DOCSLIB.ORG

Any 37 Anytus of Euonymon, Son of Anthemion I Pl

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Any 37 Anytus of Euonymon, Son of Anthemion I Pl Any 37 Anytus of Euonymon, son of Anthemion I Pl. Meno 90a speaker [PA/APF 1324 LGPN2 4 PAA 139460 DPhA Pl. Ap. 18b, 23e, & 227 RE 3 OCD3 PP !Aνυτ%ς 'Aνθεµι+ων%ς schol. present (Eυ' ωνυµευ+ ς)] Xen. Apol. 29–31 ≤443–>396 Xen. Hell. 2.3.42, 44 father of an unnamed son Andoc. 1.150 prosecutor of Socrates Lys. 13.78–9, 22.8 Isocr. 18.23–4 D. S. 13.64–6, 14.37.7 Hell. Oxy. 6.2 Aristoph. Thesm. 809, unnamed Arch. Fishes fr. 31 (K 30) Theo. Strat. fr. 58 (K 57) [Aristot.] Ath. Pol. 27.5, 34.3 Life. Anytus was the son of a self-made man who was highly praised in Plato’s Meno (90a): Anthemion, son of Diphilus, a thete who became a hippeus ([Aristot.] Ath. Pol. 7.4; Poll. 8.131) “through his own wisdom and effort” (Meno 90a). His demotic is virtually certain (Raubitschek 1949). If Anytus was in fact a lover of Alcibiades III (Pl. Ap. schol.), his date of birth should be earlier than 451, and nothing that is known about his career makes that early date implausible. If this datum falls away, however, as suggested in detail in APF, Anytus’ birth would be no later than 443, if he served on the Council in 413/2, and no later than ±440 in any case. Anytus inherited a successful tannery from his father (Xen. Apol. 29; Pl. Ap. schol.), but the comic playwrights reduced his occupation to one rather more common for slaves, “shoemaker” (Theo.; Arch.). He was also said to have been the father of an unnamed, drunken, son who followed Anytus into the tanning trade, for whom Xenophon’s Socrates prophesied a career of vice (Apol.). Career. The claim that Anytus served as a member of Council in 413/2 rests on the argument of Maas that Aristophanes (Thesm.) refers to him; if so, then Anytus was a corrupt member of Council. If he does not, then Anytus’first appearance in the record is his service as general in 409. Pylos, which had been taken in 425 by Athens, was retaken in 409 by Sparta. Anytus led thirty Athenian triremes to retake Pylos but was thwarted by bad weather from rounding Cape Malea ([Ari- stot.] Ath. Pol. 27.5); he was subsequently prosecuted for failing to prevent the loss of Pylos, but escaped punishment by bribing the large jury with his ample inheritance (D. S. 13; [Aristot.] 27); his bribery method, which is not well under- stood, was later given the special name dekazein and was made punishable by death (cf. MacDowell 1978: 173). Anytus supported Theramenes’ faction of the Thirty in 404 ([Aristot.] 34), but was later banished by the Thirty nevertheless; the many slaves his tannery would have employed were presumably confiscated (cf. Lys. 12). Theramenes identifies Anytus, along with Thrasybulus and Alcibiades III, as a capable democratic leader 38 Any whom it would have been better that the Thirty not have banished; doing so had raised the hopes and number of supporters of the democracy (Xen. Hell. 2.3.42). Indeed Anytus had been made strate¯gos of the democrats at Phyle 404/3; there he gave his protection to an informer for the Thirty who later escaped (Lys. 13). Despite that blot, he returned with Thrasybulus to the Piraeus and became one of the political leaders of the newly restored democracy. In a speech dated 402, Isocrates praised Anytus as a respected supporter of the restored democracy, crediting him with refraining from vendettas: although Anytus had been robbed of much of his wealth at the time of his exile and knew who had betrayed his holdings to the Thirty, he had not brought charges against those enemies because, at least according to Isocrates, he respected the amnesty (18.23–4). In early 402, however, details of the reconciliation agreement were still being worked out, protecting both sides, and it was not until much later that some grudges found their way into court (cf. Exc. 4). In Plato’s Meno of 402 (cf. App. I), Anytus is introduced as the son of a fine father (90a) who educated Anytus to