Assessment Report 2011

Home , Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed, Ayr (clan), Bosaso District, Galmudug, Hobyo, Madhiban

ASSESSMENT REPORT 2011

PHASE 1 - PEACE AND RECONCILIATION JOIN- TOGETHER ACTION For Galmudug, Himan and Heb, Galgaduud and Hiiraan Regions, Somalia Yme/NorSom/GSA

By OMAR SALAD BSc (HONS.) DIPSOCPOL, DIPGOV&POL Consultant,

in collaboration with HØLJE HAUGSJÅ (program Manager Yme) and

MOHAMED ELMI SABRIE JAMALLE (Director NorSom).

Table of Contents Pages Summary of Findings, Analysis and Assessment 5-11

1. Introduction 5

2. Common Geography and History Background of the Central Regions 5

3. Political, Administrative Governing Structures and Roles of Central Regions 6

4. Urban Society and Clan Dynamics 6

5. Impact of Piracy on the Economic, Social and Security Issues 6

6. Identification of Possibility of Peace Seeking Stakeholders in Central Regions 7

7. Identification of Stakeholders and Best Practices of Peace-building 9

8. How Conflicts resolved and peace Built between People Living Together According 9 to Stakeholders 9. What Causes Conflicts Both locally and regional/Central? 9

10. Best Practices of Ensuring Women participation in the process 9

11. Best Practices of organising a Peace Conference 10

12. Relations Between Central Regions and Between them TFG 10

13. Table 1: Organisation, Ownership and Legal Structure of the 10 14. Peace Conference 10

15. Conclusion 11

16. Recap 11

16.1 Main Background Points 16.2 Recommendations 16.3 Expected Outcomes of a Peace Conference

Main and Detailed Report Page

1. Common geography and History Background of Central Regions 13

1.1 Overview geographical and Environmental Situation 13 1.2 Common History and interdependence 14 1.3 Chronic Neglect of Central Regions 15 1.4 Correlation Between neglect and conflict 15

2. The Economic Situation 16

2.1 Economic drivers 16 2.2 Diaspora’s Economic and political Roles 16 2.3 Lack of Infrastructures 16 2.4 Migration, IDPS, and Poverty 17 2.5 Table 3: Galmudug Internal Migrants, IDPs and Refugees 17

3. Political, Administrative Governing Structures and Roles in Central Regions 18 3.1 Galmudug Regional State 18 3.2 Himan & Heb Regional Administration 19 3.3 Galgadud Regional Authority 20 3.4 Hiran Regional Authority 21

4. Urban Society and Clan Dynamics 22 4.1 Displacement of Urban Middle Classes 22 4.2 Traditional Population in Cities. 23 4.3 Clan and Religious Patronage Power and Influence 23 4.4 Religious Leaders’ Important Peace Role in Society 24 4.5 Clan Structures, Institutions and Governance 24 4.6 Diagrams of structures of clans and sub-clans in Central Regions 25

5. Impact of Piracy on the Economic, Social and Security Issues 26 5.1 Background 26 5.2 Different Narratives about Piracy 26 5.3 Piracy Hubs of Harardheere, Gara’ad, Hobyo and El-Huur 27 5.4 Dangerous alliance in Piracy Between Pirates and Al-Shabab 27 5.5 Peaceful Coexistence in Adado 27 5.6 Anti-piracy Measures Decline of Piracy Activity at Hobyo 28 5.7 Impact of Piracy on the Regional Economy and Social Values 29 5.8 Solution for Piracy

6. Identification of Possibility Peace Seeking Stakeholders in Central Regions 29

7. Identification of Peace Stakeholders and their Consent for Join-Together 30 Peace Initiative

8. How Conflicts Resolved and Peace Built Between People Living Together 37 According to Stakeholders? 8.1 Mudug Region Peace Agreement 1993 38 8.2 Partial Peace Agreement between Sa’ad and Saleban Sub-clans 40 8.3 2003 Peace agreement between Reer Ayaanle and Qubays 41 8.4 Peace Agreement between two Lineages of Sheikhal clan Peace and 41 8.5 Institution-building, development and stability bottom-up approach 41 8.6 Unresolved Conflict Between Reer Nabaale Saleban Abdalla Sub-clans 42 8.7 Unresolved Border Conflict Galmudug and Puntland in Godod and Ga’mafale Area 43 8.8 Threat posed by Al-Shabab 43

9. What Causes Conflict Both Locally and Regional/Central? 44 9.1 What causes conflict at local level? 44 9.2 What causes conflict at regional level? 44 9.3 What causes conflict at central level? 44

10. Best Practices of Ensuring Women Participation in the Process? 45

11. Best Practices of Organising a Peace Conference? 46 12. Relations Between Central Regions and Between them TFG 47 12.1 Strained and Tenuous Relations between the Central Regions 47 12.2 Minimal Relations between Central Regions and TFG 48

13. Table 3: Phase 1: Organisational Ownership and Legal Structure of the 48 Peace Conference 14 Conclusion 48 15 Recap of Background Info, Recommendations, expected Outcomes and 49 Activities 15.1 Main Background Points 15.2 Recommendations 15.3 Expected Outcome of a Peace Conference 15.4 Activities to be undertaken 17. Appendix 1 : Lists of diverse stakeholders 52 18. Appendix 2: Terms Of Reference 61

List of Abbreviations

ASWJ : Ahlu Sunnah wal Jaama’a (traditional religious Sufi sect)

GNY : GSA, Norsom and YME

GSA : General Service Agency

NorSom : Norwegian Somalia Self Help Organisation, Norwegian based Diaspora Organisation

Team : Norsom/Consultant or Norsom/GSA/Consultant

TFG : Transitional Federal Government of Somalia

YME : The Yme Foundation, Non Governmental Norwegian Organisation

Acknowledgements:

This assessment would be almost impossible to accomplishment in such a short time without the expertise insightful contribution made by Mr. Mohamed Elmi of Norsom and the vital logistical and technical support by GSA staff in Galmudug. The equally expert guiding ideas and contribution of Mr. Holje Haugsjaa of YME must be acknowledged too.

1. Introduction

YME/NorSom/GSA which has been providing vital humanitarian and development programmes in water and sanitation services in above regions, has decided to explore the feasibility of supporting the target area in conflict resolution and peace-building as delivery of such essential services can hardly be sustained without firm basis of peace and stability. In pursuance of this, YME/NorSom sought the assistance of a consultant to help undertake a one month field, desk and participatory assessment work to identify the possibility of a Join-Together Peace Initiative by meeting and discussing the various peace stakeholders and institutions in the area and making sure their willingness, experience and capacity and to embrace this peace idea.

In this connection, NorSom/Consultant Team went to the area and conducted one month work to marshal the necessary background information, identify the real stakeholders and ascertain their capacities and roles that they can play in the realisation of this noble idea of peace-building.

In an extensive and intensive of field, desk and participatory assessment work the Team visited various locations and identified of a number of regional and local governing institutions and 21 socially diverse stakeholders comprising of 156 important traditional, religious, and civil society (women, educators, students and youth, business, NGOs,) leaders with whom they met, discussed and exchanged views on the matter. That is why this fact-finding mission was not only field and desk work but a also a participatory one.

Finally, although is it a hugely challenging to conduct such demanding work as this in an environment where there are a number of constrains and lack of data recording system in this large area under scrutiny, the Team have successfully accomplished its tasks as set in the Terms of Reference.

Thanks to the valuable support from and use of NorSom/GSA resources of facilities, social base, and experience and consultant’s knowledge in the area. The Team recommend some strategies of action and a project proposal in order to execute the envisaged Join-Together Peace and Reconciliation Action.

In conclusion, this peace initiative is pertinent, immensely important, timely and feasible given the great need, desire, and willingness shown by the governing institutions and social stakeholders concerned and their pledge of support.

Summary of Findings, Analysis and Assessment

2. Common History and geography Background of the Central Regions

The section deals with their common geographical situation, history, interdependence, chronic neglect of socio-economic development in the target areas by successive central authorities and correlation between such neglect and conflict/poverty.

This gives a brief picture about the geographical and economic situation state of undeveloped natural economy as livestock, fisheries and agriculture let alone oil and mineral resources of these regions and how the civil war conflict, piracy, and unprecedented successive droughts have severely affected the life of the population. Livestock export and import of various consumption goods through the long distance Bosaso seaport and remittances by the Diaspora are the modest economic drivers and there is lack of infrastructures like roads, seaports, and airports except the derelict long road which links south and north of the country and a small airport in Galkayo which is also in disrepair and lacks necessary

facilities. In addition, there are large numbers of IDPS whose their livestock have been wiped out by droughts and internal poor migrants from the southern regions. Consequently there is deep and widespread poverty.

3. Political, Administrative Governing Structures and Roles of Central Regions

This Section examines the regional institutions in aspects of: a)governing Structures, b)legitimacy, c)legal framework, d)type of administration and powers, e)capacity of institutions, f)consultation with constituents, g) gender Inequality, h)human and material resources, i)accountability and transparency, k) attitude to and vision about system of national government, and l) delivery of basic public services. Most institutions have limited attributes of these governance bench marks and some Islamic militant authorities have not most of these institutional ingredients.

4. Urban Society and Clan Dynamics

The section analyses the interaction, influence and balance between urban society and traditional rural one and how the values and influence of the former have diminished and gave way to the latter during the civil war period. It also briefly looks at the traditional clan customary and religious institutions and their roles, functions, and patronage clan power influence on governing institutions at all levels while the structures and names of clans in these regions are shown in diagrams.

5. Impact of Piracy on the Economic, Social and Security Issues

The section explores and discusses the origins, causes, and different Somali and external narratives about piracy in the Somali coastal waters and adjacent international shipping lanes. It also dwells on the piracy hubs and the activities therein as well as the negative impacts (but in some cases economically beneficial for pirates, their relatives and communities) on the economic, social, and security aspects. There is also a contradiction of detestation about and ambivalence and/or tacit consent for piracy on the part of the people and authorities in these affected areas. Finally the section provides recommendations on the best way of tackling piracy by rehabilitating these desperate young people and creating alternative skills training and employment opportunities for them.

6. Identification of Possibility of Peace Seeking Stakeholders in Central Regions

The section is about exploration and identification of various peace stakeholders and the possibility of a join-together Peace Action in the target (Galmudug, Himan & Heb, Gaalgadudu, and Hiran regions) through extensive and intensive meetings and discussions by the Team. The types of stakeholders identified by this survey are:

Traditional leaders of various clans in the target area, traditional religious leaders, new salafist peace-seeking religious leaders, business leaders, university lecturers and secondary teachers,

various women associations’ leaders, NGOs leaders, universities’ students and youth committees, regional authorities of Galmudug (including the President, Vice President, Chairman of the Council of Representatives, a number of ministers, Governor of Mudug Region, and Mayor). Diaspora members two appropriate TFG ministers (minister for constitutional development and reconciliation, and minister of Health who is also leader of ASWJ and both from the target area) who welcomed the peace idea and pledged support for it.

Before going to the fieldwork, at the end of June and first week of July, and afterwards, the study Team also reached out and discussed in Nairobi about this peace initiative with other main stakeholders who have shown understanding and support for this peace imitative such as:

the Deputy Head of the Norwegian Mission Interpeace, Swedish Life and Peace The top leaderships of the newly established Diaspora led Mareg State whose territorial and social base is El-der District area in southern Galgadud Region, Meetings of traditional elders and business people from Galmudug, Galgadud, Himan Heb and Hiran regions based in Nairobi. Mrs. Fadumo Ugas Farah – a lady who heads FERO –Women’s organisation based in Nairobi and involved in the target area. Mrs. Asha Haji Elmi - a lady who is recipient of Alternative Noble Prize and several other prestigious awards and heads the SWC – a women’s and Childrren organisation based in Nairobi and involved in south/central Somalia.

6.1 Table 1: various Stakeholders identified, met, and discussed by GNY/Consultant in Nairobi, Galkayo, Galmudug, etc.

Type of Stakeholders Place of Number of Grand Total of meeting people in each number of group people 1 Interpeace Nairobi 2 2 2 Peace & Life Nairobi 1 1 3 Two meetings with Traditional leaders and civil society members of the target area Nairobi 10 20

4 Mareg regional State Leaders Nairobi/London 5 5 5 Sa’ad sub-clan elders Galkayo 18 18 Galmudug 6 Madhiban & Kulbeer sub-clans elders & C/society Galkayo

Galmudug 9 9 7 Sheikhal clan elders Galkayo Galmudug 6 6 8 Qubays sub-clan elders & Business people Galkayo, Galmudug 13 13 9 Women’s organisations Galkayo Galmudug 19 19 10 Uni. Lecturers and Sec. Schools teachers

Galkayo, Galmudug 7 7 11 NGOs Galkayo, Galmudug 9 9 12 Uni & Secondary students/youth committees Galkayo, Galmudug 16 16 13 Traditional Religious leaders Galkayp, Galmudug 5 5 14 Peaceful religious salafist group Galkayo, Galmudug 4 4 15 Business committee Galkayo Galmudug 6 6 16 Traditional leaders and elders of Galgadud Region

Galkayo, Galmudug 20 20 17 1 traditional leader and 1 c/society member of Marehan clan

Nairobi 2 2 18 3 traditional leaders of Hiran Region Nairobi 3 3 19 Leader of Women’s Org. FERO Nairobi 1 1 20 Leader of Women & Children org.-SWC

Nairobi 1 1 21 Wargadha’ traditional &C/society leaders

Nairobi 2 2 Hiran Region traditional

leaders Nairobi 4 4 16 important persons (including five ministers of Galmudug) 11 elders of Galmudug and Himan & Heb regions

Nairobi 16 16 Grand Total 172

All these diverse stakeholders, whose names and total number, are indicated in the above table, have shown keen interest, willingness, readiness and desire to embrace the join-Together Peace Action when the opportunity comes

7. Identification of Stakeholders and Best Practices of Peace-building

The section concerns about identification of various peace stakeholders in the target area, Nairobi, Mogadishu, Diaspora, etc. and a series of meetings, discussions and exchanges of views as well as related questions from a questionnaire devised for the fieldwork assessment which were put to the same stakeholders and the answers they gave. The stakeholders also account about their experiences of examples of conflict resolutions and peace-building initiatives they have been involved and dealt with over the years as their best peace practices which are dealt with in the next section.

