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Assessment Report 2011
ASSESSMENT REPORT 2011 PHASE 1 - PEACE AND RECONCILIATION JOIN- TOGETHER ACTION For Galmudug, Himan and Heb, Galgaduud and Hiiraan Regions, Somalia Yme/NorSom/GSA By OMAR SALAD BSc (HONS.) DIPSOCPOL, DIPGOV&POL Consultant, in collaboration with HØLJE HAUGSJÅ (program Manager Yme) and MOHAMED ELMI SABRIE JAMALLE (Director NorSom). 1 Table of Contents Pages Summary of Findings, Analysis and Assessment 5-11 1. Introduction 5 2. Common Geography and History Background of the Central Regions 5 3. Political, Administrative Governing Structures and Roles of Central Regions 6 4. Urban Society and Clan Dynamics 6 5. Impact of Piracy on the Economic, Social and Security Issues 6 6. Identification of Possibility of Peace Seeking Stakeholders in Central Regions 7 7. Identification of Stakeholders and Best Practices of Peace-building 9 8. How Conflicts resolved and peace Built between People Living Together According 9 to Stakeholders 9. What Causes Conflicts Both locally and regional/Central? 9 10. Best Practices of Ensuring Women participation in the process 9 11. Best Practices of organising a Peace Conference 10 12. Relations Between Central Regions and Between them TFG 10 13. Table 1: Organisation, Ownership and Legal Structure of the 10 14. Peace Conference 10 15. Conclusion 11 16. Recap 11 16.1 Main Background Points 16.2 Recommendations 16.3 Expected Outcomes of a Peace Conference Main and Detailed Report Page 1. Common geography and History Background of Central Regions 13 1.1 Overview geographical and Environmental Situation 13 1.2 Common History and interdependence 14 1.3 Chronic Neglect of Central Regions 15 1.4 Correlation Between neglect and conflict 15 2. -
S/2016/919 Consejo De Seguridad
Naciones Unidas S/2016/919 Consejo de Seguridad Distr. general 31 de octubre de 2016 Español Original: inglés Carta de fecha 7 de octubre de 2016 dirigida al Presidente del Consejo de Seguridad por el Presidente del Comité del Consejo de Seguridad dimanante de las resoluciones 751 (1992) y 1907 (2009) relativas a Somalia y Eritrea En nombre del Comité del Consejo de Seguridad dimanante de las resoluciones 751 (1992) y 1907 (2009) relativas a Somalia y Eritrea, y de conformidad con lo dispuesto en el párrafo 32 de la resolución 2244 (2015) del Consejo de Seguridad, tengo el honor de transmitir adjunto el informe sobre Somalia del Grupo de Supervisión para Somalia y Eritrea. A este respecto, el Comité agradecería que la presente carta y el informe adjunto se señalaran a la atención de los miembros del Consejo de Seguridad y se publicaran como documento del Consejo. (Firmado) Rafael Darío Ramírez Carreño Presidente Comité del Consejo de Seguridad dimanante de las resoluciones 751 (1992) y 1907 (2009) relativas a Somalia y Eritrea 16-16743 (S) 021116 021116 *1616743* S/2016/919 Carta de fecha 28 de septiembre de 2016 dirigida al Presidente del Comité del Consejo de Seguridad dimanante de las resoluciones 751 (1992) y 1907 (2009) relativas a Somalia y Eritrea por el Grupo de Supervisión para Somalia y Eritrea De conformidad con el párrafo 32 de la resolución 2244 (2015) del Consejo de Seguridad, tenemos el honor de transmitir adjunto el informe sobre Somalia del Grupo de Supervisión para Somalia y Eritrea. (Firmado) Christophe Trajber Coordinador -
Computer Mediated Communication: Mailing List As Modern Meeting Place A
Computer Mediated Communication: Mailing List as Modern Meeting Place A. Issa-Salwe* M. Ahmed* M. N. Kabir* L. Share* ABSTRACT Purpose: The paper uses as case study a discussion mailing list created in April 1998 (and still exists) by a group of the Somali diaspora. The mailing list, known as Puntland/lubbaland mailing list, was formed to give its members an interactive online. The purpose of Puntland & Jubbaland mailing list is to, but not limited to, facilitate privately the discussion of Northeastern and Lower Juba social, economic and political affairs and to solidifj, the views of Puntland Somalis in the Somali Diaspora. The interaction of the group is meant to create a feeling similar to the intimacy characteristic of primary groups. Since social ties deepen in time, primary groups are relatively permanent, as relationships involve an identity of ends. In primary groups, the relationship is in itself an end and only secondarily or incidentally a means to an end. Design/Methodology/Approach: Members in the Puntland/Jubbaland mailing list organised themselves into helping and contributing to home development, helping the newly elected Puntland administration, pooling skills of professionals, and promoting the interests of Puntland and Jubbaland regions. The list had its ups and downs. At its height ofexistence, it created and helped Taibah University, KSA. [email protected] **Kingston University. UK TRIM V 5 (2) July- December 2009 184 Computer Mediated Communication: Mailing Issa-Saiwe, Ahmed, Kabir, Sherif many useful projects /hr the people of Puntland (an autonomous region qfSomalia). Findings: The results of the research shows that despite mailing list technology can be used as modern meeting place and tools to enable people to work for a purpose. -