the satisfaction of the Athenians, who had in turn elected Anytus to Athens’ highest offices. Anytus is Meno’s host in Athens (Meno 90b), and cannot abide sophists (91c, 92e). When the worthiness of Anytus’ father is placed in the context of the whole conversation in which Anytus participates with Socrates and Meno, the implicit conclusion is that Anytus is not the man his father was. Plato offers a fair number of examples to show that the sons of the best men do not turn out to be their fathers’ equals in virtue. Anytus makes a veiled threat against Socrates, warning him not to be so quick to speak ill of others because it is easy to harm people (94e), whereupon Anytus leaves the scene. Thus “Anytus here will” should be “Anytus will” at PCW 987 (99e). Anytus appears in the record once more before Socrates’ trial; he serves as a character witness for Andocides IV who had been charged with impiety by Meletus of Athens s.v. in 400 (Andoc. 1.150). In 399, Anytus prosecuted Socrates on behalf of craftsmen and politicians (Pl. Ap. 23e; Xen. Apol.; D. S. 14), but the Accusation of Socrates, said to have been spoken by Anytus at Socrates’ trial, was actually written by Polycrates s.v. sometime after 393/2. As in other hagiographic traditions, evil was supposed to have befallen the opponents of the innocent man unjustly executed, so Diodorus tells how Socrates’ accusers, Anytus and Meletus II, were put to death without trial by the angry Athenians, in their remorse following Socrates’ death (D. S., or his source, appears not to know of Lycon: 14.37.7). Diogenes says the repentant Athenians executed Meletus II and banished the others, meanwhile honoring Socrates with a bronze statue by Lysippus. Further, when the fugitive Anytus reached Heraclea Pontica, the citizens there, having heard the news of Socrates’ death, exiled Anytus on the same day (D. L. 2.43)—or stoned him to death (Them. 20.239c). But P describes Anytus as an orator with the party of Thrasybulus and Aesimus address- ing the Assembly in 396, neither dead nor dishonored. Prosopographical notes. The name of Anytus’ son is considered lost by APF— unless the son is the Anytus, PA 1322, who was a grain inspector (sitophylax) in the Piraeus in 388/7 (pace Hansen 1995: 32, who says the inspector was Anytus himself)..
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Penalties in Action in Classical Athens
    Classica Cracoviensia XVII, 2014 DOI: 10.12797/CC.17.2014.17.07 JAN KUCHARSKI (UNIVERSITY OF SILESIA, KATOWICE) peNALtieS iN ActiON iN cLASSicAL AtHeNS A preLiMiNArY SURVEY1 SUMMARY: This paper attempts to look at the inner workings of the punitive system in ancient Athens. After a brief survey of the range of penalties avail- able in Classical Athens (capital punishment, exile and outlawry, disenfran- chisement, financial penalties, imprisonment, corporal penalties), it proceeds first to examine their nature (as they frequently fail to meet our criteria of punishment), and then to map them on the substance vs. procedure controversy regarding the Athenian legal system. The last two sections of the paper are devoted to the manner in which penalties were imposed (summary punish- ment, punishment by sentence, “automatic” punishment) and executed (private vs. public execution of court verdicts; coercive measures etc.). KEYWORD: Athenian law, enslavement, corporal penalties, capital punish- ment, exile, outlawry, disenfranchisement, financial penalties Afraid of what? That I suffer what Meletus has assessed (timatai) for me? That, I can’t even say to know for a fact whether it is good or evil. Should I then choose an assessment from what I know to be an evil? As imprison- ment? What good is living in prison, forever a slave to the ever­‑present 1 This study is part of a project funded by the Polish National Science Centre (NN103 429640). 117 JAN KUCHARSKI command of the Eleven? Perhaps a fine then, with imprisonment until I pay? But it comes down to the same as before since I have no money from which I could pay.