8. How Conflicts Resolved and Peace Built Between People Living Together According to Stakeholders

It is about the different accounts of a number of examples of conflict resolutions and peace-buildings experienced and undertaken by the identified stakeholders in their area as their best peace practices. It also outlines some of the challenges (e.g. outstanding and unresolved cases of conflict between some communities and the threat posed by armed militant insurgent group controlling part of central and most southern regions) that might disrupt the relative peace and normalcy existing there.

9. What Causes Conflict Both Locally and Regional/Central?

This section, in addition to the explanation, discussion and exchange of ideas with the above referred various stakeholders, the Team asked each group of them the answers to this topic question and their unanimous responses of what causes conflict in these various territorial levels are in the following sub- sections 8.1, 8.2, and 8.3 respectively listing the causes of conflict at local, regional and central levels.

10. Best Practices of Ensuring Women participation in the process

The following are the best practices of ensuring women participation in public affairs processes to which the many and different stakeholders consulted with by the Team agreed include to:-

recognise equal rights of women give them affirmative empowerment support allocate and legally guarantee good percentage of positions in all institutions by authorities as they are not electable due to current dominant male and clan attitude; ensure participation of women representatives in public meetings and conferences of policy debate and formulation, decision-making and implementation of development programmes, and Give women prominent role in conflict resolution and peace-building as they are absolute peace-drivers and have abilities to shame and stop men from conflict and hostile actions. 11. Best Practices of organising a Peace Conference

The Team discussed with the stakeholders about the best practices of organising a peace conference and their responses are as outlined below:-

To make a good plan and preparation for the conference work To identify genuine and honest stakeholders who have legitimacy and influence in society and their willingness and readiness to participate in the conference as owners, contributors and co-managers; To ensure attendance of those invited stakeholders. To adopt bottom-up community-owned and driven approach possibly facilitated by honest and peace-seeking authority or similarly goodwill body in terms of resources and skills. To ensure inclusivity in terms of all social groups (including women representatives/delegates) and relevant authorities in order to the conference be truly participatory conference. To choose for an appropriate neutral venue and appropriate time (e.g. not in dry season or a time of conflict) agreeable for all. To lay down good ground rules for the procedures and deliberations. To check that participant stakeholders should come with a spirit of goodwill, respect, compromise and moderation in order that the conference succeeds, To make sure that resolutions/agreement should be collectively decided and abided by all participant stakeholders, and To have support and legal endorsement by the relevant governmental authorities

12. Relations Between Central Regions and between them TFG

This is about strained and tenuous relations between the target regions and need to improve their relations and their necessary cooperation. It also touches upon the things that undermine their relations or lack of them between these regions and the TFG.

13. Phase 1: Organisation, Ownership and Legal Structure of the Peace Conference

The section shows in a table of the organisation, ownership and legal structure of the peace conference.

14. Table 2: of Organisation, Ownership and Legal Structure of the Peace Conference

S/No. Objectives of Nature of Ownership Approach Roles of Conference participants of participants conference 1 Peace & Diverse social Community Bottom-up Leading and reconciliation local Stakeholders owned Community decision- driven making 2 = Regional Supportive Support& authorities patrons = ceremonial opening & closing 3 = GNY/management facilitators = Resources and technical facilitation 4 = TFG Legal representatives Key quests = Endorsement & oversight

15. Conclusion

The field, desk and participatory assessment work mission was undertaken from 2nd June to 7/8/2011 by NorSom/Consultant to explore the necessary background information (history, economic, social, security, etc.) and identification of the various genuine peace stakeholders and their views and consent for Phase 1 of ‘Peace Join-Together Action’ in the target area has been largely successful.

The vital information obtained and the willingness, readiness, desire and pelage of support displayed by the aforesaid stakeholders can be surely built on a Phase 2 project of Joint-together peace and reconciliation conference for the relevant target area.

There exists a relative peace and stable situation conducive to the undertaking for a broad peace- building initiative to back-up the development programmes and institutions in the area and there is an absolute need for this noble idea, because without strong peace, developmental programmes cannot be sustainable.

Given these fact findings the holding of a bottom-up community owned and driven joint peace and reconciliation conference facilitated by YME/NorSom/GSA is quite possible and feasible initiative unless unforeseen negative circumstances could happen to disrupt the current favourable situation.

16. Background Info Recap and Recommendations

16.1 Main Background Points

Without strong peace development programs are unsustainable Authorities cannot create and assure development nor provide public services. They just concentrate on security. This is not a situation that can endure.

16.2 Recommendations

There is relative but fragile peace and security in the area which highly need to be consolidated. Peace conferences and joint together actions are highly recommended and highly demanded from all the stakeholders that has expressed them. There should be a support, implementing and monitoring mechanism to follow up and assist the stakeholders for the implementation of the outcomes of the peace conferences and joint together actions. It will be essential to set up a peace center which also can host a peace radio. Installation of a radio station in the area is highly needed to promote peace, reconciliation, security and corporation between the regions and communities. After the conference there should be socio-economic development projects from both the authorities and international actors so peace and security can be sustainable.

16.3 Expected Outcome of a Peace Project:

A peace and reconciliation agreement signed by the traditional leaders and supported and endorsed by regional and central authorities. Positive outcome of a peace project will further consolidate the relative peace and stability in these regions The peace project will indirectly support the decentralization and federalism system of government. A successful outcome of the peace project will strengthen and empower institutions and communities. A peace project outcome will help promote the communication and corporation between the regions in various fields such a security, trade, infrastructure, provision public services and access to humanitarian aid. The peace project will strengthen institution in the area and enable them to collect taxes and provide services. The stakeholders will discuss how to unify various regional administrations and authorities into one bigger and viable administration because they are interdependent and yet disconnected.

1. Common Geography and History Background of Central Regions

1.1 Overview Geographical and Environmental Situation

Geographically the central regions are located in strategic position which links the movement of people, trade, and communication from north and to south and vice versa of the country. The land is arid savannah and semi-desert which was previously had plenty pasture ideal for raising various types of livestock such as camels, cattle, goats and sheep of many millions. On top of this, the there has been plenty marine resources in the long coastline of these regions.

Political situation in the area source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/9/9/f/Somalia-map-states-regions-districts.png)

But the whole area have been affected by severe environmental degradation caused by a combination of negative impacts of the pronged civil war, repetitive droughts, climate change, and logging of the scarce forest and trees for commercial charcoal for local consumption and export. These natural and manmade adverse impacts have desertification and soil erosion processes and decimation of over two- third of the livestock which was the economic mainstay for the population in the area in particular and nationwide in general.

Before the current civil war the area had considerable wealth of livestock, marine resources and to some extent agricultural resources that have been reduced to a mere minimum due to the aforesaid natural and manmade calamities and extra serious problems of toxic waste dumping and illegal fishing by countless external flotillas in these coastal waters which almost depleted the plentiful fishery resources which harmful processes driven most pastoralists and fishing communities to be out of business and become destitute for losing their centuries old entitlements and basic livelihoods.

Historically the central regions were cradle the where Somali anti-colonial struggle for independence started and most political leaderships have emerged from the early 1940s onwards. Yet ironically they have been neglected by the successive Somali governments from 1960 t0 1991. Unlike other regions in the south and north, no one significant infrastructure or economic development project has been made in these regions. For example, each of the clusters of northern, northern-eastern, Benadir and Jubaland regions was built a modern trade sea-port respectively at Berbera, Bosaso, Mogadishu, and Kismayo but no port was made for the central regions’ long coastline stretching over thousand kilometres from Mareg to Gara’ad.

Consequently these regions were where the armed insurgency which overthrew the central government in 1990-1991 started. In addition, they have been among the places where the civil war most affected and the least benefitted from the humanitarian and development aid during the last 20 years of the turmoil due to lack of sea-port and the fact they are far away from the centre. The historical socio-economic neglect is still there.

Despite such long-running neglect and civil war and recurrent severe droughts that decimated most of assets in towns, rural areas and coastline people in most parts of these regions have shown extraordinary resiliency to manage to survive on their limited resources. Also without getting support from the TFG and other sources, they have been able to defend many of their areas (e.g. Galmudug, Western Galgadud) from the religious extremist groups so far.

The therefore, the rationale behind this Assessment Report of phase 1 is to explore the possibility of giving support and facilitation to these long neglected central regions to be able to come together for joint peace and reconciliation action to discuss ways and means of resolving their differences, reconciling themselves and creating an environment conducive to more cooperation in peace, security, development and stability in line with the national policy.

1.2 Common History and Interdependence

Also these regions have a common and interdependent historical, geographical, socio-economic and cultural background context. Previously, the central regions comprised Hiran region and greater Mudug Region. The latter has been divided into several regions in successive periods. In 1973, that greater Mudug Region was divided into two regions called Mudug and Galgadud. In 1998 when Puntland Regional State was formed, the Mudug Region was again split into two parts along clan lines into North Mudug with Galkayo city (north) as its capital which comes under Puntland. Subsequently in 2006, southern part of Mudug Region was reorganised and renamed as Galmudug Regional State with Galkayo city (south) as its capital.

Socially and culturally people in these regions have similar traditions and Xeer (customary) and qualities of bravery, pride, openness and strong character like the people in Puntland and Somaliland

which have also been the cradle of anti-colonial struggle and producers of top leaderships. The regions under scrutiny, if it were not negative influence from the TFG and some external actors in the neighbourhood, they could address and be on top their issues conflict, peace and security although they have done a lot to pacify and manage many parts of their territory by keeping the Al-Shabab militant group at bay with any significant support either from the TFG or outside.

1.3 Chronic Neglect of Central Regions

Although these central regions they have had rich livestock and marine resources, not to speak of the known huge unexploited mineral resources, historically they have been chronically neglected and denied economic and social development investment by successive governments compared with other regions. As noted before, virtually no investment has been made to develop these natural riches or provide public services such as education, health, water-wells, and infrastructure. For example, the vast area between El-Dheer and Burtinleh, Hobyo and Abud-waaq, Gara’ad and Dhusa Mareb had access to only one secondary school with limited intake in Galkayo up to 1969 and only two up to 1991. Also, no trading seaport was established for these central regions despite the natural harbours dotted along its long coast from Mareeg to Gara’ad. In contrast, the cluster regions of the two Jubbas, Mogadishu and adjacent Shabelle regions, North-West regions (now Somaliland), and north-east regions (now Puntland) each benefited from a trading sea port (respectively, Kismayo, Mogadishu, Berbera, and Bosaso).

1.4 Correlation Between neglect and conflict

The chronic neglect of the area by depriving it from a piece of the national cake had much to do with the grievances of the inhabitants and the armed uprising begun by the people of north Mudug and Nugal Region against the regime of President Mohamed Siad Barred from the late 1970s followed by the revolt in North-west regions (now Somaliland) which had been subjected to similar neglect coupled with indiscriminate brutality and mayhem in the early 1980s. Subsequently the revolt in the late 1980s in south Mudug (now Galmudug) spearheaded main the emergence of more armed opposition factions that eventually caused the collapse of the central government in 1991 which gave way to the full-blown civil war. Two of the principal faction leaders of these armed revolts, Gen. Mohamed Farah Aideed and Col. Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed were from this area, although they ultimately turned against each other in their region of origin of Mudug, causing one of the bloodiest confrontations during 1991-1993 in and around Galkayo city that claimed the lives of an estimated 2,500 people and wounded many more in addition to incalculable destruction of property.

As a result almost the entire population of Galkayo was displaced and both sides of the city was destroyed and ransacked by the warring militias. In 2004 a similarly bloody conflict broke out between Sa’ad and Saleban sub-clans in Hobyo area in south Mudug, lasting into early 2006 and claiming the lives of an estimated 400 young men as well as huge material losses. The conflicts also created unattended and long-running humanitarian crises in the area.

2. The Economic Situation

2.1 Economic drivers

As mentioned before, the main economic resources like the livestock, fisheries and agriculture have either been undeveloped or have been adversely affected by droughts, piracy and external illegal fishing. However, there are some economic activities which sustain the modest economy in the central regions.

The first main economic driver is import of various commodities such as food, textiles, constructions materials and export of livestock via the faraway Bosaso Port which people in towns and rural areas trade and earning their incomes.

The second main economic driver is remittance sent from abroad by the Diaspora either in the form of supporting their families and relatives or investing some businesses such as small industries, construction of homes and real estate, etc, and related Hawals (money remittance banks) that deal with such remittances and other monetary transactions.

The third main driver is the incomes from the local trade and consumption of animal for meat, milk, hides, etc. and limited agricultural products (grains, fruits, vegetables, onions, etc.) produced mainly in Shabelle river banks in Hiran and other southern regions imported to and consumed in other central areas.

2.2 Diaspora’s Economic and political Roles

AS indicated above, the Diaspora plays an important role in the economic and social development of the central regions as elsewhere in Somalia. Diaspora communities hailing from these regions send million of dollars to their families and relatives and make investment in small trading businesses and real estate which boost the economy. They also take important role in investing and sustaining basic public services such as education, healthcare and water supply. Nation-wide, ‘It is estimated that between US$130-200 million is provided annually for these activities by the Diaspora. While private remittances are a much larger share (estimates range between US$1.3 and 2 billion per year), the amount of money being sent to support community relief and development is significant; indeed in some places it is the only assistance available - UN commissioned Report January 2011.’

The Diaspora communities also play political role they in financing the formation of processes and assuming leadership positions of the administrations in Somalia. For example, president of the president and speaker of Council of Representatives of Galmudug, president of Himan & Heb regional administrations hail from the Diaspora. So are many of their officials. This Diaspora political influence is Somali wide reality. The Prime Minister of the TFG and most of his cabinet ministers, and presidents of Puntland and Somaliland and many of their top officials are from the Diaspora too.

2.3 Lack of Infrastructures

Due to the already cited chronic neglect, there are no infrastructures to speak of. There is only dilapidated many main road built many years ago which passes through the central regions and connects south-north of the country. There are no other traffic worthy roads or seaports while there are many unused natural harbours at Hobyo, Gara’ad, Harardheere, Mareg, etc. for lack of facilities

and economic boosters. Also there are no airports except the small one in Galkayo which is in disrepair and lacks the necessary facilities.

2.4 Migration, IDPS, and Poverty

Like elsewhere in Somalia is movement of internal migration, IDPS and widespread poverty in the central regions. The assessment team had no enough time to research the extent of these social problems. The table below shows only the internal migration numbers from the southern regions and Ogaden and a small fraction of drought affected destitute pastoralists IDPs in Galkayo city (south) while the most of the drought dispossessed people in the rural villages and countryside are not included here. It is just a sample in Galkayo city south alone or a tiny picture of the huge migration, IDPs and deep poverty in the whole area.

