Voluntary Exile and Eisangelia in Athens: Remarks About the Lawfulness of a Widespread Practice1
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Democracy and Institutional Change
European Research Studies, Volume X, Issue (1-2) 2007 Democracy and institutional change By Nicholas Kyriazis1 Abstract: The present essay analyses decision making procedures concerning economic issues such as the choice of public goods in the prototype democracy, Ancient Athens of the fourth century BC (the “Age of Demosthenes”). It analyses the link between political democracy, “economic” democracy, the emergence of new institutions and the finance of public goods like defence, education and “social security”. The prototype political democracy was advanced in questions of public administration, finance and institutions, on which political democracy was based. The paper concludes with some proposals as to what we could “learn” from the workings of “economic democracy” that is relevant for today’s democracies. Keywords: Hospital efficiency, productivity, health. JEL Classification: I11, I12, I18 1. Introduction There is a vast literature on the history, politics, warfare the arts etc. of the ancient Athenian democracy, which is considered the prototype and the origin of Western democracies.1 Much less attention has been paid till recently on the economics of the Athenian state, which is actually astonishing, since the Athenian state could not have developed its advanced political institutions without a sound economic basis, and advanced institutions and organisations, as I will purport to analyse later on in the present essay. (Kyriazis and Zouboulakis 2004, Kyriazis and Halkos 2005, Cohen 1997, Gabrielsen 1994). The Athenian democracy -
Penalties in Action in Classical Athens
Classica Cracoviensia XVII, 2014 DOI: 10.12797/CC.17.2014.17.07 JAN KUCHARSKI (UNIVERSITY OF SILESIA, KATOWICE) peNALtieS iN ActiON iN cLASSicAL AtHeNS A preLiMiNArY SURVEY1 SUMMARY: This paper attempts to look at the inner workings of the punitive system in ancient Athens. After a brief survey of the range of penalties avail- able in Classical Athens (capital punishment, exile and outlawry, disenfran- chisement, financial penalties, imprisonment, corporal penalties), it proceeds first to examine their nature (as they frequently fail to meet our criteria of punishment), and then to map them on the substance vs. procedure controversy regarding the Athenian legal system. The last two sections of the paper are devoted to the manner in which penalties were imposed (summary punish- ment, punishment by sentence, “automatic” punishment) and executed (private vs. public execution of court verdicts; coercive measures etc.). KEYWORD: Athenian law, enslavement, corporal penalties, capital punish- ment, exile, outlawry, disenfranchisement, financial penalties Afraid of what? That I suffer what Meletus has assessed (timatai) for me? That, I can’t even say to know for a fact whether it is good or evil. Should I then choose an assessment from what I know to be an evil? As imprison- ment? What good is living in prison, forever a slave to the ever‑present 1 This study is part of a project funded by the Polish National Science Centre (NN103 429640). 117 JAN KUCHARSKI command of the Eleven? Perhaps a fine then, with imprisonment until I pay? But it comes down to the same as before since I have no money from which I could pay. -
Citations in Classics and Ancient History
Citations in Classics and Ancient History The most common style in use in the field of Classical Studies is the author-date style, also known as Chicago 2, but MLA is also quite common and perfectly acceptable. Quick guides for each of MLA and Chicago 2 are readily available as PDF downloads. The Chicago Manual of Style Online offers a guide on their web-page: http://www.chicagomanualofstyle.org/tools_citationguide.html The Modern Language Association (MLA) does not, but many educational institutions post an MLA guide for free access. While a specific citation style should be followed carefully, none take into account the specific practices of Classical Studies. They are all (Chicago, MLA and others) perfectly suitable for citing most resources, but should