    [Show full text]
  • On the Teaching of Virtue in Plato's Meno and the Nature Of
    On the Teaching of Virtue in Plato’s Meno and the Nature of Philosophical Authority Abraham D. Stone May 2, 2010 Abstract Socrates and Meno reach two different conclusions: in the first part of the dialogue, that virtue is knowledge and can therefore be taught; in the second, that it is reliable true opinion and can therefore be acquired only by divine inspiration. Taking into account Socrates’ role as a teacher (of his interlocutors and of Plato) and Plato’s role as a teacher (of us), I show that neither of these conclusions is consistent with the existence of philosophy as a human institution, and argue that, for this reason, Plato refuses ultimately to endorse either of them. Meno’s question — “Can you tell me, Socrates, whether virtue is something teachable?” (70a1–2)1 — is important for the obvious reason that it concerns what we must do: if there is some way of acquiring virtue, then we are obliged to acquire it. But it has further implications, as well, both for political philosophy and for philosophical politics: that is, the political structure of philosophy itself. It is therefore worth understanding how Plato answers it, or fails to, in the course of the dialogue. Much discussion of the Meno has focused on epistemological issues, and on the passages in which Socrates explains his theory of learning as recollection. Given the confusing nature of those passages, it is no surprise that many com- peting interpretations have emerged.2 I do have ideas about how (and to what 1Parenthetical references to Plato’s works are to Platonis Opera, 5 vols., Oxford Classical Texts (1902–1913), and unless otherwise indicated to the Meno (in vol.
    [Show full text]
  • Plato Journal
    DEZ 2013 ISSN 2079-7567 I3 eISSN 2183-4105 Established 1989 http://platosociety.org/ Papers William H.F. Altman “The Missing Speech of the Absent Fourth: Reader Response and Plato’s Timaeus-Critias” David Levy, “Socrates vs. Callicles: Examination and Ridicule in Plato’s Gorgias.” Nathalie Nercam, “En tout et pour tout (Théétète 204a-210b)” Matthew Robinson, “Competition, Imagery, and Pleasure in Plato’s Republic, 1-91” Scott J. Senn, “Ignorance or Irony in Plato’s Socrates?: A Look Beyond Avowals and Disavowals of Knowledge” INTERNATIONAL PLATO SOCIETY PLATO INTERNATIONAL PL ATO Société Platonicienne JOURNALInternationale Associazione Internazionale dei Platonisti Sociedad Internacional de Platonistas Internationale Platon-Gesellschaft Imprensa da Universidade de Coimbra Coimbra Universiy Press 2 | Enicaper ficaed susta nondin is es nonim et dolore CREDITS EditOriAL BOARD INterNAtiONAL PLATO Francisco Gonzalez SOcietY EXecutiVE University of Ottawa COmmittee (2013-16) Irmgard Männlein-Robert President: Francisco Bravo Universität Tübingen Universidad Central de Venezuela Angela Ulacco President: Gabriele Cornelli Albert-Ludwigs-Universität Freiburg Universidade de Brasília Vice President: Tom Robinson ScieNtific BOArd University of Toronto Luc Brisson Ex-President: Mauro Tulli CNRS – UPR76 Centre Jean-Pépin, Paris Università degli Studi di Pisa Tomás Calvo Next President: Luc Brisson Universidad Complutense, Madrid CNRS – UPR76 Centre Jean-Pépin, Paris John Dillon Next President: Olivier Renaut Trinity College, Dublin Université Paris
    [Show full text]
  • Forms of Goodness : the Nature and Value of Virtue in Socratic Ethics. Scott .J Senn University of Massachusetts Amherst
    University of Massachusetts Amherst ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst Doctoral Dissertations 1896 - February 2014 1-1-2004 Forms of goodness : the nature and value of virtue in Socratic ethics. Scott .J Senn University of Massachusetts Amherst Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/dissertations_1 Recommended Citation Senn, Scott .,J "Forms of goodness : the nature and value of virtue in Socratic ethics." (2004). Doctoral Dissertations 1896 - February 2014. 2378. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/dissertations_1/2378 This Open Access Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. It has been accepted for inclusion in Doctoral Dissertations 1896 - February 2014 by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. For more information, please contact [email protected]. FORMS OF GOODNESS: THE NATURE AND VALUE OF VIRTUE IN SOCRATIC ETHICS A Dissertation Presented by SCOTT J. SENN Submitted to the Graduate School of the University of Massachusetts Amherst in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY May 2004 Department of Philosophy © Copyright by Scott J. Senn 2004 All Rights Reserved FORMS OF GOODNESS: THE NATURE AND VALUE OF VIRTUE IN SOCRATIC ETHICS A Dissertation Presented by SCOTT J. SENN Approved as to style and content by: Gareth B. Matthews, Chair C. c Vere C. Chappell, Member Department of Philosophy DEDICATION To Russell E. Senn, my first philosophy teacher ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS "I have to speak to you of one who was in many ways the greatest man that ever lived[. Thus begins an account of Platonic thought by John Burnet (1928) that inspired the work whose product is the present paper.