2012Ending the Transition?
DISCUSSION PAPER 4/2012 SOMALIA Ending the 2012 Transition? Knox Chitiyo and Anna Rader With contributions from Mohamed A Omaar, Fred Mugisha, Ken Menkhaus and Bahsan Ahmed Said Strengthening Africa’s economic performance SOMALIA Ending the 2012 Transition? Contents Abstract .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 3 Introduction.. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 4 Political Transition and Transformation .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 5 The Consequences of Failure .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 7 The Challenges of Ending Somalia’s Transition .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 9 Securing Somalia: AMISOM, Piracy and Security Sector Reform ����������������������������������������������������������������������� 11 AMISOM and Counter-Insurgency in Somalia. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 14 Humanitarian Relief and Recovery. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 15 Marginalisation and Gender-Based Violence in South-Central Somalia ����������������������������������������������������������� 16 Recommendations .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 17 Eight Points for Consideration .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 19 Concluding Remarks ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 19 Endnotes -
Development Assistance for Peacebuilding
Development Assistance for Peacebuilding Development assistance to fragile states and conflict-affected areas can be a core component of peacebuilding, providing support for the restoration of government functions, delivery of basic services, the rule of law, and eco- nomic revitalization. What has worked, why it has worked, and what is scalable and transferable are key questions for both development practice and research into how peace is built and the interactive role of domestic and international processes therein. Despite a wealth of research into these questions, significant gaps remain. This volume speaks to these gaps through new analysis of a selected set of well-regarded aid interventions. Drawing on diverse scholarly and policy expertise, eight case study chapters span multiple domains and regions to analyse Afghanistan’s National Solidarity Programme, the Yemen Social Fund for Development, public financial management reform in Sierra Leone, Finn Church Aid’s assistance in Somalia, Liberia’s gender-sensitive police reform, the judicial facilitators programme in Nicaragua, UNICEF’s educa- tion projects in Somalia, and World Bank health projects in Timor-Leste. Analysis illustrates the significance of three broad factors in understanding why some aid interventions work better than others: the area of intervention and related degree of engagement with state institutions, local contextual factors such as windows of opportunity and the degree of local support, and programme design and management. This book was originally published as a special issue of the journal International Peacekeeping, and is available online as an Open Access mon- ograph. Rachel M. Gisselquist is a political scientist and currently a research fellow with the United Nations University World Institute for Development Economics Research (UNU-WIDER). -
Assessing Turkey's Role in Somalia
Policy Briefing Africa Briefing N°92 Nairobi/Istanbul/Brussels, 8 October 2012 Assessing Turkey’s Role in Somalia clear political understandings they had with Ankara (such I. OVERVIEW as the traditional elders’ planned trip to Istanbul to partic- ipate in the civil society gathering) and openly criticised Turkey is the newest country to intervene in Somalia and and confronted their host on seemingly benign issues. Tur- its involvement has produced some positive results. Prime key overcame these unexpected impediments because of Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s courageous visit to diplomatic insights gained from its on-the-ground pres- Mogadishu in August 2011 at the height of the famine ence and support from international partners. It should and his decision to open an embassy gave fresh impetus use its new experience to build consensus and improve to efforts to establish lasting peace. Widespread Somali external coordination if its intervention is to be effective. gratitude for Turkish humanitarian endeavours and the country’s status as a Muslim and democratic state estab- As a new Somali government is established, Turkey is lished Turkey as a welcome partner. Ankara has signalled expected to, and can, play an important role in helping sta- it is in for the long haul. However, it must tread prudently, bilise and develop the war-ravaged country. In order to play eschew unilateralism and learn lessons to avoid another a major and sustained role in Somalia, Ankara should: failed international intervention. Over twenty years, many lay out a public, clear and realistic long-term strategy states and entities have tried to bring relief and secure for its Somalia policy, backed by secure funding and peace in Somalia, often leaving behind a situation messier an increase in the number of specialists in both Moga- than that which they found. -