2.5 Table 3: Galmudug Internal Migrants, IDPs and Refugees in South Galkayo city 22/7/2011

S/no. Place Galkayo City Where from No. of Families No. of Total South members in the family 1 Dalsan Sub-district: Alla Aamin Camp Galmudug Drought Jowhar camp Affected People 105 6 630

From southern regions

103 6 618 2 Arrafat Sub-district: Qorahey Camp from southern regions

750 6 4500 3 Waberi Sub-district: Bullo Jawaan 1 and 2 camps from southern regions Bullo Noto 1220 6 7320 Camp = Elgab Camp = 180 6 1080 Hiran Camp = 132 6 792 900 6 4500 4 Allanley Sub-district: Arrafat 1 camp

From southern Arafat 2 camp regions 800 6 4800 Galmudug Maryama Camp drought

Buur Bishaaro Camp affected pastoralists Barwaqo Camo = 310 6 1860 450 6 2700

= Refugees from 450 6 2700 Ogaden 180 6 1080 4 Grand total 55160

These figures have been jointly compiled by Galkayo city (south) local authority and management committees of the camps in the absence of recently updated UNCHR figures. The majority of the internal poor migrants, refugees and IDPs are getting insufficient rations and services much less than what they need and their actual numbers due to drastic decrease of aid by UNHCR and other agencies during the last couple of years in these camps and many other areas in Galmudug which also affects other regions according to the local authorities and local NGOs.

3. Political, Administrative Governing Structures and Roles in Central Regions

There are various types of regional institutions with different calibres of capacities and legitimacies and legal frameworks in the central regions which are assessed below.

3.1 Galmudug Regional State

The Galmudug regional State was established in 2006 in a conference in Galkayo City (south) which was organised by a Diaspora preparatory committee and participated by 300 delegates including local stakeholders (traditional and religious leaders, and business, professional, women, and youth representatives) and delegates from the Diaspora which approved and elected the following institutions:-

a transitional Charter for Galmudug; consultative traditional Council of Elders - comprising 24 officially titled elders from the five clans that inhabit the region, as follows: Sa’ad - 17 members, Dir -2 members, Sheikhaal -2 members, and Murursade -1 member, and Madhibaan (a socially discriminated minority) -1. council of Representatives (CR)– the second house comprising 26 members shared by the clans according to the above formula, chaired by a member of the Diaspora, Hassan Mohamud Hayl, and selected by elders from the same sub-clans in the same proportion, president - Mohamed Ali Alin Warsame Alin, from the Diaspora as well, and vice president elected and approved by the CR; council of ministers of composed from 9-11 members (many from the Diaspora) appointed and headed by the president and approved by CR; judiciary council of 5 members (chairman of the high council, prosecutor, and three judges) independent from the other bodies but appointed by the president and approved by the CR; two regions with capitals based on the former districts of Galkayo and Hobyo, each headed by a governor (one from the Diaspora) appointed by the president and approved the CR; and

Number of districts, including the former districts of Galkayo and Hobyo, each with council selected proportionally by traditional council of elders from the clans and which in turn elect a mayor confirmed by the president.

Legitimacy – the legitimacy of these institutions derives from traditional clan source as the elders select and nominate members of the council of representatives, and elect the president and vice and president. The president in turn appoints ministers (9-11 members), governors and mayors after consultation and proposals by the traditional elders.

Legal framework – legal framework is based on its Transitional Charter.

Type of administration and powers – Galmuudug is a community formed and managed administration with functions and powers within its Transitional Charter which refers to, recognises and complies with the national constitution and government roles.

Capacity of institutions – capacity of Galmudug institutions is very limited and need a capacity- building in many aspects of governance.

Consultation with constituents – consultation with constituents and their participation in policy formulation, decision-making and planning and development programs implementation processes is either very limited or non-existent.

Gender Inequality – despite the mention of women inclusion in the institutions, there are no women members in the council of representatives. But there is mere 8 per cent inclusion of women in the district council of Galkayo city (south) which is proposed by the city’s non-clan based neighbourhood sub-districts’ committees.

Human and material resources – human resources is quite limited.

Accountability and transparency – there is no discernible accountability and transparency on the part of the authorities.

Attitude to and vision about system of national government – there is no written provision in Galmudug Charter or publically stated policy by its leadership whether Somalia would be reconstituted as unitary centralised, or unitary decentralised, or federal state.

Delivery of services – there is no delivery of services except sanitation in towns by local council in collaboration with certain NGOs. Basic public services are provided and maintained by the private sector, Diaspora and local and international NGOs and agencies.

3.2 Himan & Heb Regional Administration

Himam & Regional administration was set up in 2007 in Adado in a conference organised by members from the Diaspora and participated by local stakeholders (traditional and religious leaders, professionals, women and youth groups) and delegates from the Diaspora. The delegates selected and appointed a president and vice president. The president with consultation with elders appoints several departmental heads. No council of representatives was formed.

Legitimacy – the legitimacy of these institutions derives from traditional clan source as the elders select and nominate the president and vice and president. The president in turn appoints several departmental heads and mayor for Adado City and staffs.

Gender Inequality – despite the mention of women inclusion in the institutions by the TFG Administrative Law for the Regions and Districts Law there are no women members in the regional and district institutions.

Legal framework – legal framework is based on the TFG enacted Administrative Law for the Regions and Districts but Himan & Heb administration and in contravention of at least some of this law’s provisions such as formation of local council and allocation a quota of seats for women in the local government institutions there is no women membership in these linstitutions.

Type of administration and powers – Himan and Heb is a traditional clan and community formed and managed administration with functions and powers selectively based on TFG Administrative Law for the Regions and Districts Law.

Capacity of institutions – capacity of Himan and Heb institutions is very limited and need a capacity- building in many aspects of governance.

Human and material resources – human resources is quite limited.

Accountability and transparency – there is no discernible accountability and transparency on the part of the authorities.

Attitude to and vision about system of national government – there is strong links and interaction between Himan and Heb Administration and the TFG but there no written or publically stated policy by Himan and Heb leadership whether Somalia would be reconstituted as unitary centralised, or decentralised, or federal state.

3.3 Galgadud Regional Authority

In western Galgadud Region comprising the districts of Gura-El, Dusa Mareb, Ballamballe, Abud-Waq and Heraale are controlled by unconventional regional council made up of traditional religious Sufi leaders known in Somali Ahlu Sunnah wal jama’a (ASWJ)- an armed group which resists and defends the region from the militant group of Al-Shahab attacks. The members of this ASWJ regional council were selected and approved by a conference of religious leaders and supporters held in 2009 in the Somali town of Abud-Waq near the border with Ethiopia.

The council nominates regional security, financial and trade sub-committees. It also nominates chairman, executive secretary, financial secretary, and security officer for each district town. The

sub-committees and district officials are overseen and accountable to the same ASWJ regional council and ultimately to the Ethiopian authorities.

Legitimacy – the legitimacy of these institutions derives from traditional religious leaders conference supported and endorsed by their disciples and the traditional clan leaders.

Gender Inequality – there is total exclusion of women in these ASWJ institutions.

Legal framework – the legal framework is based on the Islamic Sharia and job description laid down by the regional ASWJ council.

Type of administration and powers – the type of the ASWJ regional council in western Galgadud is a religious and community supported unconventional regional authority with functions and powers emanating from the Sharia law and decisions of the ASWJ w which have strained tenuous or no relationship with the Somali TFG and but backed by Ethiopian authorities.

Capacity of institutions – capacity of ASWJ regional institutions is very limited and need a capacity- building in many aspects of governance.

Human and material resources – human resources is quite limited.

Accountability and transparency – there is no discernible accountability and transparency on the part of the authorities.

Attitude to and vision about system of national government – there is no written or publically stated policy by ASWJ Regional Council whether Somalia would be reconstituted as unitary centralised, or decentralised, or federal state.

Delivery of services – there is no delivery of services except sanitation in towns by local authorities in collaboration with certain NGOs. Basic public services are provided and maintained by the private sector, Diaspora, and local and international NGOs and agencies.2

3.4 Hiran Regional Authority

Hiran region is controlled by the militant Islamic Al-Shabab movement. Their governance is unconventional based on strict version of Islamic sharia law. The governing structures are individualised. The region is headed by governor (Amir) and district by commissioner (Amir) and there are departmental officials at regional and local levels nominated and overseen by the top leader (Amir-ul Mu’miniin) of the movement or his deputy. Much is not known about the details of their governing responsibilities, roles and behaviour as they are shrouded by secrecy. The only district outside their jurisdiction is the Mataban district near the border with Galgadud which is controlled by ASWJ and community district authority.

Legitimacy – the legitimacy of these institutions derives from a version of strict Islamic sharia law and orders from the top leadership of Al-Shabab.

Legal framework – legal framework is based on version of strict Islamic sharia law and orders from the top leadership of Al-Shabab.

Type of administration and powers – the type of this regional authority is unconventional one based on strict Islamic fundamentalist law and without consultation and willing consent from the population but based on coercion and fear.

Capacity of institutions – capacity of this strict type of Islamic institutions is very limited and there is in indication whether they need capacity building.

Consultation with constituents – there is no consultation with constituents and their participation in policy formulation, decision-making and planning and development programs implementation processes.

Human and material resources – human resources are limited.

Accountability and transparency – there is no discernible accountability and transparency on the part of the authorities.

Attitude to and vision about system of national government – according to the public statements of the Al-Shabab top leaderships their attitude and vision of Somalia is a Islamic state ruled with strict version of Islamic Sharia which has no borders and is a part and parcel of global Islamic State (Umma Islamiya).

Delivery of services – there is no discernible delivery of services except sanitation in towns and alms to the poor by local authorities. Basic public services are provided and maintained by the private sector, Diaspora and NGOs.

4. Urban Society and Clan Dynamics

4.1 Displacement of Urban Middle Classes

Galmudug urban and clan societies relationship dynamics provides a sample of today’s Somalia context - a war-ravaged society whose social urban classes and their civic way of life have been systematically gutted by the prolonged civil war and is now almost without urban social stratification and classes. Like the rest of Somalia, the residents in towns are predominantly traditional people who settled there during the last 20 years due to loss of their livestock herds and abandoned their farming occupation due to conflict, recurrent droughts, rapidly degrading environment and humanitarian aid dependency.

Most of the former urban people were displaced from cities by the upheavals of the civil war and influx of dispossessed pastoralists and farmers. These unfortunate urban residents whether they were middle classes (business men, politicians, civil servants, professionals, armed forces officers and employees) or petty traders have either fled abroad or lost their fortunes and absorbed into the overwhelming influx from the rural areas which automatically imposed their traditional values and attitudes on the cities.

4.2 Traditional Population in Cities.

Consequently, the overwhelming majority of the present population in the cities and towns in the central regions is traditional one with clannish attitudes and way of life rather than a civic life-style and perspective as elsewhere in Somalia. There are no properly functioning municipalities that keep an official population register, issue resident identity cards, undertake town and development planning and provide sanitation and other basic public services. In such a situation residents see themselves and society through prism of clannish social categories as clan-family, clan, sub-clan, and lineage instead of social strata and rely on the former for their physical security and social insurance.

However, there are signs of a small burgeoning civic society made up of businessmen, professionals (such as teachers, NGOs staffs), and youth, students, and women associations which will take time to be reckonable and influential urban social classes.

4.3 Clan and Religious Patronage Power and Influence

Traditional elders and other important clan personalities have significant patronage influence on such society and issues of conflict resolution, peace-building and reconciliation, and regional and local governance. For example, the regional leaders, members of legislative councils and local government councils of Galmudug Regional State and Himan & Heb Regional Administrations have been selected and legitimatised to hold office by the traditional elders.

Western districts towns of Galgadud region are controlled by armed group comprised of traditional religious Sufi leaders called Ahlu Sunnah Wal Jama’a (ASWJ) which fights against encroachment of the militant Al-Shabab movement. ASWJ selects and nominates the regional and district offices.

The eastern Galgadud districts of El-Bur, Gal-Haareeri, El-Dheer and related villages and countryside plus Harardheere District which is officially part of Galmudug but not practically governed by it, is under the control Al-Shabab while the entire Hiran Region except Mataban District is controlled by ASWJ and community.

Thus, governing institutions in the central regions depend for their source of legitimacy and support on traditional clan/religious patronage system, as are the TFG and Puntland, which constrains the development, quality, performance, attitude, and freedom of action of modern and conventional governing institutional sytsem. So was Somaliland before it moved to democratic elections despite the fact that some local councils are still depending on the traditional elders for their legitimacy. This is the current situation how urban societal and clan dynamics play out in the central regions and most of Somalia’s politics.

4.4 Religious Leaders’ Important Peace Role in Society

Like traditional leaders, religious leader play important and useful roles in society. They always preach people to refrain from doing evil acts and encourage them for good behaviour and deeds especially in times of difficult or conflict. In actual fact religious leaders have played and still do play an important part in peace-building and maintenance of security in these regions in particcular Somalia in general alongside other stakeholders while or they exclusively help resolve conflict and secure peace in some situations.

For example in Galmudug, the peace-seeking religious leaders either take a primary role or play an important contribution to conflict resolution and peace-building (see conflict resolution and peace building processes outlined in State of Conflict and Peace in these Regions Section 6.)

4.5 Clan Structures, Institutions and Governance

Somalis has different confederations called clan-families Darod, Hawiye, Dir, Rahanweyn, and other minorities. Structure-wise under the clan-family comes the clan which in turn has several or many sub-clans that have several or many lineages too. The lineage is the basic management unit where the cooperation and cohesion of the clan or sub-clan is maintained. It is also the mechanism through which individuals (men and women) of the clan can be identified, accounted for, and dealt with. The lineage is qualified and recognised by the clan an independent unit when it can pay a bloody compensation of one hundred camels for man killed from other clan and it can raise hundred or more spearmen (now gunmen). The clan-family is the big confederation which has no practical functions other than physical emotion linkage. It matters only when there is a big conflict which crosses the clan level.

The Clan has a traditional leader variously called Ugas, sultan, Boqor, Iman, waber, or malaaq depending on the region and each lineage is headed by an elder who comes under the traditional. But some clans have no such overall traditional leader but equal elders equal in rank. For their governance these clans or lineages apply a set of laws, namely, non-codified customary law called Xeer (read heir) based on memorised precedents and the Islamic sharia law. The former is administered the elders and the latter by the Islamic religious qadi (judge). Sometimes, depending on a certain circumstance, the Sharia law is put aside and instead the customary is applied for pragmatic and convenient sake. These institutions have not equipped and staffed permanent offices but work on ad-hoc and mobile basis in the rural settings.