    [Show full text]
  • Marathon 2,500 Years Edited by Christopher Carey & Michael Edwards
    MARATHON 2,500 YEARS EDITED BY CHRISTOPHER CAREY & MICHAEL EDWARDS INSTITUTE OF CLASSICAL STUDIES SCHOOL OF ADVANCED STUDY UNIVERSITY OF LONDON MARATHON – 2,500 YEARS BULLETIN OF THE INSTITUTE OF CLASSICAL STUDIES SUPPLEMENT 124 DIRECTOR & GENERAL EDITOR: JOHN NORTH DIRECTOR OF PUBLICATIONS: RICHARD SIMPSON MARATHON – 2,500 YEARS PROCEEDINGS OF THE MARATHON CONFERENCE 2010 EDITED BY CHRISTOPHER CAREY & MICHAEL EDWARDS INSTITUTE OF CLASSICAL STUDIES SCHOOL OF ADVANCED STUDY UNIVERSITY OF LONDON 2013 The cover image shows Persian warriors at Ishtar Gate, from before the fourth century BC. Pergamon Museum/Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin. Photo Mohammed Shamma (2003). Used under CC‐BY terms. All rights reserved. This PDF edition published in 2019 First published in print in 2013 This book is published under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial- NoDerivatives (CC-BY-NC-ND 4.0) license. More information regarding CC licenses is available at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/ Available to download free at http://www.humanities-digital-library.org ISBN: 978-1-905670-81-9 (2019 PDF edition) DOI: 10.14296/1019.9781905670819 ISBN: 978-1-905670-52-9 (2013 paperback edition) ©2013 Institute of Classical Studies, University of London The right of contributors to be identified as the authors of the work published here has been asserted by them in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. Designed and typeset at the Institute of Classical Studies TABLE OF CONTENTS Introductory note 1 P. J. Rhodes The battle of Marathon and modern scholarship 3 Christopher Pelling Herodotus’ Marathon 23 Peter Krentz Marathon and the development of the exclusive hoplite phalanx 35 Andrej Petrovic The battle of Marathon in pre-Herodotean sources: on Marathon verse-inscriptions (IG I3 503/504; Seg Lvi 430) 45 V.
    [Show full text]
  • Agorapicbk-17.Pdf
    Excavations of the Athenian Agora Picture Book No. 17 Prepared by Mabel L. Lang Dedicated to Eugene Vanderpool o American School of Classical Studies at Athens ISBN 87661-617-1 Produced by the Meriden Gravure Company Meriden, Connecticut COVER: Bone figure of Socrates TITLE PAGE: Hemlock SOCRATES IN THE AGORA AMERICAN SCHOOL OF CLASSICAL STUDIES AT ATHENS PRINCETON, NEW JERSEY 1978 ‘Everything combines to make our knowledge of Socrates himself a subject of Socratic irony. The only thing we know definitely about him is that we know nothing.’ -L. Brunschvicg As FAR AS we know Socrates himselfwrote nothing, yet not only were his life and words given dramatic attention in his own time in the Clouds of Ar- istophanes, but they have also become the subject of many others’ writing in the centuries since his death. Fourth-century B.C. writers who had first-hand knowledge of him composed either dialogues in which he was the dominant figure (Plato and Aeschines) or memories of his teaching and activities (Xe- nophon). Later authors down even to the present day have written numerous biographies based on these early sources and considering this most protean of philosophers from every possible point of view except perhaps the topograph- ical one which is attempted here. Instead of putting Socrates in the context of 5th-century B.C. philosophy, politics, ethics or rhetoric, we shall look to find him in the material world and physical surroundings of his favorite stamping- grounds, the Athenian Agora. Just as ‘agora’ in its original sense meant ‘gathering place’ but came in time to mean ‘market place’, so the agora itself was originally a gathering place I.