PM Statement at ICG Meeting 05 Feb-1
جـمـهـوريـة الصــومــال Jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliya الحكومة الانتقالية الفيـدرالية Xukuumadda Federaaliga KMG ah H.E. Dr. Abdiweli Mohamed Ali, Prime Minister of Somalia’s Statement at the 21st International Contact Group Meeting on Somalia Djibouti, 5-6 February, 2012 Excellencies, distinguished participants, ladies and gentlemen. Good morning. I would like to thank UNPOS for convening this important gathering. I would also like to extend my special thanks to Djibouti for hosting this gathering. We are not only neighbors, but also brothers and sisters. Djibouti has been home to many Somalis seeking refuge these past 20 years. Djibouti has constantly supported our political processes and most recently, has sent us its sons and daughters to join the AMISOM mission. Inshallah, one day, we will be able to repay the generosity and solidarity of the people of Djibouti. We stand at a crossroads today. The international community is trying to decide whether Somalis can be trusted to complete the Roadmap process and bring the political transition to an end, or whether new political arrangements need to be made. Somalis are asking what the future holds and whether their leaders will deliver on the promises of the Transitional Federal Charter, the Djibouti agreement, the Kampala accord, the Roadmap, and most recently the Garowe Principles. They are also weary of the state of permanent transition of the past 20 years. My government is committed, in words and actions, to the Roadmap and to fulfilling the tasks that will allow us to move into a new era of security, stability, political inclusivity, and financial integrity. We have made significant progress in many areas. -
Somalia's Future His Excellency Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed President
Transcript: Somalia’s Future His Excellency Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed President of the Transitional Government of Somalia Chatham House Thursday 22 February 2007 Chatham House is independent and owes no allegiance to government or to any political body. It does not hold opinions of its own; the views expressed in this text are the responsibility of the speaker. This transcript is issued on the understanding that if any extract is used, the author and Chatham House should be credited, preferably with the date of the speech. Ms. Healy, ladies and gentlemen, I am very pleased to be here today to talk to you and share with you the situation in Somalia. Ladies and Gentlemen, Before I got into the main thrust of my speech, I’d like to briefly mention an aspect of the Somali political landscape that does not come to the mind when we talk about Somalia. Somalia used to be a multiparty democratic state. I was one of very few countries in the continent where political power changed hands in a peaceful and democratic way. Between 1960, when Somalia became independent, to 1969 when the military took power in a coup d’etat, three free and fair general elections and one presidential election took place. The loser conceded willingly and congratulated the winner. The will of the people was respected. 1 I am bringing this issue to fore in order to dispel the negative image that has take shape in the minds of the citizens of this world that Somalia is a hopeless country and is beyond redemption. -
Somalia: Recent Political, Security and Humanitarian Developments
Somalia: recent political, security and humanitarian developments Standard Note: SN06115 Last updated: 28 February 2012 Authors: Jon Lunn and Gavin Thompson Section International Affairs and Defence Section and Economic and Policy Section Throughout 2011, al-Shabaab suffered a number of military setbacks. These have continued into 2012. A number of factors made this possible: a substantial increase in the size of the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM), which has been accompanied by an enhanced offensive capability; from October, a Kenyan incursion across the country’s southern border, justified on security grounds; and divisions within al-Shabaab which affected its own military cohesion. Whether the most recent incarnation of the Transitional Federal Government (TFG), which has a long track-record of incompetence and corruption, can take advantage of al-Shabaab’s mounting problems remains to be seen. Its latest mandate expires in August 2012. Efforts to broker a viable and legitimate political process up to and beyond August led to have produced agreements called ‘The Garowe Principles’. On 22 February, the UN Security Council agreed to further increase the size of AMISOM, from 12,000 to 17,730 personnel. Then, on 23 February, the UK Government hosted a major international conference on Somalia in London which broadly endorsed these developments and approved a number of other significant initiatives, including the creation of a Joint Financial Management Board and a Stability Fund. Is this a “turning point” for Somalia, as UK Prime -