The traditional leaders, elders and religious leaders play additional roles of resolution of conflict and peace-building in within their communities and between theirs and other communities.

In such traditional society women is much respected. In addition to child bearing and raising they are the managers of the livestock and other family properties with decisive say on them. However, by tradition these assets are owned by the men. But in the final decision-making and governance processes outside the family, women have little or no say. All in all, women have no equal rights with men in such traditional society.

4.6 Diagrams of structures of clans and sub-clans in Central Regions.

Diagram 1

Galgadud Region Clans and sub-clans

Darod Dir Hawiye Jaaji (1)

Fiqi Muhumud (2) Murursade Hiraab

Shekhaal (2) Habargidir Waysle(3) Mahrehan

Ayr Saleban Sarur Dududle

Reer Dini Wardha’ Eli Reer Siyaad Hussein

Notes: (1) socially discriminated fishing minority community (2) minority community (3) a sub-clan of Abgal.

Diagram 2

Hiran Region Clans and sub-clans

Hawiye Makkanne Minorities (Hawiye allied Bantu)

Hawadle Gugundhabe Gaaljel Udejen Habargidir Ayr Diagram: 3 Galmudug Region Clans sub-clans

Dir Madhiban (1) Hawiye Jaaji (2) Arab Mahmud Salah (3)

Saleban(3) Qubays(3) Murursade(1) Hirab Abdalla Sheekhaal (3) Habargidir

Sa’ad (4)

Notes: (1) socially discriminated minority communities (2) socially discriminated fishing minority community (3) minority community (4)Predominant majority community

5. Impact of Piracy on the Economic, Social and Security Issues1

5.1 Background

Much of the world’s trade depends on the Gulf of Aden and Indian Ocean lanes off the Somali coast where 22,000 commercial ships pass every year. The emergence of piracy in these waters in recent years poses major threat to such global trade flow and world security that has become a serious concern for international ship-owners, businesses, and governments. At the same time, the former Somali fishermen who became pirates and the Somali communities and authorities from the affected coastal areas have grave concerns about the negative impact of illegal fishing and dumping of toxic waste in Somali waters by foreign vessels.

5.2 Different Narratives about Piracy

There are two dominant narratives about the piracy phenomenon. The narrative of the international community is that piracy off the Somali coast in the Gulf of Aden and Indian Ocean waters is an intolerable global scourge which should be confronted with force, as legitimatised by numerous UN Security Council Resolutions Nos. 1816, 1838, 1846, and 1851, that authorise deployment of international armada to prevent pirates from hijacking ships carrying humanitarian delivery for needy Somalis or attacking commercial ships in these waters. As a result the navies of the USA, EU, and Norway were deployed, followed by navies from other nations including Russia, China, India, Brazil, Canada, Australia, and a plethora of smaller states.

The narrative of the Somali fishermen-turned-pirates is that they are defending their own interests and that of their country from foreign fleets engaged in ‘pirate fishing’ in Somali territorial waters and emptying Somali marine resources while other foreign vessels dump toxic waste in the Somali territorial and economic zone. While recognising that the pirates operations are not confined to Somali territorial waters but extend into international waters, many ordinary Somalis and their leaders sympathise with this narrative because of persistent concerns about illegal fishing and dumping of toxic waste by foreign vessels.

The international community and the Somalis also differ in the explanation of the causes of the emergence of piracy in Somali coastal waters. The former focus on the effects of piracy (hijacking, ransom-taking, damage to crews and ships, adverse impact of international trade, insecurity) and avoid talking about the root-causes while the Somalis focus on what they see as these root-causes - Somali fishermen being out of business by “pirate fishing” by foreign ships depleting Somali marine resources and dumping of toxic waste. In addition to this, there is widespread poverty which has driven many young people to venture into the seas to earn a living in the absence of alternatives.

1 An abridged version from Galmudug Report 2010

A third narrative relates to the local and external interest groups and proxies associated with the piracy phenomenon and profiting from it in terms of both wealth and power. Bearing in mind these contrasting perspectives, the next section examines the piracy centres and activities in the coastal towns of Harardheere, El-Huur, and Hobyo.

5.3 Piracy Hubs of Harardheere, Gara’ad, Hobyo and El-Huur

The Somali piracy phenomenon started in Puntland coastal waters in early 1991. Over time, the Puntland towns of Bosaso, Bargaal, Habo, Bandar Beila, and Eyl became centres of piracy activity. This activity spilled over into Harardheere around 2000-2001 and from there to El-Hur and to Hobyo as recently as 2009. Puntland launched anti-piracy in the last couple of years to apprehend or drive away pirates from most of its coastal towns. Then pirates moved to Gara’ad a southernmost coastal harbour of Puntland in Mudug region.

5.4 Dangerous alliance in Piracy between Pirates and Al-Shabab

Harardheere district is under Al-Shabab control. Before Al-Shabab takeover, the town was controlled by Hizbul Islam which entered alliance with the pirates until its forces recently emerged into with Al- Shabab. Now Al-Shabab and the pirates in are business venture and the piracy activity is expanded on the southern coast up to Brava according to sources close to piracy activities.

5.5 Peaceful Coexistence in Adado

The Saleban sub-clan and their Himan and Heb regional administration based in Adado city have developed a ‘smart’ policy to persuade all the diverse groups - the traditional sheikhs and followers of the main traditional Sufi Ahmediya order, adherents of Hizbul Islam (HI), Al-Shabab, etc., to abandon violence in the interest of peace and unity of the sub-clan and to collaborate with the administration. They also agreed not to support HI (recently assimilated into Al-Shabab) and Al- Shabab coming and capturing their area and that anyone who wants to participate in those extremist movements may go to Mogadishu and south to join them.

5.6 Anti-piracy Measures Decline of Piracy Activity at Hobyo

Due to proactive operations and attacks on pirate missions by the international navies, during this year the prevalence of piracy activities have been declining as many pirate attacks have been prevented, caught, detained, killed or sunk. Consequently, many pirates began to avoid going to sea for fear of action of the multinational navies.

Moreover early this, Galmudug administration raised a police unit and deployed to Hobyo where they set up a police station as anti-piracy force headed by active and serious commander who gave stern warning to pirates to move away and transfer their captive ships elsewhere. Then they moved their ships and men to Labad an area on the coastline 30 or so kms from Hobyo in the north. Thus up to June this year was Hobyo was almost free from piracy activities. But now there are signs that the pirates are returning to Hobyo, for example, a couple of weeks ago, a US flagged captive ship was transferred from Harardheere to Hobyo offshore and another which was moved away from Hobyo

to Labad has returned to the latter too. The captors and their guards on the ships disembark and stay in one corner of the town in low profile. There are also individual pirates who stay and visit the town for shopping and rest. Because the anti-piracy police unit has relented their operative duty due to lack of pay and support during the five months or so they were on this difficult and risky mission.

5.7 Impact of Piracy on the Regional Economy and Social Values

It is common knowledge that millions of US dollars of ransom money has been paid out to piracy based in Harardheere and nearby Gara’ad harbour town under Puntland and once in Hobyo. This is a form of money laundering insofar as there are no records of the expenditure and investment. There is no exact information how such huge ransom amounts of money paid to pirates, how they spent it, and there is no formal data about its impact on the regional economy and society except on anecdotal stories and evidence of physical investment symbols and the social effects of the illegal flow of large sums of money.

The positive impact

The positive impact of piracy money is measured by the boost to the economy of the region by the pirates’ ransom money in many direct and indirect ways such as:

creation of employment and income for hundreds of jobless young people in the form of pirate soldiers and workers; boost to various small businesses - shops, restaurants, dwelling houses, hotels, car sale or hire, etc – from which owners get increased incomes either from rent by pirates or sales of various goods and services to them; investment by pirates in real estate (houses, restaurants, hotels) and set-up of businesses such as shops, cargo trading trucks, investing shares in companies (inside and outside the country), further investment in piracy catcher agencies, etc; and buying visas and sponsorships to the richer world primarily North America, and Western Europe, or Gulf Arab states, and to some extent to East African neighbouring countries to find new and better way of life.

All these activities have boosted the economy of the regions in which piracy activities exist like Galkayo City (north) of Puntland, Harardheere, Adado city of Himan and Heb Region, and to lesser extent in Galkayo City (south) and Hobyo in Galmudug. The greater impact on economy was in Puntland cities where piracy activities started a decade ago and was the epicentre until recently.

The negative impacts include:

inflow of more khat, and alcohol, and drugs, especially in the coastal port towns and nearby areas; prostitution business – emergence of middlemen and middle-women bringing many pretty young women from every part of Somalia and the neighbouring countries to the piracy centres for sale or hire to the pirates as a lucrative transaction involving large sums of money;

creation of brothels called pleasure houses in the piracy coastal towns where khat, drugs and alcohol are consumed and young women used and corrupted; supply of arms and ammos for the operations of the piracy activities; breaking and flouting the values and norms of society; ruining the lives of many young men and women with harmful, sinful, and shameful practices (e.g. drugs, alcohol, unlawful sex out of marriage, adultery, etc.); causing break-up of a number of families; creating price inflation that doubled or tripled the prices especially in the pirate centres – Harardheere, El-Huur, and Hobyo – with spill over of price hikes to Galmudug and more so Himan & Heb, and Puntland; conflict, disorder and breach of safety and security of piracy affected coastal towns and adjacent regions; and insecurity and harm for international trade as well as financial burden on the global shipping firms.

5.8 Solution for Piracy

The solution does not lie only in the use of global naval forces to put an end to this piracy problem. Over time they could potentially wipe out or contain the piracy on the seas but then it will cost the lives of many hundreds of many young Somalis who were already, or will, killed, sunk in the seas, maimed or sentenced to long years in prison in faraway countries. What will be the reaction of their parents, families, and Somali people? If there is no accompanying strategy that safe-guards the lives of these young people, Somali interest in the sea and ocean domains coupled with at least minimal developmental programmes for coastal communities and adjacent interior lands - how can the ending of piracy be sustained? These desperate youngsters will form freelance militia which disrupt society or ignite new round of conflicts in communities or resort to join extremist groups not for the love of them but to earn a living. The real and lasting solution to defeat the piracy phenomenon - as well as conflict and extremism on the land – lies in the international community demonstrating strong political will and a concerted robust action plan to:

restore an effective central government with its own re-constituted and self-resourced conventional security forces; build local security guards in the coastal areas by assisting local government and communities, and simultaneously, put in place social and economic developmental programmes in skills training and creating in jobs and economic opportunities for thousands of hopeless young Somali pirates and many other jobless youngsters aspiring to join the piracy or extremist groups for lack other living opportunities.

6. Identification of Possibility Peace Seeking Stakeholders in Central Regions

Pursuing this objective, before starting the fieldwork the on 28/6/2011 YME/Norsom/consultant met the Norwegian Embassy in Nairobi and briefed and discussed about the join-together peace initiative for the central regions and on 2/7/2011 Norsom/consultant met discussed Interpeace, and Life and Peace agencies which are involved in research, peace and reconciliation in Somalia and again on

2/7/2011 NorSom/consultant held a meeting in Nairobi for clan leaders and business people from Central regions with who they same peace idea also as relevant and important stakeholders.

Then on 7/7/2011 in order to further explore and identify of peace-Seeking Stakeholders in the central regions and the possibility for Join-together Peace Action and establish together with them the best practices for peace building activities in the central regions as set in the Terms of Reference, the NorSom/Consutant team has undertaken an 18-day fieldwork trip to Galmudug Regional State where they travelled to various locations and conducted a series of activities including meetings with many and diverse main peace stakeholders to explain about these objectives of the assessment, discuss, ask questions and exchange of views with them on the possibility of such Join-together Peace Action in their area and the part they could play.

Due to security and time constrains, the Team could not travel to Himan & Heb, Galgadud and Hiran Regions, but have had the chance and opportunity to meet in Galkayo, Galmudug, with important traditional leaders (20 members) from almost all districts of Galgadud Region, who were on a peace mission to Galmudug and Himan & Heb in order to mediate a conflict between two communities there.

The findings of actual identification of the genuine 21 diverse groups of stakeholders and the discussions and exchanges of views about the join-together peace initiative and photo illustrations of these meetings are detailed in the next section.

7. Identification of Peace Stakeholders and their Consent for Join-Together Peace Initiative

In the course of the above listed activities of meetings, discussions and explanations of the objectives, the Team identified many and diverse social groups and authorities in the area of intervention who are genuine seeking stakeholders and warmly welcomed and pledged support for the idea of a possible Peace and Reconciliation Joint Action in a their areas.

The following is the list of Galmudug of diverse peace stakeholders who were asked and answered the questions in a Questionnaire relating to the assessment by GNY/consultant team.

On 28/6/2011, as stated already, the Team began their work meet the Norwegian Embassy in Nairobi and briefed and discussed about the join-together peace initiative for the central regions.

On 2/7/2011 the Team met in Nairobi and discussed Interpeace, and Life and Peace agencies which involve in research, peace and reconciliation in Somalia

On 3/7/2011 the Team held in Nairobi met for and discussed with 10 people including clan leaders and business people from Central regions on the same peace idea as important stakeholders.

On 5/7/2011 Team met and discussed in Nairobi and contacted via telephone in London, UK, the top-leaderships of the newly established Mareg Regional State, was whose social and territorial base is the El-Dheer District in southernmost of Galgadud region.

On 7/7/2011 in Galkayo the NorSom/Consultant Team paid a courtesy call on Galmudug President Mr. Mohamed Ahmed Alin and briefed him about the peace survey mission of the study and he welcomed the idea and promised support for it when the time comes. Not photo taken.

On 9/8/2011 took place a meeting and discussion led by NorSom/consultant assisted by GSA with 17-member traditional leaders of Sa’ad - the majority clan and the Team in Galkayo, Galmudug(See photos below).

Photos: NorSom/GSA/Consultant meeting and discussing with Sa’ad sb-clan Elders in Galkayo, Galmudug.

On 9/8/2011 took place a meeting and discussion with 9-member traditional leaders of Madhibaan & Kuulbeer sub-clans (of Midgan – a socially discriminated minority community) and the Team in Galkayo, Galmudug.

