2012Ending the Transition?
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Policy Briefing
Policy Briefing Africa Briefing N°92 Nairobi/Istanbul/Brussels, 8 October 2012 Assessing Turkey’s Role in Somalia clear political understandings they had with Ankara (such I. OVERVIEW as the traditional elders’ planned trip to Istanbul to partic- ipate in the civil society gathering) and openly criticised Turkey is the newest country to intervene in Somalia and and confronted their host on seemingly benign issues. Tur- its involvement has produced some positive results. Prime key overcame these unexpected impediments because of Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s courageous visit to diplomatic insights gained from its on-the-ground pres- Mogadishu in August 2011 at the height of the famine ence and support from international partners. It should and his decision to open an embassy gave fresh impetus use its new experience to build consensus and improve to efforts to establish lasting peace. Widespread Somali external coordination if its intervention is to be effective. gratitude for Turkish humanitarian endeavours and the country’s status as a Muslim and democratic state estab- As a new Somali government is established, Turkey is lished Turkey as a welcome partner. Ankara has signalled expected to, and can, play an important role in helping sta- it is in for the long haul. However, it must tread prudently, bilise and develop the war-ravaged country. In order to play eschew unilateralism and learn lessons to avoid another a major and sustained role in Somalia, Ankara should: failed international intervention. Over twenty years, many lay out a public, clear and realistic long-term strategy states and entities have tried to bring relief and secure for its Somalia policy, backed by secure funding and peace in Somalia, often leaving behind a situation messier an increase in the number of specialists in both Moga- than that which they found. -
S/2016/919 Consejo De Seguridad
Naciones Unidas S/2016/919 Consejo de Seguridad Distr. general 31 de octubre de 2016 Español Original: inglés Carta de fecha 7 de octubre de 2016 dirigida al Presidente del Consejo de Seguridad por el Presidente del Comité del Consejo de Seguridad dimanante de las resoluciones 751 (1992) y 1907 (2009) relativas a Somalia y Eritrea En nombre del Comité del Consejo de Seguridad dimanante de las resoluciones 751 (1992) y 1907 (2009) relativas a Somalia y Eritrea, y de conformidad con lo dispuesto en el párrafo 32 de la resolución 2244 (2015) del Consejo de Seguridad, tengo el honor de transmitir adjunto el informe sobre Somalia del Grupo de Supervisión para Somalia y Eritrea. A este respecto, el Comité agradecería que la presente carta y el informe adjunto se señalaran a la atención de los miembros del Consejo de Seguridad y se publicaran como documento del Consejo. (Firmado) Rafael Darío Ramírez Carreño Presidente Comité del Consejo de Seguridad dimanante de las resoluciones 751 (1992) y 1907 (2009) relativas a Somalia y Eritrea 16-16743 (S) 021116 021116 *1616743* S/2016/919 Carta de fecha 28 de septiembre de 2016 dirigida al Presidente del Comité del Consejo de Seguridad dimanante de las resoluciones 751 (1992) y 1907 (2009) relativas a Somalia y Eritrea por el Grupo de Supervisión para Somalia y Eritrea De conformidad con el párrafo 32 de la resolución 2244 (2015) del Consejo de Seguridad, tenemos el honor de transmitir adjunto el informe sobre Somalia del Grupo de Supervisión para Somalia y Eritrea. (Firmado) Christophe Trajber Coordinador -
Development Assistance for Peacebuilding
Development Assistance for Peacebuilding Development assistance to fragile states and conflict-affected areas can be a core component of peacebuilding, providing support for the restoration of government functions, delivery of basic services, the rule of law, and eco- nomic revitalization. What has worked, why it has worked, and what is scalable and transferable are key questions for both development practice and research into how peace is built and the interactive role of domestic and international processes therein. Despite a wealth of research into these questions, significant gaps remain. This volume speaks to these gaps through new analysis of a selected set of well-regarded aid interventions. Drawing on diverse scholarly and policy expertise, eight case study chapters span multiple domains and regions to analyse Afghanistan’s National Solidarity Programme, the Yemen Social Fund for Development, public financial management reform in Sierra Leone, Finn Church Aid’s assistance in Somalia, Liberia’s gender-sensitive police reform, the judicial facilitators programme in Nicaragua, UNICEF’s educa- tion projects in Somalia, and World Bank health projects in Timor-Leste. Analysis illustrates the significance of three broad factors in understanding why some aid interventions work better than others: the area of intervention and related degree of engagement with state institutions, local contextual factors such as windows of opportunity and the degree of local support, and programme design and management. This book was originally published as a special issue of the journal International Peacekeeping, and is available online as an Open Access mon- ograph. Rachel M. Gisselquist is a political scientist and currently a research fellow with the United Nations University World Institute for Development Economics Research (UNU-WIDER). -