    [Show full text]
  • Citations in Classics and Ancient History
    Citations in Classics and Ancient History The most common style in use in the field of Classical Studies is the author-date style, also known as Chicago 2, but MLA is also quite common and perfectly acceptable. Quick guides for each of MLA and Chicago 2 are readily available as PDF downloads. The Chicago Manual of Style Online offers a guide on their web-page: http://www.chicagomanualofstyle.org/tools_citationguide.html The Modern Language Association (MLA) does not, but many educational institutions post an MLA guide for free access. While a specific citation style should be followed carefully, none take into account the specific practices of Classical Studies. They are all (Chicago, MLA and others) perfectly suitable for citing most resources, but should not be followed for citing ancient Greek and Latin primary source material, including primary sources in translation. Citing Primary Sources: Every ancient text has its own unique system for locating content by numbers. For example, Homer's Iliad is divided into 24 Books (what we might now call chapters) and the lines of each Book are numbered from line 1. Herodotus' Histories is divided into nine Books and each of these Books is divided into Chapters and each chapter into line numbers. The purpose of such a system is that the Iliad, or any primary source, can be cited in any language and from any publication and always refer to the same passage. That is why we do not cite Herodotus page 66. Page 66 in what publication, in what edition? Very early in your textbook, Apodexis Historia, a passage from Herodotus is reproduced.
    [Show full text]
  • The Prosecutors of Socrates and the Political Motive Theory
    Portland State University PDXScholar Dissertations and Theses Dissertations and Theses 2-1981 The prosecutors of Socrates and the political motive theory Thomas Patrick Kelly Portland State University Follow this and additional works at: https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds Part of the Intellectual History Commons, and the Political History Commons Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Kelly, Thomas Patrick, "The prosecutors of Socrates and the political motive theory" (1981). Dissertations and Theses. Paper 2692. https://doi.org/10.15760/etd.2689 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations and Theses by an authorized administrator of PDXScholar. Please contact us if we can make this document more accessible: [email protected]. AN ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS OF Thomas Patrick Kelly for the Master of Arts in History presented February 26, 1981. Title: The Prosecutors of Socrates and The Political Motive Theory. APPROVED BY MEMBERS OF THE THESIS CO~rnITTEE: ~~varnos, Cha1rman Charles A. Le Guin Roderlc D1man This thesis presents a critical analysis of the histor- ical roles assigned to the prosecutors of Socrates by modern historians. Ancient sources relating to the trial and the principles involved, and modern renditions, especially those of John Burnet and A. E. Taylor, originators of the theory that the trial of Socrates was politically motivated, are critically 2 analyzed and examined. The thesis concludes that the political motive theory is not supported by the evidence on which it relies. THE PROSECUTORS OF SOCRATES AND THE POLITICAL MOTIVE THEORY by THOMAS PATRICK KELLY A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in HISTORY Portland State University 1981 TO THE OFFICE OF GRADUATE STUDIES AND RESEARCH: The members of the Committee approve the thesis of Thomas Patrick Kelly presented February 26, 1981.
    [Show full text]
  • The Trial of Socrates 399 BCE
    The Trial of Socrates 399 BCE 2 WHY? The trial and execution of Socrates in Athens in 399 B.C.E. puzzles historians What did Socrates say or do that prompted a jury to send a seventy- year-old philosopher to his death? Finding an answer is complicated by the two surviving accounts of the defense They were written by Socrates disciples, Plato and Xenophon Their accounts probably were trying to show their master in a favorable light They failed to present the most damning evidence against Socrates 3 The decisions to prosecute and ultimately convict Socrates had a lot to do with the turbulent history of Athens in the several years preceding his trial An examination of that history may not provide final answers, but it does provide important clues 4 As a young man, Socrates saw the rise to power of Pericles He brought on the dawning of the "Golden Age of Greece." Pericles--perhaps history's first liberal politician-- acted on his belief that the masses deserved liberty Pericles used the public treasury to promote the arts He pushed a building program designed to demonstrate the glory that was Greece It also ensured full employment and opportunities for the lower classes Pericles rebuilt the Acropolis and constructed the Parthenon 5 Parthenon 6 SOCRATES’ BELIEFS Meanwhile, Socrates developed a set of values and beliefs that would put him at odds with most Athenians 7 Socrates was not a democrat To him, the people should not be self-governing They were like a herd of sheep that needed a wise shepherd He denied that citizens had basic virtue
