse 439 In this case Cameroon 440 Cost of transporting a corpse from Germany to Cameroon 441 The Association, that is BCA Germany 404 possibility that if such a thing should occur442 we should be able to bear the cost443. So last year I proposed to the association because‐ let me still go back‐ last year one student444 died somewhere in Darmstadt, I was called as the president‐ yes I had nothing to do there was no money what should I do. And worse still this guy has been living for more than three years and we don’t know him445. so you wanted us to do what? So many people rightfully or wrongly escape from the responsibility446 by saying that he was not a member; some people would have done something (some people would have contributed some money towards the repatriation of the corpse). Had it been that he was a member as I said some rightfully or wrongfully escaped from that responsibility by saying he was not a member. So this was an eye opener. Now I proposed to the people447 that we should pay in a sum of 100 Euros each as insurance, for if such a thing should happen448 then we will have it easy but up to the respond is good but you know black people when it concerns giving out money, many people will not want to give. Interviewer: How is this association seen here in Germany? Interviewee: Eeeeeh just normal. It is registered according to the German law. It is e.V as they call it, e.V. means eingetragener Verein, so it is a registered group within the law of Germany. So we don’t have any problem. The only difficulty we have is you know as an African group, as a group of people who are trying449. The logistics is still for example, we don’t have a place to be meeting, because it is our wish to be meeting once every month Interviewer: Does the state help in any way? Interveiwee: Eeeemmm for the moment we’ve not really had any help from the state but I am thinking or I will tell you I am from a different state now, I have just come to Berlin and I

442 That is to say if a member of the association dies 443 Carry the cost of corpse transportation to Cameroon 444 Member of one of the branches of the association (BCA) 445 That is he had never been registered to the association and so does not belong to any of the branches of the BCA or even associated to members of the association. 446 To contribute money towards the repatriation of the corpse back to Cameroon, because according to the norms of the association only registered members have that privilege whilst in Germany, that the association shall carry the cost to repatriate their corpse back home to their families 447 Members of the association 448 If a member dies in Germany 449 People with a lot of responsibilities back home more especially and struggling to make a living in the Diaspora and also the aspect of regularization of status and integration into German society all these making things hard for members to have money for extra expenses. 405 am thinking that I can find out if we can get such a help. Those our brothers in Stuttgart450, they have something (some help he means) but is not from the state bit it is from one of their members who is a German451‐ whom through her own contacts and connections got a nice hall for them (a hall where members of the Stuttgart branch can be holding their monthly meetings inside). I will try to see if we can get something in that direction. We have many Germans in our group. Those who are married to Bali girls and some parents‐ some452 who stayed in Bali and they know much about Bali and they always want to visit such group. Not to forget the very very essential the present Fon453 of Bali Nyonga is married to a German with two kids and most of the time he is in Germany, very very important. Interviewer: How are German policies affecting this association? Interviewee: Yes if you can remember, I first told you in Germany they have their own style of life you know. When they see people for example when they see people gathered in a group here suspect, that is the first thing that comes to their head, they suspect that there is something. Last time we were holding our meeting in a bar and I only came to realize that they454 had send criminal police there long ago and our pictures, everybody coming there and they took our pictures and it was lying somewhere, you know and they (German police) went there one day and control everybody. These are the type of things. You are not allowed to speak, allowed to do so. And when we (members of the BCA) meet, we will like to sing and chat and may be a bit loud and such thing may be is not allowed in this society, so you see. Interviewer: How is this association tackling with gender equity? Interviewee: Eeeeh why not, why not. There are a lot of issues like that. I don’t know, there is one thing which is disturbing me may be it doesn’t fall within your research frame‐ as the president of the group, I made my own personal survey or what I would call. Among the 115 registered Bali people I told you. You see even in the bible, the bible says the man is the head of the family‐ I was trying to say here that in Germany we have about 115 registered Bali people‐ young people both men and women. Among these 115 you can only count about eight Bali men married to Bali women, so I saw this as not normal. So I was asking myself what