not be followed for citing ancient Greek and Latin primary source material, including primary sources in translation. Citing Primary Sources: Every ancient text has its own unique system for locating content by numbers. For example, Homer's Iliad is divided into 24 Books (what we might now call chapters) and the lines of each Book are numbered from line 1. Herodotus' Histories is divided into nine Books and each of these Books is divided into Chapters and each chapter into line numbers. The purpose of such a system is that the Iliad, or any primary source, can be cited in any language and from any publication and always refer to the same passage. That is why we do not cite Herodotus page 66. Page 66 in what publication, in what edition? Very early in your textbook, Apodexis Historia, a passage from Herodotus is reproduced. -
LAW and LAW COURTS in ANCIENT GREECE Rosalind Thomas The
LAW AND LAW COURTS IN ANCIENT GREECE Rosalind Thomas The Institute of Classical Studies and the wider University of London have been an important catalyst for work on Greek law and the Athenian law courts, and the Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies has been able to reflect this. We bring together here a rich collection of twelve articles by scholars who from various angles have examined the actual, practical operation of the law and the law courts through the techniques of Athenian oratory. The wealth of evidence for the operation of the law courts and the assembly from Athens means that most of these articles focus upon Athenian rhetoric and law in the heyday of its democracy. Theories about argument in oratory have a wider application across the Greek world, and two articles included here range beyond Athens in thinking about the nature and application of law. A series of seminars held at the Institute of Classical Studies, and the colloquia on the ‘New Hypereides’ discovered in the Archimedes Palimpsest and on ‘Profession and Performance’, created excellent opportunities to explore the interlocking questions and debates about the role of law, the rule of law, and the relation of legal procedures and rhetoric in democratic Athens. We cannot examine law by itself without the apparatus within which it was applied and the structures – either cultural or political – in which it was created, and then argued over, supported, evaded, and put into action. There is a continuing debate about how far the Athenian law courts really kept to the law; did they not get distracted by irrelevant arguments or emotive narrative, fine and clever speakers, fraught periods of high tension, and of course by the highly skilled techniques which the semi-professional orators increasingly exercised? As the techniques of Athenian oratory and persuasion developed in the late fifth century, so did the techniques of ‘proof’. -
The Public Payment of Magistrates in Fourth-Century Athens David M
The Public Payment of Magistrates in Fourth-Century Athens David M. Pritchard HAT THE ATHENIAN DEMOCRACY did not give magi- strates misthos, pay, in the fourth century B.C. has long T been argued by M. H. Hansen. This article questions his argument and makes the opposite case that fourth-century Athenians paid their officials with public funds as their fore- bears had certainly done from the late 430s.1 Hansen founds his case on the silence of our ancient sources.2 In 411/0 the oligarchic regime of the Four Hundred made Athenian magistrates, excepting the nine archons, amisthoi or unsalaried ([Arist.] Ath.Pol. 29.5; cf. Thuc. 8.65.3, 67.3). If, after they were ousted, this form of remuneration was restored, it was once more taken away by the oligarchic regime of 405/4.3 For Hansen there is simply no evidence that the democracy in the following year, that is, immediately after its second restoration, or at any point in the fourth century started to pay all of its magistrates again. In his account of the Athenian constitution of the 320s Aristotle’s pupil noted the remuneration of only a fraction of the 329 arkhontes, magistrates, which he got around to describing.4 They were the nine archons, five overseas magi- 1 The earliest evidence of misthos for Athenian magistrates is IG I3 32.8–9. 2 M. H. Hansen, “Misthos for Magistrates in Classical Athens,” SymbOslo 54 (1979) 5–22, at 14–19; “Perquisites for Magistrates in Fourth-Century Athens,” ClMed 32 (1980) 105–125; “Seven Hundred Archai in Classical Athens,” GRBS 21 (1980) 151–173, at 167; The Athenian Democracy in the Age of Demosthenes (Oxford/Cambridge [Mass.]) 240–242. -