Photos: NorSom/GSA/Consultant meeting and discussing with elders and c/society members Madhiban & Kulber sub-clans in Galkayo, Galmudug (socially discriminated minority community.)

On 10/7/2011 took place a meeting and discussion between 6-member traditional leaders of Sheekhaal Clan and the Team in Galkayo, Galmudug.

Photos: NorSom/GSA/Consultant meeting and discussing with Sheikhal Elders in Galkayo, Galmudug.

On 10/7/2011 took place a meeting and discussion between 13-member traditional leaders of Qubays sub-clan of clan (minority community) and the Team in Galkayo, Galmudug.

Photos: NorSom/GSA/Consultant meeting and discussing with Qubays Elders and businessmen in Galkayo, Galmudug.

on 10/7/2011 took place a meeting and discussion between 19-member leaders and members of the two women organisations of Midnimo (Unity) and SWO and the Team in Galkayo, Galmudug

Photos: Norsom/GSA/Consultant meeting and discussing with Qubays Elders and businessmen in Galkayo, Galmudug.

On 11/7/2011 took place a meeting and discussion between 7-member university lecturers and secondary schools’ teachers and the Team in Galkayo, Galmudug.

Photos: NorSom/GSA/Consultant meeting and discussing with Uni lecturers & Sec. Schools teachers Galkayo, Galmudug.

On 12/7/2011 took place a meeting and discussion between 16-member of heads and members of local NGOs and the Team in Galkayo, Galmudug.

Photos: NorSom/GSA/Consultant meeting and discussing with Heads of local NGOs Galkayo, Galmudug.

On 12/7/2011 took place a meeting and discussion between 16-member of universities students’ and secondary schools’ youth committees in Galkayo, Galmudug.

On 12/7/2011 the Team participated in and put across the peace concept and objectives of the assessment mission in general meeting with 300 participants held in Galkayo Galmudug to welcome 20-member traditional leaders (including 4 ugases and 19 titled elders) from various districts of

Galgadud Region, who came to Galmudug for a peace mission to mediate conflict between two communities in Galmudug and Himan & Heb. Here are some of the photos.

Photos of some captions of a general peace meeting with 300 participants including regional president held in Galkayo, Galmudug and attended by 20 traditional elders from Galgadud Region.

On 13/7/2011 the Team paid a courtesy visit to Sheikh Ali Fohleh – prominent seeking and Claire- voyant traditional religious sufi leader at his religious centre outside Galkayo and discussed about the peace initiative which he welcomed and blessed. No photo taken.

On 18/7/2011 took place a meeting and discussion between 5-member council of traditional religious leaders and the Team in Galkayo, Galmudug. No photo taken.

On 17/7/2011 welcomed and offered a launch to the 20-traditional leaders from Galgadud Region who came to Galkayo for a mediating peace mission between two fighting communities of Galmudug and Himan and Heb. The Team discussed the peace idea with these traditional leaders on the launch which the warmly received and pledged support for.

Welcoming the traditional leader’s delegation to the GSA house in Galakyo where the working lunch took place.

Photos: 4 Ugases leading the traditional leaders mediation delegation- (from left)Sultan Abdullahi Ali Wardhere, Ugas Hassan Ugas Mohamud, Ugas Isse Ugas Ugas Mohamed & Ugas Abdullahi Ugas

Photo NorSom/consultant Team poses a group photo with the 4 ugases and some of the elders at the end of the working lunch in Galkayo.

From 19-21/7/2011 the Team went on tour working tour to El-Dibir, Hobyo sea Port, and Gawan district towns in the east of Galmudug where they meet, explained and discussed the district committee of these towns with the peace and reconciliation idea for the central regions which, like other stakeholders, warmly welcomed and pledged for their support. No photo taken.

0n 21/7/2011 took place a meeting and discussion between 4-member of peace seeking salafist religious group called An-Nabawi and the Team in Galkayo, Galmudug. No photo taken.

On 22-23/7/2011 the Team twice paid a final farewell visit to the President of Galmudug in which they briefed him about the activities they were doing in the region and urged him to support any peace moves in his area and neighbouring regions. He promised that he will spare no effort to promote peace and understanding between the communities in the central regions. No photo taken.

On 23/7/2001 took place a meeting and discussion between 5-member of the business committee and the Team in Galkayo, Galmudug. No photo taken.

On 23/7/2011 the team paid courtesy call to the Vice President of Galmudug Mr. Abdisamed Guled and briefed him about the peace survey which he welcomed. No photo taken.

On 24/7/2011 the Team meet separately the Chairman of the Council of Representatives of Galmudug, Mr. Hassan Mohamud Hayle, the Governor of Mudug Region Mr. Iman Jirow and Mayor of Galkayo City (south) Mr. Said Salad Elmi of Galmudug and briefed them about the peace concept which welcomed and pledged support for. No photo taken.

After returning from the fieldwork to Nairobi, the Team met and discussed with following groups of stakeholders as part of the identification of additional relevant and important stakeholders of the target area.

On 6/8/2011 in Nairobi met and discussed with Mrs. Zahra Ugas Farah, head of FERO, women’s organisation based who knows and implemented peace and reconciliation in the target area. No photo taken.

On 6/8/2011 Team met and discussed in Nairobi the following leading representatives from Wagardha’ sub-clan of Marehan clan of Abud-waq District of Galgadud region. No photo taken.

1. Sultan Abdulaziz Omar (alias Sultan Beyle)- traditional leader 2. Yassin Issa Wardheere (a senior journalist).

On 8/7/2011 the NorSom/Consultant Team met and contacted via telephone in Nairobi and discussed with the following important traditional leaders of Hiran Region. No photo taken.

1. Ugas Abdirahman Ugas Khalif - Hawadle clan 2. Sheikh Abukar - = 3. Sheikh Muumin - = 4. Abdi Hussein Gedi (ex-mayor of Beletweyn city) - Jajeele clan.

clans that make up the Somali population. She warmly welcomed the peace idea and pledged support with special empathise that of the elation of women’s rights and roles and she will bring high profile women members from across central regions to the peace conference to be planned. No photo taken.

0n 18/8/2011 the Team made a working Ramadan breaking dinner for 16 important stakeholders belong to Galmudug and Himan & Heb regions in Nairobi and discussed about the peace initiative whose names listed below. No photo taken.

1. Abdisamed Guled - Galmudug Vice President 2. Abdullahi Jama - Galmudug Minister of Finance and Trade 3. Mohamed Ga’aliye (junior) - Galmudug Minister of Fisheries and Ports 4. Mohamed Ali Nur - Galmudug Minister for Planning and International Cooperation 5. Hassan M. Jabuti - Galmudug representative in Kenya 6. Hussein Abi - elder of Galmudug 7. Abdikarim M. Mohamud - Sultan of Galmudug 8. Abdi Dheere - Entrepreneur of Galmudug based in Nairobi 9. Abdullahi Ambarre (ex col.) - of Galmudug 10. Abdi Ali -elder of Galmudug 11. Abdikarin Ibrahim Moh’d - elder of Himan and Heb 12. Abdullahi Moh’d Bakad -elder of Himan & Heb 13. Mohamud Qolaaf -elder of Himan & Heb 14. Mohamed Dha’adde - elder of Himan & Heb 15. Abdi Kuus (ex col.) - sultan of Himan & Heb 16. Mohamed Ahmed -elder of Himan & Heb

As already mentioned, all these diverse and important social groups and authorities, who are the genuine peace seeking stakeholders in Galmudug, and traditional leaders of most of Galgadud clans, who are also the primary community stakeholders, have all unanimously expressed their favourable opinions about the concept and survey of this peace initiative intended for the central regions and promised full support for it when the opportunity comes (see the list of names of above diverse social groups stakeholders attached in the appendix).

8. How Conflicts Resolved and Peace Built Between People Living Together According to Stakeholders?

During the meetings and discussions with them, the team posed this question to the various stakeholders and they their gave their opinions and recounted their experiences about communities living side by side which were torn apart by conflict and how it was resolved and people began to live in peace together again.

These are the examples of successful conflict resolution and peace-building initiatives they have experienced and undertaken.

8.1 Mudug Region Peace Agreement 1993

Being the cradle of the civil war in late 1970s Mudug Region (recently split into north Mudug region of Puntland and South Mudug region - Galmudug Regional State) was one of the most devastated regions during 1991-1993 period conflict. At the height of this bitter violent conflict in 1993, peace- loving stakeholders from the two fighting communities in the region jointly initiated a bottom-up peace and reconciliation approach by-passing their respective main factional leaders. First a number of determined and influential peace initiators from both sides who included civil ex-politicians, traditional and religious leaders, professionals, women groups, and non-combatant ex-armed officers, who opposed and wanted to stop such irrational and senseless conflict, started contacts and exchanged of ideas between

Then they expanded the contacts and discussions to other anti-war war and peace supporters from their own communities including the commanders on opposite sides in the battle field in Galkayo and related districts. As anti-war and pro-peace momentum increased, the organising peace drivers decided that each side should take inform the initiative to and persuade their respective main factional leaders who reluctantly accepted the idea as the carpet was already taken under their feet by their own commanders and supporters.

Afterwards, it was agreed to hold a peace and reconciliation conference in May 193 in Mogadishu. Two 200 pro-peace made up of all stakeholders social groups from North-east regions (now Puntland led by their factional leader Colonel Abduillahi Yusuf Ahmed, who in the height of the conflict, courageously travelled from these North-east regions with 100 delegates to Mogadishu to participate in the peace conference and were warmly welcomed by many thousands of enthusiastic crowds and counterpart stakeholders led by their main factional leader Gen. Mohamed Farah Aided. It was not only unbelievable and joyful moment but it was unimaginable how the tactics and will of the peace pro-peace groups succeeded to persuade these military leaders who were well-known for rigidity of opinion and lack of compromise.

After about 200 delegates from both sides participated in the conference which after 5 days of discussions and negotiations agreed on a peace deal named 1993 Mudug Peace Agreement between the warring clans and their militias, namely, Omar Mohamud sub-clan of Majerten clan with other Majerten clans and Lelkase clan of Darod clan-family on side and Sa’ad sub-clan of Habargidir (of Hawiye) on the other side, who killed from each other a total of over 1,000 people during 1991-1992 and 4 months of 1993. This Mudug Peace Agreement, among other things, agreed to:

make immediate and unconditional ceasefire in Galkayo city and adjacent areas, move the two rival militias from Galkayo city – one militia to Ba’adweyn town 60 km north of Galkayo and the other one to Wargalo town 60 km south-east of Galkayo, set up joint military committee to maintain the ceasefire, disengage and redeploy the two militias to the positions agreed upon, set up joint traditional and religious leaders committee to manage the implementation of the peace and reconciliation process and call upon the residents to resettle Galkayo city and resolve the problems in accordance with the Somali customary and sharia laws, and

establish joint high political committee to oversee and advise the above committees and report the progress of the process to the principal factions leaders.

The former Mudug Region, for which the Peace Agreement was made to benefit, was later split into Mudug Region (northern part which retains the name) incorporated with Puntland Regional State inhabited by Omar Mohamud sub-clan of Majeerten, other Majeerten minority clans and Lekase clan of Darod clan-family, and southern Mudug later reorganised as the Galmudug Regional State (the and inhabited by Sa’ad sub-clan of Habargidir of Hawiye clan-family, and minority clans such as Sheekhaal of Hawiye, Dir, and Madhibaan (a socially discriminated minority clan). Even so, that 17- year old peace agreement still holds, despite minor incidents triggered by unruly and armed freelance militias, border issues, or by competition over scare pasture and water by pastoralists of these neighbouring diverse communities. However, Mudug Region of Puntland andGalmudug Regional State both have their respective capitals in north and southern parts of Galkayo City two communities live side by side in relative peace and they are economically and commercially interdependent. They have also old social bonds of intermarriage, interaction and neighbourliness for centuries.

Why this initiative was the only major conflict resolution and peace agreement in the entire south/central Somalia since the outbreak of the civil war in 1991? It was so uniquely successful because of application of the basic and essential conflict resolution and peace-building principles.

Methodology: The methodology was community-owned, funded and driven approach.

Inclusive participation: all genuine diverse peace stakeholders (women among them) were included to play part directly in the discussion, decision-making and implementation of the conflict resolution and peace-building processes

Primary role for traditional and religious leaders: traditional and religious leaders were called upon and supported to play a primary role in order to depoliticise peace initiative and distance it from war-like politicians who saw their interest in the continuation of the conflict.

Role of peace-seeking civil society: disinterested and pro-peace individual politicians, professionals, business people, women and youth played a conscious support and technical role of formulating agenda points agreeable to all sides, laying down grounds rules of the conference progress, programming its deliberations and successful conclusion and final outcome – a conflict resolution and peace agreement.

Ceremonial patronage role of political faction leaders: the organisers of the peace initiative tactically persuaded these leaders not to take direct control of the process but to play ceremonial patronage role of receiving briefing, opening and closing sessions of the conference and undersigning the final agreement.

UNOSOM officials who were formally in control of Mogadishu asked to chair the conference but the two organising sides in the conflict turned that request down and retained the Somali ownership and management of the peace process avoiding interested international politics which could have derailed and failed the peace initiative.

Moreover, this remarkable successful Mudug Peace Agreement had also produced a significant and important positive catalytic impact in that it automatically shifted the nastiest central driver of the civil war from Darod clan-family versus Hawiye clan-family power struggle that was respectively represented and led by General Mohamed Farah Aidid and Colonel Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed after the two men undersigned the aforesaid peace agreement. However, the civil war continued (and still continues) in Mogadishu and south/central regions mainly between different Hawiye war-worlds or between nominal central government and militant Islamic factions vying for control.

Why endless conflict ravages in south/central regions of Somalia? The main reason is that endless conflict ravages there is that since the start of the civil war no genuine peace and reconciliation initiative has ever been undertaken in these parts of the country. And most certainly such seemingly intractable conflict will continue to prevail unless there will be genuine community-owned and driven bottom-up approach of peace and reconciliation process happens between the diverse stakeholders concerned.

Some lessons to be learned: in conclusion three important lessons can be learned from the above described Mudug Peace Agreement which are that: a) genuine and inclusive community-owned and driven bottom-up approach succeeds, b) it helped the ending of Darod versus Hawiye clannish power struggle which was the main driver of the civil war and as a result there has not been civil war between Darod and Hawiye sub-clans in and around Galkayo, and c) this peace deterred the area from warlords and extremist groups which are born out and thrive in chaos and conflict.