Somalia: Failed State Expired?
Somalia: Failed State Expired? Maximilian M. Meduna Abstract For the past two decades, the ‘failed state’ of Somalia has been ravaged by protracted violence and famine, armed clashes between warlords, and their unpredictably shifting alliances. As the extended mandate of the corrupt and dysfunctional Transitional Federal Government nears its expiration date in August 2012, increasing international attention has created an impetus for a renewed consolidation process leading to the recent London Conference on Somalia. This paper assesses the realistic options for a shift towards peaceful governance, and examines what lessons can be learned from the hitherto existing international approach that has fuelled rather than averted violent conflict. I. Introduction In 1960, the Somali Republic inherited administratively distinct territories upon its independence from the British and Italian colonial powers. Ethnically and religiously a homogeneous entity, it subsequently struggled for nine years in a process of political consolidation that ended with a military coup d’état. Highly reliant on the bipolar theatre of the Cold War, President Siad Barre ruled the country in an increasingly autocratic fashion until 1991, when he was ousted by clan-based opposition groups. Two decades of “socialist” dictatorship established the concept of central governance in a society that had traditionally always been highly decentralized, where power was dispersed among clans and regional alliances. The Somali Civil War that followed the collapse of statehood in 1991 -
Reporthrvelectoralprocessaug
Table of Contents LIST OF ACRONYMS ................................................................................................................................ 3 Executive Summary ...................................................................................................................................... 4 I. Methodology ..................................................................................................................................... 7 II. Context .............................................................................................................................................. 8 Overall Human Rights Situation ............................................................................................................... 8 The 2016 Electoral Process ....................................................................................................................... 9 III. Legal Framework ............................................................................................................................ 12 IV. Violations of Human Rights in the Context of the Electoral Processes .......................................... 13 The Rights to Life and Physical Integrity ................................................................................................... 14 The Rights to Liberty and Security and Freedom from torture, cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment.... 16 The Right to Freedom of Opinion and Expression .................................................................................... -
Gaalkacyo Conflict
Published in 2016 by the Heritage Institute for Policy Studies, Mogadishu, Somalia The Heritage Institute for Policy Studies (HIPS) HIPS is an independent, nonpartisan, non-profit policy research and analysis institute based in Mogadishu, Somalia. Cover: Top view of Gaalkacyo city Rights: Copyright © The Heritage Institute for Policy Studies Text published under Creative Commons License Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/ Access more HIPS publications at www.heritageinstitute.org Table of Contents Executive Summary............................................................................................................ 1 Background ......................................................................................................................... 2 Methodology ...................................................................................................................... 2 Root Causes of the Conflict ................................................................................................ 3 Land ................................................................................................................................ 3 Resources ........................................................................................................................ 4 Federal System ............................................................................................................... 4 Contributing Causes ..........................................................................................................