Euripides” Johanna Hanink
The Life of the Author in the Letters of “Euripides” Johanna Hanink N 1694, Joshua Barnes, the eccentric British scholar (and poet) of Greek who the next year would become Regius Professor at the University of Cambridge, published his I 1 long-awaited Euripidis quae extant omnia. This was an enormous edition of Euripides’ works which contained every scrap of Euripidean material—dramatic, fragmentary, and biographical —that Barnes had managed to unearth.2 In the course of pre- paring the volume, Barnes had got wind that Richard Bentley believed that the epistles attributed by many ancient manu- scripts to Euripides were spurious; he therefore wrote to Bentley asking him to elucidate the grounds of his doubt. On 22 February 1693, Bentley returned a letter to Barnes in which he firmly declared that, with regard to the ancient epistles, “tis not Euripides himself that here discourseth, but a puny sophist that acts him.” Bentley did, however, recognize that convincing others of this would be a difficult task: “as for arguments to prove [the letters] spurious, perhaps there are none that will convince any person that doth not discover it by himself.”3 1 On the printing of the book and its early distribution see D. McKitterick, A History of Cambridge University Press I Printing and the Book Trade in Cambridge, 1534–1698 (Cambridge 1992) 380–392; on Joshua Barnes see K. L. Haugen, ODNB 3 (2004) 998–1001. 2 C. Collard, Tragedy, Euripides and Euripideans (Bristol 2007) 199–204, re- hearses a number of criticisms of Barnes’ methods, especially concerning his presentation of Euripidean fragments (for which he often gave no source, and which occasionally consisted of lines from the extant plays). -
The Chabrias Monument in the Athenian Agora
THE CHABRIAS MONUMENT IN THE ATHENIAN AGORA (PLATES 11-12) JN Hesperia,IX, 1940, pp. 314-320, Eugene Schweigertpublished some fragments of an inscribed statue base (Agora I 994 and related stones) with a reconstruction and a brief commentary. Since that time other fragments have been found, one of which makes the original restoration impossible, and in the course of a consequent reexamination of all the pieces some new relationships have been established which dictate a new form for the monument (P1. 12).' Schweigert's publication included eleven fragments (A-K), to which can now be added the more recent discoveries as well as several fragments known earlier but not used in the original reconstruction. To avoid undue confusion the letters first used to designate fragments have been retained wherever possible, and the alphabetical series has been continued to include the additional pieces.2 Fragment A: three joining fragments preserving the inscribed face with three lines and part of a wreath and the original smooth-pickedtop; found April 21, 1936, in a modern wall over the southern part of the Late Roman Gymnasium complex (M 14). Height, 0.205 m.; width, 0.65 m.; thickness, 0.088 m.; height of letters, ca. 0.013 m. Inv. no. I 994 f. Fragment B: four joining fragments preserving a part of two finished faces, all with bits of wreath, no letters; small fragment from forward face found May 19, 1953, in a Turkish well west of the East Stoa (O 14); central fragment from left face found August 1, 1959, in a marble pile south of the Odeion (M 14); finding places of other fragments not recorded. -
Stories from Greek History