Unfortunately this exemplary peace initiative, which can be rated as one of the best practices of conflict resolution and peace-building at least Somalia, is hardly acknowledged and referred to by local and international conflict and peace reports about Somalia with the exception of ‘The Puntland Experience – A Bottom-up Approach to Peace and State-building -1991-2007’ – a study by PDRC assisted by Interpeace. Nor has it been emulated elsewhere in south/central Somalia.

8.2 Partial Peace Agreement between Sa’ad and Saleban Sub-clans

In 2005 community-based initiative ended a two-year old bitter conflict between Sa’ad and Saleban sub-clans that caused the death of over 400 young people, many more injured, and displacement in Hobyo town and several other areas. The process was supported through financial facilitation and technical skills support by the Center for Research and Dialogue (CRD) – a southern/central based partner institution of Interpeace. Traditional and religious leaders played the primary role with the support of business, women, youth groups and militia commanders in the negotiation and necessary compromise to make a permanent ceasefire, redeployment of their respective fighters from the area of conflict and reaching a phase 1 peace agreement to be followed by a comprehensive one addressing sticking issues of land, bloody compensation of those killed and lost properties.

The regional authorities and some MPs from the TFG supported such peace deal and reconciliation to happen. But the desired phase 2 comprehensive peace agreement has not taken place owing to lack of funds and occurrences of other distractive events like the emergency of the Islamic Courts ascendancy of power in Mogadishu and spill-over of their presence and influence in the central regions followed by the Ethiopian military intervention from December 2006 to early January 2010.

Due to this missed out important and supplementary phase 2 part of the agreement, the peace reached in phase 1 has been a shaky one often disrupted by minor clashes by disgruntled gunmen bent on revenge as the bloody compensation of their loved one or relatives has not settled.

The current conflict between Sa’ad and Saleban fighters on the border between Galmudug and Himan & heb regions is a result of a built-up of such minor incidents which can be attributed to the unrealised phase 2 part of the peace deal. This new conflict in which over 40 men were killed and many more wounded is being mediated by 20-member traditional leaders’ delegation including four ugases (ugas is the highest rank a traditional leader) from Galgadud Region but it is feared that involvement of some extremist groups on the side of Himan & Heb Region might constrain the success of such mediation.

8.3 2003 Peace agreement between Reer Ayaanle and Qubays

In 2002 a bloody fighting broke out between Reer Ayaanle lineage of Sa’ad and a minority Dir sub- clan named Qubays in an area between Wisil and Ba’adweyne in Galmudug territory which caused tens of lives and displacement of both community from the land they co-owned and co-inhabited for centuries. After many months of attempts the traditional elders of both communities failed to make ceasefire, let alone, to resolve the feud due to lack of moderation and compromise on their part. Then traditional religious leaders of the area intervened and finally brokered a peace deal between the sides in 2003. This peace agreement enabled the two communities to resume their severed relationships and resettled together in the area where they fled due to the fighting. Since then they have been living peacefully and friendly side by side thanks to those religious leaders who alone made the peace deal to happen.

8.4 Peace Agreement between two Lineages of Sheikhal clan

In 2009 a conflict between two lineages of Sheikhal clan inhabiting in the Afbarwaqo district in northern Galmudug was resolved by community-based peace and reconciliation effort between traditional and religious leaders, business people and civil society members of the same conflicting lineages with mediating support by traditional and religious leaders from other clans of Galmudug and financially and technically facilitated by CRD - a southern/central of Somalia based partner institution of Interpeace. This peace deal still prevails in these communities.

8.5 Peace and institution-building, development and stability bottom-up approach

In 2006 and 2008 Galmudug, and Himan & Heb regional administration were respectively successfully set up by community-based and driven peace-building and reconciliation bottom-up approach in which all stakeholders have come together, resolved their differences in their respective communities through dialogue, and peace and confidence building measures without top-down intervention by central authorities or external actors. Consequently, the former chaotic and conflict- ridden regions have succeeded to set up their own administrations and secure relative peace and order in their areas where the regional institutions keep the security and provide limited services like sanitation of towns.

These community peace-building efforts and reinvented institutions crated a space for almost free movement of people and trade within these regions and to and from neighbouring ones which also

attracts and encourages inflow of local and Diaspora investment in a variety of small businesses and substantial construction of dwelling homes and some real estate like hotels and modern villas for rent which could not happen before the formation of these semi-autonomous administrations. This generates limited but steady economic growth that provides incomes and employment opportunities for hundreds of people and families.

Moreover, these community-owned and built administrations created space for humanitarian aid to come in and reach the needy people as well as rehabilitation and provision of basic public services such as education, healthcare and water supply by the Diaspora community and private sector in partnership with local and external NGOs and agencies. However, these services cannot meet 70% of the real and basic needs of the population. The institutional formation process was initiated, funded and led by the Diapoara.

But the other central regions, namely, Hiran region and eastern part Galgadud are under the control of the militant group of Al-Shabab like the entire southern regions. Only western Galgadud districts of Dusa Mareb, Abud-waq, Ballamballe, Heraale, and Gura-El are free from Al-Shahab which are controlled by the Traditional religious Sufi groups called Ahlu Sunnah wal Jama’a (ASWJ), which fights and defends these areas from Al-Shabab attacks, and supported by the traditional elders and to community to keep the security and allow international humanitarian aid and provision of basic public services by the private sector and Diaspora to come in and get going on.

Despite these accounts of successes of small and medium conflict resolutions and peace-building efforts, stakeholders told the Team about some unresolved and pending conflicts between some communities and other problems which they see as challenges to peace and security in the area.

8.6 Unresolved Conflict between Reer Nabaale Saleban Abdalla Sub-clans

There has been a bloody feud that began over access to water and pasture in 1998 between Naabale lineage of Sa’ad and minority sub-clan of Dir by the name Saleban Abdaala in the district of Afbarwaqo in northern Galmudug territory. This long running conflict that claimed the lives of many tens of men and maimed many others has abated in the last several years it has been resolved and the hostility and deep mistrust remain between the two sides. This unresolved conflict brought severe hardship and misery to both sides as they have lost much needed resources in the fighting campaign during which period both communities have been mutually displaced from their traditional water and pasture land in which they co-owned and co-inhabited for centuries.

Why this conflict persists between these communities? It is because there is lack of tolerance and sense of compromise on the part of the traditional leaders of the communities which is unusual trait Somali tradition. The traditional and religious leaders of the other Galmudug communities tried many times to mediate the two sides but to no avail. CRD also intervened to bring together and facilitate for them a dialogue in order to broker a peace and reconciliation between these communities but there has not been positive response from either.

8.7 Unfinished Peace Agreement between Sa’ad and Saleban Sub-clans

In 2005 as described under sub-head in B) sub-section section 4.1.2 above, a ceasefire and partial phase 1 peace agreement was reached between Sa’ad and Saleban sub-clans to stop their bitter

conflict which was to be followed a phase 2 comprehensive and final peace agreement in which blood compensation of the hundreds of men killed, huge property damages and land dispute should have been settled. This final part of the aftermath of the conflict is unresolved and that is why there is tension and recurrent acts of killing and revenge killing between the two communities by discontented gunmen whose loved ones and relatives were lost in the previous conflict and have not been compensated.

8.8 Unresolved Border Conflict Galmudug and Puntland in Godod and Ga’mafale Area

In the dry season of Jiilal (winter) of 2010 there was bloody conflict between two pastoralists communities belonging to Galmudug and Puntland in dozens of lives were lost and many sustained injuries over water and pasture at water-wells of Godod and Ga’mafaleh on the northern border between the two regions.

That conflict displaced the Galmudug’s pastoralist community from their centuries old traditional grazing and water areas. There have been several interventions by the traditional leaders and authorities of both sides as well as a high level TFG ministerial delegation to mediate the resolve the fray but all these efforts ended fruitless owing to the intransigency on the Puntland side. At present the situation is calm but the Galmudug community which was displaced from their traditional pasture and water land wants to return to their area and this is a potential conflict source which may one day explode between Galmudug and Puntland if not resolved before such unfortunate scenario happens.

8.9 Threat posed by Al-Shabab

The conflict prevailing between the Somali Transitional Federal Government (TFG) based in Mogadishu and its other Somali and external allies, on the one hand, and the militant religious movement of Al-Shabab which controls parts of the central regions and almost all southern regions, on the other hand, is the biggest unresolved conflict which is in the way of restoration of effective central government and normality of life in Somalia.

This conflict which is a continuation and more dangerous by-product of the unresolved 20-year-old civil war whose direct and indirect spill-over effects constitute a real spectre and threat to the relative peace and security existing in the central regions such as Galmudug, Himan & Heb and west of Galgadud Region unless the institutions of these regions get assistance to make their joint defensive plan and take the necessary measures as soon as possible. For example, in the conflict currently going on between clan fighters belonging respectively to Galmudug and Himan & Heb regions, Al-Shabab movement is involved in the side of the latter region.

However, the Team examined and found that there is keen and enthusiastic willingness and readiness on the part of all the stakeholders to conjoin a peace and reconciliation conference and there is a capacity of the institutions in the target area to embrace such immensely important peace initiative and contribute to make it a success.

9. What Causes Conflict Both Locally and Regional/Central?

In addition to the explanation, discussion and exchange of ideas with the above referred various stakeholders, the Team asked each group of them the answers to this topic question and their unanimous responses of what causes conflict in these various territorial levels are the following.

9.1 What causes conflict at local level?

lack of capacity for governance and developmental politics ineffective governance and law and order. tribalised and self-interested politics lack of justice and fairness uncontrolled armed militias pirates especially in coastal central regions lack of enough civic education and patriotic consciousness competition over little resources (water, pastures, economic and job opportunities) spread of guns in the country border dispute between different newly self-established regions poverty and lack of economic and job opportunities mistrust and misperception between clans from unsettled civil war grievances crimes (killing, revenge, rape, robbery, theft, etc.), and religious sectarian extremism., and Interested external interferences

9.2 What causes conflict at regional level?

lack of mature, visionary and developmental politics ineffective governance and law and order. tribalised and self-interested politics lack of accountability and transparency poverty and lack of job and economic opportunities lack of justice and fairness spread of guns in the country uncontrolled armed militias pirates especially in central coastal regions crimes (killing, revenge, rape, robbery, theft, etc.) mistrust and misperception between clans from unsettled civil war grievances, territorial dispute between different newly self-established regions negative political and economic competition between these regions instead of friendly cooperation, religious sectarian extremism, and Interested and negative external interferences.

9.3 What causes conflict at central level?

lack of mature, visionary and developmental politics ineffective governance and law and order tribalised and self-interested politics lack of justice and fairness lack of accountability and transparency spread of guns in the country uncontrolled armed militias pirates especially in coastal regions poverty and lack of economic and job opportunities lack of enough civic education and patriotic consciousness religious sectarian extremism, and Interested competing external interferences with negative and complicating effects.

All the different stakeholders groups have unanimously agreed the above causes of small and big conflicts which sometimes overlap at different territorial and community levels.

10. Best Practices of Ensuring Women Participation in the Process?

Somali society is mainly traditional male dominated one where women rights and participation in public affairs has always been minimal. For the first time the right of women to participate in public affairs began in 1958 when women voted in a general election in the UN Trusteeship Italian administered Somalia and again after the independence and Act of Union between Italian and British all adult Somali women voted in 1961 Referendum and legally became equal citizens. From that time young women were recruited in the civil service and armed forces though in limited numbers. But the best period of explicit affirmative policy of women emancipation was in the 1970s period during the height of the socialist orientated revolutionary regime

At the time record numbers of women were enrolled in all government institutions with many promoted to high positions as directors, director generals, diplomatic officials, commissioned officers in the armed forces office officers, MPs, and ministers. This progressive gender policy has been back-tracked from the 1980s as that government has become increasingly weak until its disintegration 1991. As a result, during the 20 years of the men driven civil war women almost lost most rights of their rights of equal citizenship and participation in public affairs.

The present Transitional Federal Government has allocated women for 12% quota in all public institutions. But it does not make good its policy as women MPs in the parliament are much less than that quota and there only one women affairs minister in the cabinet while in most regional and district authorities exclude women especially so in those controlled by Islamic traditional or militant groups.

Somali women have great capabilities and resiliency of doing great things in private and public spheres at times of peace or conflict. Since the outbreak of the civil war 1991 most men ceased to be family breadwinner and women taken over and have struggling the roles of winning the bread,

raising the children and husbands and supporting the extended by doing various petty businesses and jobs. In addition, unlike men have been playing important role in every peace imitative in Somalia.

The Somali women’s ability to make peace is epitomised by the world famous initiative taken by Kenyan Somali women. For example, about ten or so years ago, in Wajir District of Kenya, a group of women headed by Mrs. Dekha Ibrahim (who was killed in car crash a couple of weeks ago, alas!) initiated a peace action and succeed to resolve an all out war after men had failed. Thus, Mrs. Dekha and her women group made a lasting peace for the community. About this women peace initiative a famous and exemplary lesson was filmed and replicated in many parts of the world which needs to be emulated by other Somali men and women alike. Women in Somalia have the same abilities of peace-building but their abilities and actions are either neglected or belittled by men of their traditional mentality of looking women down.

However, the known best practices of ensuring women of participation in public affairs processes to which the many and diverse stakeholders consulted with by the Assessment Team agreed, include to:-

give affirmative empowerment support allocate and legally guarantee good percentage of positions in all institutions by authorities as they are not electable due to current dominant male and clan attitude; ensure participation of women representatives in public meetings and conferences of policy debate and formulation, decision-making and implementation of development programmes. Give women prominent role in conflict resolution and peace-building processes as they are absolute peace-drivers have the abilities to shame and stop men from conflict and hostile actions.

11. Best Practices of Organising a Peace Conference?

The Team discussed with the stakeholders about best practices of organising a peace conference and their responses were as outlined below:-

To make a good plan and preparation for the conference work and ensure attendance by all the necessary stakeholders. To adopt bottom-up community-owned and driven approach possibly facilitated by honest and peace-seeking authority or similarly goodwill body in terms of resources and skills. To identify genuine and honest stakeholders who have legitimacy and influence in society and their willingness and readiness to participate in the conference as owners, contributors and co-managers. To ensure inclusivity in terms of all social groups (including women representatives/delegates) and relevant authorities in order that the conference to be truly participatory conference. To choose for a appropriate neutral venue appropriate time (e.g. not in dry season or a time of conflict) agreeable for all. To lay down good ground rules for the procedures and deliberations.

