Puntland at the Polls

SAFERWORLD PREVENTING VIOLENT CONFLICT. BUILDING SAFER LIVES SAFERWORLD REPORT PREVENTING VIOLENT CONFLICT. BUILDING SAFER LIVES SAFERWORLD PREVENTING VIOLENT CONFLICT. BUILDING SAFER LIVES SAFERWORLD PREVENTING VIOLENT CONFLICT. BUILDING SAFER LIVES Puntland at the polls April 2014 Puntland at the polls SAFERWORLD AND PUNSAA APRIL 2014 Acknowledgements Saferworld and PUNSAA would like to acknowledge the following colleagues for their valuable contributions to this report; Kathryn Achilles, George Grayson, Sadik Ahmed Bihi, Mohamed Abdi Elmi and Abdirisak Said Nur. We also thank the United States Institute of Peace (USIP)* for their financial support to this research. Acronyms CPJ Committee to Protect Journalists MAP Media Association of Puntland PDRC Puntland Development Research Centre PUNSAA Puntland Non State Actors Association TPEC Transitional Puntland Election Commission Political Associations Horcad Horseed Midnimo Puntland Democratic Party (PDP) Puntland People’s Party (UDAD) Wadajir © Saferworld, April 2014. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without full attribution. Saferworld welcomes and encourages the utilisation and dissemination of the material included in this publication. * The opinions, findings, and conclusions or recommendations expressed in this publication are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the United States Institute of Peace. Contents Map of Somalia 1 Introduction 1 Methodology 2 Context 2 The electoral process 3 2 Key challenges 5 1. A lack of consultation and consensus building 5 2. A disputed constitution and electoral laws 6 Boundary demarcation 6 3. An electoral body lacking trust and confidence 7 4. Restrictions on freedom of expression 8 5. Limitations to genuine participation 8 Political associations 9 Civic and voter education 10 6. The failure to carry out voter registration 11 7. A lack of dispute resolution mechanisms 11 3 Conclusion 13 4 Recommendations 14 Somalia ©UN. This map is intended for illustrative purposes only. Saferworld takes no position on whether this representation is legally or politically valid. 1 1 Introduction IN JULY 2013, Puntland was due to elect local councillors in its first democratic election since the 1969 elections across Somalia. However, just one day before people went to the polls, the election was indefinitely postponed in the face of violence, protests, and attacks in towns and cities across Puntland, including Qardho and Galkayo, which reportedly resulted in the deaths of at least three people.1 The local council election would have paved the way for parliamentary and presidential elections later in the year. The three political associations that won the highest number of votes in the local council elections would have been recognised as political parties and then become eligible to contest the parliamentary elections. MPs elected in the parliamentary election would then in turn elect the president. This report examines the reasons behind the failure of the local council elections. It sets out a number of recommendations to the Puntland authorities and the international community for advancing and supporting inclusive and representative governance processes in Puntland, and in Somalia more generally. The commitment to hold democratic elections in Puntland began with the inclusion of multiparty democratic elections in the draft constitution developed by then president Adde Muse’s administration in 2008. The constitution was adopted in April 2012 by a constitutional convention which included traditional elders. But even before its adoption, the democratisation project was subject to considerable concern, mistrust and open rejection. Democracy does not begin and end at the polling booth. The focus on the ballot and preparations for the day itself largely overshadowed the need for long-term public support and participation in the process of democratisation. The timeframe was also clearly too short, limiting civil education, leading to the abandonment of the voter registration exercise, and leaving little time to resolve uncertainty around boundary demarcation. There were no concrete plans for resolving disputes arising from the process, and freedom of expression for the media was increasingly curtailed as the election approached. There was also an increasingly poisonous political environment with the authorities and the Transitional Puntland Election Commission (TPEC), the body charged with preparing for and overseeing the election, failing to consult or engage with the full range of stakeholders, including notably traditional elders, who wield significant formal and informal power, and the political associations contesting the election. 