TO ARCHIBALD R.B. HALDANE Conditions and Terms of Use My dear Archie, Copyright © Heritage History 2010 Some rights reserved Do you remember that bright summer morning last This text was produced and distributed by Heritage History, an year when we lay out on the lawn and read together the organization dedicated to the preservation of classical juvenile history "Labours of Heracles," and how you once interrupted to ask "if books, and to the promotion of the works of traditional history authors. the tales were true?" The books which Heritage History republishes are in the public domain and are no longer protected by the original copyright. They may The tales in this little book are true, and beside the therefore be reproduced within the United States without paying a royalty winter fire I wrote them, fancying that I still had your eager to the author. face beside me, heard still your eager demand for "another The text and pictures used to produce this version of the work, story." Will you like these as well, I wonder? however, are the property of Heritage History and are subject to certain Your loving friend restrictions. These restrictions are imposed for the purpose of protecting the Ethelwyn Lemon integrity of the work, for preventing plagiarism, and for helping to assure that compromised versions of the work are not widely disseminated. In order to preserve information regarding the origin of this text, a copyright by the author, and a Heritage History distribution date are TABLE OF CONTENTS included at the foot of every page of text. -
Socrates and Democratic Athens: the Story of the Trial in Its Historical and Legal Contexts
Princeton/Stanford Working Papers in Classics Socrates and democratic Athens: The story of the trial in its historical and legal contexts. Version 1.0 July 2006 Josiah Ober Princeton University Abstract: Socrates was both a loyal citizen (by his own lights) and a critic of the democratic community’s way of doing things. This led to a crisis in 339 B.C. In order to understand Socrates’ and the Athenian community’s actions (as reported by Plato and Xenophon) it is necessary to understand the historical and legal contexts, the democratic state’s commitment to the notion that citizens are resonsible for the effects of their actions, and Socrates’ reasons for preferring to live in Athens rather than in states that might (by his lights) have had substantively better legal systems. Written for the Cambridge Companion to Socrates. © Josiah Ober. [email protected] Socrates and democratic Athens: The story of the trial in its historical and legal contexts. (for Cambridge Companion to Socrates) Josiah Ober, Princeton University Draft of August 2004 In 399 B.C. the Athenian citizen Socrates, son of Sophroniscus of the deme (township) Alopece, was tried by an Athenian court on the charge of impiety (asebeia). He was found guilty by a narrow majority of the empanelled judges and executed in the public prison a few days later. The trial and execution constitute the best documented events in Socrates’ life and a defining moment in the relationship between Greek philosophy and Athenian democracy. Ever since, philosophers and historians have sought to -
The Rhetoric of the Death Penalty in the Classical Athenian Orators
The Rhetoric of the Death Penalty in the Classical Athenian Orators The death penalty was frequently exercised in ancient Athens. Hansen (1975, 11) notices the remarkably high number of trials by εἰσαγγελία “often… resulting in a sentence of death”. And yet, the lack of specificity in the contemporary accounts of executions have often frustrated the attempts of scholars to interpret the how, when and where of the death penalty. Indeed, Todd (2000, 36-37) expresses vexation with the orators whose “terminology is surprisingly unimaginative” and who might have displayed “an unwillingness verbally to go into too much detail in the face of death.” In this paper, however, I analyze the arguments the orators used for the death penalty, rather than the information about the executions themselves. More narrowly, I explore whether there was a discernible “rhetoric of the death penalty”, a dedicated pool of patterns of argumentation used by the orators to secure not merely a conviction, but the death penalty specifically. I base my research on a wide array of 4th century speeches, most importantly Lycurgus, Dinarchus and Hypereides. I outline three distinct avenues through which Athenian orators advocated capital punishment. Here I offer a brief summary with illustrative examples: First, I examine how orators employed vocabulary that would be likely to move the jurors to vote for the death penalty. Lycurgus, for example, frequently uses κολάζειν for the penalty that he proposes for Leocrates. Since Plato uses κολάζειν to refer to the more positive “reformative punishment”, and reserves τιμωρεῖσθαι for the grimmer “retributive punishment” (cf. Ladikos 2005, 52), some scholars believe that Lycurgus, like Plato, “wanted to replace anger as a justification for punishment with truth in order that all punishment could be directed at reforming … the wrongdoer’s soul” (Allen 2000, 21). -