To check that participant stakeholders come with a spirit of goodwill, respect, compromise and moderation geared to the achievement of success for the conference, and To make collective decision-making by the all participant stakeholders who must abide by and implement the resolutions/agreement.

12. Relations between Central Regions and between them and TFG

12.1 Strained and Tenuous Relations between the Central Regions

The central regions have been badly affected by the civil war and its adverse aftermath of instability, intra and inter clan fighting, marauding unruly armed militias, repetitive and prolonged droughts, internal migration, IDPs and piracy especially coastal areas, of which the combination has caused (and causes) widespread and severe humanitarian situation. During the greater part of the last 20 years these regions have been off-limits of humanitarian and relief aid due insecurity and remoteness from the centre and as a result there has not been intervention by central interim and TFG governments and external humanitarian organisations. Only in the last several years could internal and external NGOs and aid agencies could come in and provide limited humanitarian aid. Meantime while there has not been (isn’t still) formal relationship and cooperation between these regions although they are socially, economically and security-wise interdependent.

In Galmudug, and Himan and Heb regions relative normalcy has returned after administrations have been respectively set up in 2006 and 2007 and the control in northern Galgadud Region was taken over in 2009 by an Ethiopia-backed traditional religious Sufi armed group called Ahlu Sunnah wal Jama’a (ASWJ) which defends the area from the militant group of Al-Shabab. Afterwards there has been some degree of peace and security, increased movement of people and goods within and between these regions. But the relations and cooperation between them have been informal and tenuous and at times strained by occasional fare-ups of conflict over water, pasture and boundary disputes or by religious sectarian hostility.

For example, there are occasional conflict and tension between Galmudug and Mudug Region of Puntland over the imaginary line which divides the Galkayo city in north and south parts respective controlled by the two aforesaid entities and on some boundary areas outside the city. On the other hand, there are recurrent bloody incidents between Galmudug and Himan & Heb on the border over land area between them. Last month in that same area there was a big bloody confrontation in which about 40 people were killed and many others injured. This conflict has not yet been resolved although there is an ongoing negotiation between the traditional and religious leaders of two sides and mediation effort conducted by traditional leaders from Galgadud Region. There is hope to peacefully resolved this conflict

In October 2010 Adado, the capital of the Himan and Heb regional Administration was attacked and briefly occupied by ASWJ’s militia force from western territory of Galgadud Region due perception that the former has relations with Al-Shabab. Afterwards the relationship between Himan and Heb and ASWJ based in western part of Galgadud region has soured.

The Hiran Region is controlled by Al-Shabab group save Matabaan District adjacent western part of Galgadud Region and which is under the authority of ASWJ group. The there is no formal relations between Hiran and other central regions except people and trade movement.

12.2 Minimal Relations between Central Regions and TFG

On the other hand, the relations between these relations and the TFG is either very little or non- existent. Being bogged down in Mogadishu the TFG has no capability or even will to reach out these regions and help them overcome their difficulties. The some TFG officials make rare contacts via telephone or visits to these regional entities on selective basis just to solicit support from them or for publicity stunt.

That is why it is quite pertinent, imperative and timely to propose a bottom-up approach of Join- together Peace Initiative for these regions after so long a time that the top-down approach subscribed to by the TFG has proved to be elusive and infeasible project. The TFG needs to exist to keep the symbolism of the Somali state but cannot be expected to reach these regions and help them sort out their problems.

13. Table 3: Phase 1: Organisational Ownership and Legal Structure of the Peace Conference

14. Conclusion

The field, and desk work mission of this Assessment Report undertaken from 2nd June to 7/8/2011 by NorSom/GSA/Consultant to explore the necessary background information (history, economic, social, security, etc.) and identification of the various genuine peace stakeholders and their views and consent for Phase 1 of ‘Peace Join-Together Action’ in the target area has been largely successful.

There exists a relative peace and stable situation conducive to the undertaking for a broad peace- building initiative to back-up the development programmes going on in the area and there is an absolute need for this noble idea because without strong peace developmental programmes cannot be sustainable.

17. Recap of Background Info, Recommendations, Expected outcomes and Activities

15.1 Main Background Points

Necessary and adequate background information obtained from the target area. Need, willingness and pledge of support ascertained from all the stakeholders. The stakeholders on a broad level has been mobilized and prepared. Without strong peace development programs are unsustainable Authorities cannot create and assure development nor provide public services. They just concentrate on security. This is not a situation that can endure.

15.2 Recommendations

15.3 Activities to be undertaken in an upcoming project:

I. Mobilize the diaspora for a peace project in the area II. Coordinating activities with other actors.

III. Arrange and facilitate workshops (conferences) and joint together/unification meetings with the stakeholders. The project in regards to this should be split into a series of activities. For example:

a. First between Galmudug , Himan & Heb and Ahlu Sunnah community stakeholders (traditional clan and religious leaders, and civil society members with supported by the regional authorities) to present and explain the project to them and obtain their endorsement b. A peace-building conference for religious leaders will be held early. c. Then peace building meetings, peace caravan and other smaller conferences will be held. d. Women peace building activities, capacity building, peace caravan etc. in collaboration with a Somalia Women Organisation e. At the end of the first year an eventual general conference for all stakeholders. f. An eventual institution-building regional conference for the target regions. The political perspective is very important for the sustainability of the activities. The political implication

The starting point of the conferences meeting should be: “Peace and stability are indispensable basis for sustainable development” in relation to WASH interventions and other development issues such as health, schools etc.

The peace conferences/meeting should then discuss many important themes such as security, piracy problems, illegal arms spread, rehabilitation for ex-militia and ex-pirates, women participation in peace process, a peace and development agency, clan related issues, prospect of unifying various administrations, etc

During the small peace conferences both important themes and stakeholders with influence will be more evident. The attitude towards peace initiatives will be promoted and embraced.

At the end of the project period there could be one bigger peace conference to try to sum up all the conclusions and all the good ideas. A declaration shall be signed by the stakeholders. The latter is the appropriate as it first unpacks the peace and reconciliation issues and sums them up with a major conclusive conference.

IV. Initiating and establishing a peace centre called Peace and Development Agency for the target regions. The main activity after a first period with peace conferences/meetings/seminaries for this pilot project is the creation of a Peace and Development Agency(PDA) for the Central Regions. The PDA will not exclude other offices/centers, but will complement other actors. The PDA will have a bottom-up approach.

The Peace and Development Agancy for Central Somalia:

The peace agency should as far as possible not be related directly to any country or any International NGO, but be independent. It should be the diaspora that “own” the Centre. The formal owner of the Centre should be NorSom (and Nordic Union?) and GSA. The diaspora together with the local partner should as far as possible be looked upon as the initiator and owner of the Centre. The expressed “owner” should be “the communities”. To assure the independence of the Centre a Council should be designed by the communities, the civil society and the authorities: 1. one large Council representing the most important institutions (included here clans, religious leaders, authorities etc.) and the civil society (including women associations, youth etc.). One executive committee should then be designed by the Council.

To avoid that the Centre is looked upon as a competitor it should be emphasized that the Centre complements others peace offices/centres in the area. It should also at the beginning be emphasized that the centre is assisted by the Norwegian MFA. As no other offices/Centres in the whole area are directly related to Norwegian MFA it should not be seen as a competitor to other.

For a detailed plan for the Peace and Development Agency see attachment “Peace and Development Agency for Central Somalia.doc”

By Omar Salad – BSc (Hons.), DipSocPol, DipGovPol Consultant Nairobi, Friday 12/0/201

18. Appendix 1 : Lists of diverse stakeholders

Lists of diverse peace stakeholders identified in the target area.

The following are the lists of diverse peace stakeholders of the target area who were identified, discussed with, exchanged views, asked questions in the Questionnaire and gave answers from of 9- 22 July 2011 by GNY/consultant team.

On 7/7/2011 the Team called on the President of Galmudug Regional State, briefed about the mission and obtained his consent and pledge of support.

List of Sa’ad clan traditional leaders - meeting took place on 9/8/2011 in Galkayo

1. Yusuf Hashi Elmi – Elder & Chairman of the Elders Council 2. Osman Nuur Qayd - Elder & deputy Chairman 3. Mohamud Mohamed Geesay - Elder 4. Salad Ali Hiddig - Elder 5. Abdullahi Mohamed Duale - Elder 6. Yassin Mohamud Gani - Elder 7. Mohamed Jama Halane - Elder 8. Ali Salad Khaireh - Elder 9. Hirsi Hubane Gedi - Elder 10. Abdullahi Hassan Gedi - Elder 11. Muse Bered Kulan - Elder 12. Mohamed Jimale Wardheere - Elder 13. Maalin Nur Abdi Omar - Elder 14. Abdullahi Yusuf Sabriye - Elder 15. Abdi Hussein Cabdulle - Elder 16. Ahmed Diriye Abdi(Gafane) - Elder 17. Hassan sheikh Ahmed Ali - Elder 18. Abdi Jama Nur - Elder

List of Madhibaan & Kuulbeer subclans (of Midgan) traditional leaders and other responsible members - meeting took place on 10/7/2011 in Galkayo.

1. Abdirahman Salad Shabeel - traditional leader 2. Salad Jama Warsame - traditional leader 3. Ahmed Adan Guufle - traditional leader 4. Ahmed Hasan Wehliye - traditional leader 5. Mohamed Abdille Mire - youth leader 6. Hersi Jama Baadi - security officer 7. Abdullahi Haji Hassan - teacher 8. Hassan Hersi Naaleeye - member of youth 9. Abdi Dahir Halane - professional

List of Sheekhaal Clan traditional leaders - meeting took place on 10/7/2011 in Galkayo

1. Sultan Abdi Elmi Abdirahman - Sultan 2. Mohamed Adan Elmi - elder 3. Hasan Nur Elmi - elder 4. Hussein Mohamed Ali - elder 5. Haji Nur Ali Hashi - elder 6. Haji Osman Ali (alias Oluuke) - elder

List of Qubays (Dir) clan traditional leaders - meeting took place on 10/7/2011 in Galkayo.

1. Mohamed Absir Arroole - traditional leader 2. Sheikh Abdullahi Rooble Farah -traditional leader 3. Hussein Moalin Abdullahi Idris - traditional leader 4. Burhan Warsame Jimaale -businessman 5. Bashir Ali Dhoorre -businessman 6. Ahmed Mohamud Jama -businessman 7. Mohamed Mohamud Ali -businessman 8. Cabdullahi Sabriye Gedi - businessman 9. Abdullahi Mohamed Haji -professional 10. Mohamed Hussein Mohamud -professional 11. Mohamed Ahmed Elmi -teacher 12. Mohamed Sheikh abdulkadir - youth leader 13. Ali Yusuf Farah -youth member

List of women organisations leaders and members -meeting took place on 10/7/2011 in Galkayo.

1. Shamso Ahmed Siyaad - Minister for Women affairs 2. Habibo Mohamud - chairwoman for Midnimo (unity) Women Org. 3. Maymun Ali Nur - member 4. Hawo Hersi Ahmed - = 5. Nadifo Adan Adde - = 6. Nadifo Ahmed Yare - = 7. Lul Abdullahi Nohamud Yare - = 8. Habibo Adan Mohamed - = 9. Muhubo Salad Diriye - = 10. Anab Mohamud Ali - = 11. Fadumo Abdullahi Abdi - = 12. Asha Hussein Ali - = 13. Zahro Hassan Aded - = 14. Hindi Ahmed Elmi - = 15. Leyla Ali Mohamed - = 16. Halimo Warsame Jama - = 17. Maryan Nooleeye - = 18. Halimo Ali-Dheere - = 19. Muraayad Abdullah i- =

List of Galmudug university lecturers and secondary schools teachers - meeting took place on 11/7/2011 in Galkayo.

1. Abdulkadir Mohamed Shirwa – Galkayo (Galmudug ) University president and lecturer 2. Hussein Salad Wehliye - Mudug (Galmudug) University President and lecturer 3. Mohamud Adam Abdulle - teacher of Al-Sha’ab primary/Secondary School 4. Wahid Ahmed Mohamed - eacher of SYL Secondary School 5. Ahmed Hadi Hassan dahir - teacher of Mudug Secondary School 6. AbdiNasir Abdullahi Abdi - GSA 7. Mahdi Mowlid Ahmed - teacher of Mudug University

List of Galmudug NGOs heads – meeting took place on 12/7/2011 in Galkayo.

1. Nur Hashi Omar - SDRO 2. Ali-Dahir Mohmud Hersi - SDRO 3. Mahad Mohamed Elmi - MPHDO 4. Abdi Hassan Jama - MPHDO 5. Mohamed Haji Ereg - SOSDA 6. Nur farah - Horsed 7. Adan Ali - SOHDO 8. Mahad Mohamed Salad - Galmudug Concern 9. Mustaf Hassan Ali - = =

List of Galkayo and Mudug universities students’ and secondary schools youth committees (of Galmudug –meeting took place 12/7/2011.

1. Farhan Ahmed Ashkir - Secretary of students/Youth Org. 2. Muno Abdi Ali - student 3. Qaali dahir Ahmed - = 4. Waris Mohamed Adan - = 5. Shukri Mohamed Nur - = 6. Maryan Adan Ali - = 7. Rawdo Yusuf Farah - = 8. Ahmed Saman Adan - = 9. Mohamed Jama Salad - = 10. Muse Ali Salad - = 11. Aided Mohamed Ali - = 12. Mohamed Mohamud Samantar - = 13. Abdi Mohamud Hersi - = 14. Mohamed Ali Ahmed - = 15. Ahmed-Kheyr M. Mohamed - = 16. Ahmed -Sharif Omar Mohamud - =

List of Galmudug main traditional religious leaders – meeting took place on 18/7/2011 in Galkayo.

1. Sheikh Ahmed Sheikh Yusuf - leader of council of sheikhs 2. Moallim Mohamed Adan Mohamed Jumale - member

3. Sheikh Mohiyadin Sheikh Yusuf Barre - = 4. Moallim Bashir Mohamed Ali - = 5. Sheikh Ali Mohamed Abdulle (Sh.Ali Dhere) - =

List of Galmudug members of salafi religious group called An-Nabawi – meeting took place on 21/7/2011 in Galkayo.

1. Sheikh Mohamud Sheikh Ahmed Hasan (Abu Sheyba) - group leader 2. Abdiweli Muse Lugey - member 3. Ali Tahlil Hssan Fanah - = 4. Sakaria Ali Tahlil ( alias ina Ali Atosh) - =

List of Galmudug Business committee – meeting took place on 22/7/2011 in Galkayo.