    [Show full text]
  • Socrates and Democratic Athens: the Story of the Trial in Its Historical and Legal Contexts
    Princeton/Stanford Working Papers in Classics Socrates and democratic Athens: The story of the trial in its historical and legal contexts. Version 1.0 July 2006 Josiah Ober Princeton University Abstract: Socrates was both a loyal citizen (by his own lights) and a critic of the democratic community’s way of doing things. This led to a crisis in 339 B.C. In order to understand Socrates’ and the Athenian community’s actions (as reported by Plato and Xenophon) it is necessary to understand the historical and legal contexts, the democratic state’s commitment to the notion that citizens are resonsible for the effects of their actions, and Socrates’ reasons for preferring to live in Athens rather than in states that might (by his lights) have had substantively better legal systems. Written for the Cambridge Companion to Socrates. © Josiah Ober. [email protected] Socrates and democratic Athens: The story of the trial in its historical and legal contexts. (for Cambridge Companion to Socrates) Josiah Ober, Princeton University Draft of August 2004 In 399 B.C. the Athenian citizen Socrates, son of Sophroniscus of the deme (township) Alopece, was tried by an Athenian court on the charge of impiety (asebeia). He was found guilty by a narrow majority of the empanelled judges and executed in the public prison a few days later. The trial and execution constitute the best documented events in Socrates’ life and a defining moment in the relationship between Greek philosophy and Athenian democracy. Ever since, philosophers and historians have sought to
    [Show full text]
  • Mercenaries, Poleis, and Empires in the Fourth Century Bce
    The Pennsylvania State University The Graduate School College of the Liberal Arts ALL THE KING’S GREEKS: MERCENARIES, POLEIS, AND EMPIRES IN THE FOURTH CENTURY BCE A Dissertation in History and Classics and Ancient Mediterranean Studies by Jeffrey Rop © 2013 Jeffrey Rop Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy May 2013 ii The dissertation of Jeffrey Rop was reviewed and approved* by the following: Mark Munn Professor of Ancient Greek History and Greek Archaeology, Classics and Ancient Mediterranean Studies Dissertation Advisor Chair of Committee Gary N. Knoppers Edwin Erle Sparks Professor of Classics and Ancient Mediterranean Studies, Religious Studies, and Jewish Studies Garrett G. Fagan Professor of Ancient History and Classics and Ancient Mediterranean Studies Kenneth Hirth Professor of Anthropology Carol Reardon George Winfree Professor of American History David Atwill Associate Professor of History and Asian Studies Graduate Program Director for the Department of History *Signatures are on file in the Graduate School iii ABSTRACT This dissertation examines Greek mercenary service in the Near East from 401- 330 BCE. Traditionally, the employment of Greek soldiers by the Persian Achaemenid Empire and the Kingdom of Egypt during this period has been understood to indicate the military weakness of these polities and the superiority of Greek hoplites over their Near Eastern counterparts. I demonstrate that the purported superiority of Greek heavy infantry has been exaggerated by Greco-Roman authors. Furthermore, close examination of Greek mercenary service reveals that the recruitment of Greek soldiers was not the purpose of Achaemenid foreign policy in Greece and the Aegean, but was instead an indication of the political subordination of prominent Greek citizens and poleis, conducted through the social institution of xenia, to Persian satraps and kings.
    [Show full text]
  • Plato's Meno: Knowledge Is Justified True Belief
    Plato’s Meno: Knowledge is Justified True Belief: This Socratic dialogue introduces two dominate themes in Western philosophy: 402 BC What counts as virtue and what counts as knowledge. Part 1: 70-86c: Part 2: 86d-end: Can Virtue Be Taught? Knowledge Search for a definition of “arete.” MENO’S CHALLENGE: “Opinion” vs. “Knowledge” WHAT IS “ARETE”? 70-79b STRATEGY: : 80d-e 1. may be useful as knowledge, Socrates asks Meno for a formal definition of If you don’t know what “arete” is Socrates proposes that we first determine if virtue is a but often fails to stay in their “arete” for how can we know if arete can be already, you can’t even look for it, kind of knowledge. If it is, it can be taught. If virtue taught we don’t have a clear idea what it is. because if you don’t know what it place; must be tethered by All the examples of “arete” have something in is already, then even if you look, isn’t knowledge, then it can’t be taught (86d-e) anamnesis: certain common: The “essence” or “form” of “arete.” you will not know when you’ve [recognize that virtue is used interchangeably found it. Argument # 1: Virtue can be taught: (87-89c); knowledge is innate & recollected by the soul through with “the good”]. Argument # 2: Virtue is not knowledge (89c): KNOWLEDGE IS proper inquiry. RECOLLECTION: 70a: Can virtue be taught? 71b; Must know what virtue is before Everyone agrees that there are teachers for certain knowing its qualities. What is virtue? Meno responds: (71e-72a).
    [Show full text]