450 A branch of the association in Stuttgart 451 A native German 452 Native Germans 453 The head of the Present day Bali‐Nyonga Fondom 454 Germans 406 is the problem? We have many Bali women here but they don’t meet (that is come together and discuss issues concerning the lives as women out here in the Diaspora). I don’t know what is really the problem, so I was talking to one woman who is also from Bali and she told me yes there is a reason for that and I buy here opinion. She told me more than 80% of the Bali women, Bali girls you will find in Germany either they are married before, have a child or children, so it is not possible for them to go after (date) a person who has information already of her background‐are you getting me? Interviewer: Yes Interviewee: So they (Bali women) prefer now to go (date) with people who are out of their environment (acquainted entourage). They (Bali women) go out (date) with a Nigerian because the Nigerian doesn’t know where she come from, the only thing he will know is that she is a Cameroonian. But if she (a Bali woman for instance) goes out (dates) with me I will like to know her parents, where she was before coming here and finally you will discover that oh she has once been married, she has two children, some of them (the Bali women) have three children and you know what it means. So I openly advised that we have to do something in that direction. Some will believe as I heard one girl (Bali girl) saying that Bali men are authoritative, that one I don’t believe. It is regrettable, I also heard one Bali girl saying that she cannot get married to a Bali men. Coincidentally, I met a girl, a Ghanaian and she told me she cannot get married to a Ghanaian man. So I said how if a Bali girl is saying she cannot get married to a Bali man and a Ghanaian girl is telling me she cannot get married to a Ghanaian man, then it is a general problem with Africans. Because when I asked the girl why‐ She told me Ghanaian men are too authoritative, they like too much order (Ghanaian men love giving orders to their wives). So it is a general problem. It is not only within Cameroonians it is a general problem. It is that the problem of man and woman problem (relationship between opposite sexes is problematic) is general and eeeh it is going to take a long time because even me, I told you though I cannot justify when I see any Interviewer: What do you think about returning back home? Interviewee: I have made a three years project which I am really praying it works. I want to realize this project by 2012 and I intend to go to Cameroon. I intend to create a small firma455 but what is for the moment lacking is the capital. The contact is there but for the moment I

455 firm 407 am afraid, remember in 2012 is the presidential elections in Cameroon and things might change. So I need some amount to start some business. So what I am doing now, is I have some money I want to go and invest it somewhere, so that if by 2022 I am unable to get the amount of capital that I need for the start of the firma then I will get some loan because I must realize this project. I want other people to work for me too. This is when I intend to return to Cameroon. Interiewer: If you were a political leader here in Germany, what would be your vision for immigrants’ especially African immigrants here in Germany? Interviewee: Gesture‐(he laughs) Do you know what‐whether you accept with me or not. I am not being sarcastic in my own personal analysis. I don’t think there is any white men who wants Africa to develop. Yes you may look at it differently or from a different level, I know. I will ask you this question‐we have civil wars all over in Africa and in the whole of the African continent there is no country producing war equipment and we know that war equipment before they go out or leave a country the government must be aware of it. Interviewee: Are we okay at this point Interviewer: Yes Interviewee: You cannot smuggle a single elephant tusk out from Cameroon, it is not possible except you pass through the authorities. I am therefore saying that you cannot smuggle arms from Germany to Africa, it is not possible without the knowledge of the government‐ that one is certain. So if you tell me there is any politician, it can be but if you tell me there is any politician in Europe thinking about the development of Africa, I will tell you ‘NO’. I am merely saying that if I were a German, will do the same like the other Germans are doing. They don’t like especially black people. That one is certain. And I don’t think if I were a German I would have a different mentality. I will surely have the same mentality they are having. If you456 tell me there is a politician who is in one way or the other working for the benefit of immigrants, let me say black immigrants in Germany, I will say ‘NO’. That person457 is working for his vote because he knows that there are a few Germans who will say yes consider these people458 but internally that they want those people to benefit one thing or the other in this country, I

456 Referring to the interviewer 457 Referring to the politician 458 African immigrants 408 will tell you ‘NO’. Remember in 2002 or 2003459 there was a poster all over, I think at all the bus stops and U‐Bahn stations with the writings “Ich freue mich Deutsch zu sein”. It was the theme at that time and I think he460 belonged to Die Grünen (the green party). In fact it was horrible the criticisms that followed. He went out of government but people don’t know why. It was because of that reason. If you still remember there was a poster all over “Ich freue mich Deutsch zu sein” and it was a black man on it. “I am happy to be a German” as if other people who are not Germans are not real people or human beings. It was a political statement and it was seriously criticised and it just disappeared like that.

459 In the years 2002 and 2003 460 The German politician with this slogan 409