1. Yusuf Jama Duale - Chairman 2. Abdul Jama Dharas - Vice Chairman 3. Cabdi sahane Nur - member 4. Abdirisak Adan Dholey - = 5. Abdikarim Sheikh Ahmed - = 6. Dahir Ahmed Diriye - =

List of Galgadud Region Traditional leaders and elders met and discussed by the GNY/consultant members – meeting took place on 22/7/2011 in Galkayo, Galmudug.

Ayr Sub-clan of Habardigir Clan

1. Ugas Hassan Ugas Mohamed - Tel: +252-615969701 2. Jama Ujubey - Elder 3. Yaasin Haashi Ugaas - Elder 4. Mohamed Adan Roobleh - Elder 5. Hashi Hassan Abdi - Elder 6. Jamaal Sheikh Abdi - Elder Duduble Sub-Clan of Habargidir Clan 1. Ugas Isse Ugas Mohamed Ugas Farah - Tel: +252-615326612 2. Hasaanj Hussein Dhabarro - Elder 3. Hussein Ali Abddulle - Elder 4. Haahir Isse Farah - Elder Murursade Clan 1. Ugaas Abdullahi Ugaas Hashi - Tel: +252-615963420 2. Ismail Hussein Afyare - Elder 3. Abdulle Mohamed Farah - Elder 4. Moallin Abdi Jawaabe - Elder Waysleh Sub-clan of Abgaal Clan 1. Sultan Abdullahi Ali Wardheere - Tel: +252618605596

2. Ibrahim Sheikh Ahmed - Elder 3. Mohamed Ali Yusuf - Elder 4. Hassan Hirabe - Elder 5. Mohamed Ali Ulussow - Elder 6. Omar Mohamed Afrah - Elder

On 6/8/2011 in Nairobi met and discussed with Mrs. Zahra Ugas Farah, head of FERO, women’s organisation based who knows and implemented peace and reconciliation in the target area

On 6/8/2011 Team met and discussed in Nairobi the following leading representatives from Wagardha’ sub-clan of Marehan clan of Abud-waq District of Galgadud region.

3. Sultan Abdulaziz Omar (alias Sultan Beyle)- traditional leader 4. Yassin Issa Wardheere (a senior journalist).

On 8/7/2011 the NorSom/Consultant Team met and contacted via telephone in Nairobi and discussed with the following important traditional leaders of Hiran Region.

5. Ugas Abdirahman Ugas Khalif - Hawadle clan 6. Sheikh Abukar - = 7. Sheikh Muumin - = 8. Abdi Hussein Gedi (ex-mayor of Beletweyn city) - Jajeele clan.

On 12/8/2011 Team met and discussed a laureate of Nobel Prize Alternative award and many other prestigious awards Mrs. Asha Haji Elmi, leader of the Somali Women and Children (SWC), who has put forward the idea that women are sixth clan of Somalia since they are not counted by the five clans that make up the Somali population. She warmly welcomed the peace idea and pledged support with special empathise that of the elation of women’s rights and roles and she will bring high profile women members from across central regions to the peace conference to be planned.

17. Abdisamed Guled - Galmudug Vice President 18. Abdullahi Jama - Galmudug Minister of Finance and Trade 19. Mohamed Ga’aliye (junior) - Galmudug Minister of Fisheries and Ports 20. Mohamed Ali Nur - Galmudug Minister for Planning and International Cooperation 21. Hassan M. Jabuti - Galmudug representative in Kenya 22. Hussein Abi - elder of Galmudug 23. Abdikarim M. Mohamud - Sultan of Galmudug 24. Abdi Dheere - Entrepreneur of Galmudug based in Nairobi 25. Abdullahi Ambarre (ex col.) - of Galmudug

26. Abdi Ali -elder of Galmudug 27. Abdikarin Ibrahim Moh’d - elder of Himan and Heb 28. Abdullahi Moh’d Bakad -elder of Himan & Heb 29. Mohamud Qolaaf -elder of Himan & Heb 30. Mohamed Dha’adde - elder of Himan & Heb 31. Abdi Kuus (ex col.) - sultan of Himan & Heb 32. Mohamed Ahmed -elder of Himan & Heb

All these diverse social groups, who are peace stakeholders, expressed their favourable opinion of peace -building effort in the central regions and promised full support for it when the opportunity comes.

Table 1: Various Social Stakeholders or agencies met and discussed by GNY/- Consultant in Nairobi, or in Galkayo, Galmudug or contacted via telephone. S/No. Type of Stakeholders Place of Number of meeting people in each Grand Total of group number of people 1 Interpeace Nairobi 2 2 2 Peace & Life Nairobi 1 1 3 Two meetings with Traditional leaders and civil society members of the target area Nairobi 10 20

4 Mareg regional State Leaders Nairobi/London 5 5 5 Sa’ad sub-clan elders Galkayo 18 18 Galmudug 6 Madhiban & Kulbeer sub- clans elders & C/society Galkayo Galmudug 9 9 7 Sheikhal clan elders Galkayo Galmudug 6 6 8 Qubays sub-clan elders & Business people Galkayo, Galmudug 13 13 9 Women’s organisations Galkayo Galmudug 19 19 10 Uni. Lecturers and

Sec. Schools teachers Galkayo, Galmudug 7 7 11 NGOs Galkayo, Galmudug 9 9 12 Uni & Secondary students/youth committees Galkayo, Galmudug 16 16

13 Traditional Religious leaders Galkayp, Galmudug 5 5 14 Peaceful religious salafist group Galkayo, Galmudug 4 4 15 Business committee Galkayo Galmudug 6 6 16 Traditional leaders and elders of Galgadud Region Galkayo, Galmudug 20 20 17 1 traditional leader and 1 c/society member of Marehan clan

Nairobi 2 2 18 3 traditional leaders of Hiran Region Nairobi 3 3 19 Leader of Women’s FERO Nairobi 1 1 20 Leader of Women & Children org.-SWA

Nairobi 1 1 21 Wargadha’ traditional &C/society leaders Nairobi 2 2 Hiran Region traditional leaders Nairobi 4 4 16 important Nairobi 16 16 persons (including five Galmudug ministrs and 11 elders from Galmudug and Himan & Heb Grand Total 172

18 Appendix 2: Terms Of Reference

TERMS OF REFERENCE

Galmudug, Himanand Heb, Galgaduud and Hiiraan Peace and Join-together action

Yme/NorSom/GSA

Introduction

The demand for peace and stability is great in Somalia. The TFG has not solved the complexes problems of Somalia, but the alternatives to TFG seem few. The civil war has destabilized much of the country and led into a “chronic” humanitarian crisis.

Yme in association with NorSom have worked in Central Somalia (Galmudug, Himanand Heb, Galgaduud and Hiiraan) since 2006 and know the area well. Yme has today become one of the main WASH actors in Somalia. The Implementing partner throughout all the projects in Central Somalia has been GSA (General Service Agency). They have their head office in Galkacyo, Mudug and also one office in Dhusamareeb, Galgaduud.

Through different WASH interventions supported by both MFA and UN OCHA GSA /NorSom/ Yme (G/N/Y) have gained extended experiences from community work before, during and after the implementation of WASH projects. This community work consists of meetings which gather elders and villages leaders, religious leaders and women Associations in the communities. This has become an imperative for the implementation of the G/N/Y projects and plays a crucial role to obtaining consensus and ownership for the projects and sustainability for the activities.

GSA, NorSom and Yme benefit the trust of the authorities (Galmuduug state), and Ximan and Xeeb. GNY implements WASH projects in areas controlled by Ahlus Sunnah wal Jamaah (ASWJ).

Target area for the intervention

The target area for the assessment is the central regions of Somalia.

The central regions consist of Galmudug Regional State, Himan and Heb, Galgadud and Hiiraan Regions of Somalia. This study relates to and will cover Phase 1 of a peace and reconciliation joint action program for these regions. There will be a Phase 2 joint action Program built on the study, findings and recommendations of Phase 1.

Objective of the assessment

The main objectives of the assessment are:

Objective 1

To indentify the possibility to conjoin the peace seeking stakeholders in the Galmudug, Himan and Heb, Galgaduud and Hiiraan region.

Objective 2

Indentify together with the stakeholders best practices for peace building activities

More specifically, the Assessment will:

Conduct an inquiry of stakeholders from different main locations in the area of intervention. Examine the willingness and capacity of institutions in the area for a broad peace initiative. Analyse the feasibility of alternatives Determine the appropriate methods and strategies for future peace projects in the area

Scope of the assessment

The idea behind the action is to gather all the most important clan leaders, authorities and religious leaders (The Stakeholders) in Central Somalia to 1) to build mutual trust 2) to identify problems and 3) agree on sustainable solutions for improved stability. This action consists of two phases. A preliminary study (assessment) phase (Phase 1) and a project phase (Phase 2). Phase 2 is planned as a major peace and reconciliation conference over several weeks, and a follow-up program with continuous peace meetings in Galkacyo. The observations on the field in Phase 1and the final assessment report will constitute the basement and determine much of the content and methodology for phase 2.)

In the assessment the Stakeholders will identify what can be obtained by a process to join together and how to organize peace/reconciliation events.

The assessment shall entail the following specific tasks:

Task 1:Background

The assessment will give an overview over the actual situation in the targeted area.

1. General Background

Common modern history and Interconnectedness and interdependence of target regions Geography and Environment Situation Economy ties (describe main economic drivers, productive and trade activities and interaction, infrastructures, Diaspora roles, etc.), Specific and common peace, security and conflict.

2. Political and Administrative Governing Structures

Types, levels and legitimacy of institutions When, how and by whom they established, Legal framework, Powers, roles and responsibilities and effectiveness, Attitude to/degree of decentralization, Human and material resources,

Consultation with and participation of constituents in policy formulation, decision-making and planning and development programs implementation processes, Accountability and transparency, Delivery of services (if yes, which types and what extent).

3. Societal Dynamics - Urban and/or Clan Contexts

Clans/sub-clans (linkages by ancestry or otherwise) in each district of regions Areas they dwell/control and how they cooperate, integrate, rights of minorities and women, etc. Customary law system (xeer, sharia) Traditional and religious leaders’ roles and responsibilities in society/clans: conflict prevention/resolution, peace-building keeping and maintenance of security, and institution-building relation and cooperation with political and administrative institutions

4. State of Peace and Conflict in these Regions

Pre-civil war, during and now Drivers of conflict (e.g. armed rival groups, etc. etc.) Drivers of peace, reconciliation, and Institution-building, and development and stability. Challenges to peace and security.

5. Impact of Piracy on the Economic, social and Security Issues

6.1 Migration, IDPS, and Poverty 6.2 Relations between the Central Regions

Between them, Puntland and Somaliland. Between them and the TFG

8. External Relations of the Regions

Task 2: What causes conflict both locally and regional/central? Both in gathering information from the field and desk work?

The assessment team shall meet and interview peoples from the different stakeholders in Nairobi and during the field work in Somalia. To identify and obtain the list of actual peace stakeholders as:

Traditional officially titled Clan leaders: Ugases, Imams, sultans, and nabadoons (peace- makers) Traditional peace-seeking religious leaders Elders from certain district towns and villages Peace seeking religious leaders. Ahlu Sunna wal Jama’a Civil society, women and youth associations TFG representatives Regional authorities

Questionnaire

Task 3: How small or/and big conflicts can be resolved and people live side by side in peace according to the stakeholders?

Task 4: Best practices of ensuring women participation in the peace process.

The assessment will focus on women participation and how women can be included in decision making processes. A strategy has to be established for ensuring that women actively participate in peace actions. Women associations will be important stakeholders for the assessment.

This points and questionnaire will be finalized after meeting with somalian women consultant in Nairobi.

Task 5: Best practices of organizing a peace and joint-together action covering central regions.

The Assessment shall propose a strategy by which the stakeholders may in the best way collaborate to establish common points and agreement on conflict-causing issues.

The strategy should include varicosity in stakeholders and broad participation of the different stakeholders. The different regions will be included in taking into consideration population figures, security issues and availability.

Authorities Participation is a point that needs special consideration. The Assessment shall examine range of authorities’ participation.

Methodology

The assessment will be conducted as a combined field-work and interviews in target areas, meetings in Nairobi and desk study. The output will be in the form of a written report covering the issues outlined here.

Expected outputs

The Assessment team shall produce an assessment report which includes the following:

Providing a background analysis of the targeted area as to a peace and joint-together action. Providing a comprehensive analysis of the stakeholders view on what causes conflict and tension in the whole region and how conflict and instability can be resolved Establish a list of stakeholders Determine best practice of organizing a Peace and Joint-Together action covering the central regions Determine best practice of ensuring women participation in the Peace process

Organisation of the Assessment

Time frame:

Date Place Description Ressources persons Yme, Preliminary work with a Terms of Reference with inputs 5 days Norway from MFA NorSom

Talks with Norwegian Embassy, InterPeace and/or other 26.06- Yme, NorSom, Nairobi structure and meetings with consultant(s). The TOR will be 02.07 Consultant finalized. Meeting with Life and Peace Institute and Somalian Women 02.07- Nairobi consultant. 2 conferences with Central region clan leaders NorSom, Consultant 07.07 and other leader

1 month effective field work. Mohamad Elmi Sabrie and 07.07- Somalia Omar Salad and two GSA staff member. GSA to organise the NorSom,Consultant 07.08 trip in Somalia. GSA 07.08- Nairobi The assessment team will finalize a draft assessment report. NorSom, Consultant 15.08 The assessment team together with the Program Manager of 15.08- Yme will meet the Norwegian Embassy, Interpeace and Yme, NorSom, Nairobi 22.08 other structures. A final draft report with a proposal for Consultant phase 2 will be finalized. 5 days Norway Finalizing the report and submitting it to MFA Yme, NorSom

By the 15th of August 2011, an assessment report, according to Terms of Reference, will be presented for comments.

By the 20th of August The Agency and the consultant will present 4 original final draft reports to the agency. This final report will also include a proposal for a phase 2.

This final draft report will be subjected to comments from both GSA and Yme. Within 5 days the assessment report will be submitted to MFA

Team

The assessment team in Somalia:

Omar Salad: Consultant for the assessment. CV attached

Mohamed Elmi Sabrie, director NorSom

GSA: Two or three members of GSA will be part of the field work.