1 ‘Press Release: Puntland Government Suspends Local Council Elections’, Wardheer News, 14 July 2014 (www.wardheernews.com/press-release-puntland-government-suspends-local-council-elections/); interviews with civil society activists, November 2013. 2 PUNTLAND AT THE POLLS The limitations this created sustained and enhanced increasing suspicion about the objectives of the administration in pushing ahead with the election, with many viewing it as a ploy by the authorities to extend its rule. As a result of the cancellation, a new parliament, speaker, and president were selected in December 2013 and January 2014 by traditional means.2 Clan elders selected members of parliament (MPs), who were vetted, and who in turn elected the speaker and president. President Farole was defeated by 33 votes to 32 by Abdiweli Abdi Gas in January 2014.3 The critical question now is whether Puntland will continue with its democratisation process. In his statement cancelling the election, President Farole stated that the authorities were “committed to advancing the Democratization Process and holding elections, when it is appropriate.”4 The new authorities have affirmed their commitment to the democratisation process and holding multi-party elections in Puntland.5 An informal poll four days before the election found that 56 per cent of people surveyed in Galkayo and Bossaso and 72 per cent in Garowe wanted them to go ahead,6 but widespread public consultation is needed to establish a clear and inclusive road map for the way forward. What is clear is that current methods of governance in Puntland are not broadly inclusive. Female representation in parliament has declined and Puntland’s large youth population is similarly under-represented. For long-term state building and peace, the Puntland authorities must look to increase their inclusivity and ensure that all Puntlanders have the opportunity to input into and direct their own future. Methodology The methodology for this report was designed in consultation with the Civil Society Democratisation Forum, a platform of 17 members established by the Puntland Non- State Actors Association (PUNSAA) to support research and take forward civil society dialogue on the future for democracy in Puntland. A literature review examined the constitution, electoral laws, press releases and reports on the electoral process. Individual and group discussions were carried out from December 2013 to February 2014. 170 individuals, including 68 women, attended focus group discussions carried out in Garowe, Bossaso, Qardho and Galkayo. Individual interviews were carried out with a range of actors, including TPEC officials, civil society activists, NGOs, representatives of political associations, the police, women’s groups, and traditional elders. Interviews with international NGOs and donors were carried out in Nairobi in February and March 2014. Context Puntland is located in the north-east of Somalia.7 Its administration was established in 1998 during a clan conference in Garowe (now the regional state’s capital) designed to bring an end to conflict in areas under its control following the collapse of the central Somali government in 1991.8 Unlike neighbouring Somaliland, Puntland acknowledges its status as a constituent part of the state of Somalia. Puntland is predominantly inhabited by Harti-Darood clans, including the Majeerteen, the Dhulbahante, the Dashiishe, and the Warsangeli, along with non-Harti Darood 2 Traditionally, Puntland’s Parliament has 66 representatives. Each region is allocated a fixed number of MPs: Sool has 8, Nugaal 9, Mudug 10, Sanaag 11, and Bari 21, while the Ayn district has 7. 3 ‘Somalia Puntland President: Abdiweli Ali Gas beats Farole’, BBC News, 8 January 2014 (www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-25651249). 4 ‘Press Release: Puntland Government Suspends Local Council Elections’, op cit. 5 ‘Somalia: President Abdiweli Gaas discusses with UNSOM on democracy in Puntland’, RBC Garowe, 1 April 2014, www.raxanreeb.com/2014/04/president-abdiwali-gaas-discusses-with-unsom-on-democracy-in-puntland/ 6 International Crisis Group, ‘Somalia: Puntland’s Punted Polls’, Africa Briefing no 97, 19 December 2013, p 10, fn 39. 7 Puntland claims to have nine regions: Bari, Nugaal, Mudug, Karkaar, Ayn, Gardafui, Haylaan, Sanaag, and Sool. Gardafui was established in July 2013 with parliamentary approval. 8 International Crisis Group, ‘Somalia: The Trouble With Puntland’, Africa Briefing No 64, 12 August 2009, pp 5–6; interviews with civil society members, Garowe, February 2014. SAFERWORLD 3 clans including the Leelkase, the Awrtable, and the Arab Salah and non-Darood clans including the Sheekhaal, Dir, Tumallo

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