Publications 2018
Faculty of Classics, University of Oxford: publications 2018 Allan W. (2018), ‘Solon and the Rhetoric of Stasis’, in W. Allan and L. Swift (eds.), Moralizing Strategies in Early Greek Poetry (Toronto), 113-29. Allan, W. & Swift, L. eds. (2018), Moralizing Strategies in Early Greek Poetry (Toronto). Allendorf, K. (2018), ‘Lucretian Subversion: Animal Speech and Misplaced Wonder in Paradise Lost 9.549-66’, Milton Quarterly 52 (1) 42-46. Ash, R. E. (2018), ‘Paradoxography and marvels in post-Domitianic Literature’, in A. König & C. Whitton (eds.), Roman Literature under Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian: Literary Interactions, AD 96–138 (Cambridge). Ash, R.E. (2018), Tacitus Annals XV (Cambridge). Atack, C. W. (2018), ‘Politeia and the past in Xenophon and Isocrates’, Trends in Classics, vol. 10.1, 171-194. Atack, C. (2018), ‘"Cyrus appeared both great and good": Xenophon and the performativity of kingship’, in D. Allen, P. Christesen, P.Millett (eds.), How to Do Things with History: New Approaches to Ancient Greece (New York), 109-135. Atack, C. W. (2018), ‘Imagined Superpowers: Isocrates on Athens and Sparta’, in P. Cartledge, & A. Powell (eds.), The Greek Superpower: Sparta in the Self-Definitions of Athenians (Swansea), 157-184. Atack, C. W. (2018), ‘Plato's statesman and Xenophon's Cyrus’, in G. Danzig et al. (eds.) Plato and Xenophon: Comparative Studies (Leiden), 510-543. Audley-Miller, L., & Dignas, B. eds. (2018), Wandering Myths: Transcultural Uses of Myth in the Ancient World (Berlin). Balzat, J. S. (2018), ‘A new member of the family of Eurycles of Sparta documented in Delphi?’, Zeitschrift fur Papyrologie und Epigraphik, vol. -
Zur Phasis in Der Neu Entdeckten Rede Hypereides' Gegen Timandros
GERHARD THÜR http://epub.oeaw.ac.at/gerhard-thuer Nr. 275 (Aufsatz / Essay, 2008; siehe auch / see also Nr. 276, 290, 291) Zur phasis in der neu entdeckten Rede Hypereides’ gegen Timandros Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte. Romanistische Abteilung (ZRG RA) 125, 2008, 645–663 © Böhlau Verlag (Wien) mit freundlicher Genehmigung (http://www.savigny-zeitschrift.com) Schlagwörter: Archimedes-Palimpsest — Vormundschaft — misthosis oikou, phasis — Versteigerung — Prätendentenstreit Key Words: Archmedes palimpsest — guardianship — misthosis oikou, phasis — auction — dispute between pretenders [email protected] http://www.oeaw.ac.at/antike/index.php?id=292 Dieses Dokument darf ausschließlich für wissenschaftliche Zwecke genutzt werden (Lizenz CC BY-NC-ND), gewerbliche Nutzung wird urheberrechtlich verfolgt. This document is for scientific use only (license CC BY-NC-ND), commercial use of copyrighted material will be prosecuted. Miszellen Zur phasis in der neu entdeckten Rede Hypereides' gegen Timandros Griechische Inschriften und Papyri rechtlichen Inhalts werden laufend gefunden und publiziert. Auch der Bestand an klassischer Literatur aus Athen wird sporadisch durch Papyrusfunde erweitert. Mittelalterliche Kodizes mit bisher unbekannten Wer- ken werden jedoch kaum mehr entdeckt. Reden des Atheners Hypereides (390-322 v. Chr.) sind, von einer Anzahl kurzer Zitate antiker Grammatiker und Lexikogra- phen abgesehen, bislang nur in Papyri einigermaßen zusammenhängend erhalten. Man zweifelte sogar daran, dass Hypereides überhaupt den Weg in die mittelalterlichen Handschriften gefunden hat1). Dieser Zweifel ist nun ausgeräumt. Natalie Tcher- netska hat in einem seit 1907 bekannten „Archimedes-Palimpsest"2) einige Bifolia von zwei bisher nur dem Titel nach bekannten Hypereidesreden identifiziert, „Gegen Diondas" und „Gegen Timandros". Die Fragmente der zweiten Rede sind 2005 zu einer vorläufigen und nunmehr zur endgültigen Edition gediehen3).