Assessing Turkey's Role in Somalia
Policy Briefing Africa Briefing N°92 Nairobi/Istanbul/Brussels, 8 October 2012 Assessing Turkey’s Role in Somalia clear political understandings they had with Ankara (such I. OVERVIEW as the traditional elders’ planned trip to Istanbul to partic- ipate in the civil society gathering) and openly criticised Turkey is the newest country to intervene in Somalia and and confronted their host on seemingly benign issues. Tur- its involvement has produced some positive results. Prime key overcame these unexpected impediments because of Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s courageous visit to diplomatic insights gained from its on-the-ground pres- Mogadishu in August 2011 at the height of the famine ence and support from international partners. It should and his decision to open an embassy gave fresh impetus use its new experience to build consensus and improve to efforts to establish lasting peace. Widespread Somali external coordination if its intervention is to be effective. gratitude for Turkish humanitarian endeavours and the country’s status as a Muslim and democratic state estab- As a new Somali government is established, Turkey is lished Turkey as a welcome partner. Ankara has signalled expected to, and can, play an important role in helping sta- it is in for the long haul. However, it must tread prudently, bilise and develop the war-ravaged country. In order to play eschew unilateralism and learn lessons to avoid another a major and sustained role in Somalia, Ankara should: failed international intervention. Over twenty years, many lay out a public, clear and realistic long-term strategy states and entities have tried to bring relief and secure for its Somalia policy, backed by secure funding and peace in Somalia, often leaving behind a situation messier an increase in the number of specialists in both Moga- than that which they found. -
PM Statement at ICG Meeting 05 Feb-1
جـمـهـوريـة الصــومــال Jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliya الحكومة الانتقالية الفيـدرالية Xukuumadda Federaaliga KMG ah H.E. Dr. Abdiweli Mohamed Ali, Prime Minister of Somalia’s Statement at the 21st International Contact Group Meeting on Somalia Djibouti, 5-6 February, 2012 Excellencies, distinguished participants, ladies and gentlemen. Good morning. I would like to thank UNPOS for convening this important gathering. I would also like to extend my special thanks to Djibouti for hosting this gathering. We are not only neighbors, but also brothers and sisters. Djibouti has been home to many Somalis seeking refuge these past 20 years. Djibouti has constantly supported our political processes and most recently, has sent us its sons and daughters to join the AMISOM mission. Inshallah, one day, we will be able to repay the generosity and solidarity of the people of Djibouti. We stand at a crossroads today. The international community is trying to decide whether Somalis can be trusted to complete the Roadmap process and bring the political transition to an end, or whether new political arrangements need to be made. Somalis are asking what the future holds and whether their leaders will deliver on the promises of the Transitional Federal Charter, the Djibouti agreement, the Kampala accord, the Roadmap, and most recently the Garowe Principles. They are also weary of the state of permanent transition of the past 20 years. My government is committed, in words and actions, to the Roadmap and to fulfilling the tasks that will allow us to move into a new era of security, stability, political inclusivity, and financial integrity. We have made significant progress in many areas. -
Somalia: Recent Political, Security and Humanitarian Developments
Somalia: recent political, security and humanitarian developments Standard Note: SN06115 Last updated: 28 February 2012 Authors: Jon Lunn and Gavin Thompson Section International Affairs and Defence Section and Economic and Policy Section Throughout 2011, al-Shabaab suffered a number of military setbacks. These have continued into 2012. A number of factors made this possible: a substantial increase in the size of the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM), which has been accompanied by an enhanced offensive capability; from October, a Kenyan incursion across the country’s southern border, justified on security grounds; and divisions within al-Shabaab which affected its own military cohesion. Whether the most recent incarnation of the Transitional Federal Government (TFG), which has a long track-record of incompetence and corruption, can take advantage of al-Shabaab’s mounting problems remains to be seen. Its latest mandate expires in August 2012. Efforts to broker a viable and legitimate political process up to and beyond August led to have produced agreements called ‘The Garowe Principles’. On 22 February, the UN Security Council agreed to further increase the size of AMISOM, from 12,000 to 17,730 personnel. Then, on 23 February, the UK Government hosted a major international conference on Somalia in London which broadly endorsed these developments and approved a number of other significant initiatives, including the creation of a Joint Financial Management Board and a Stability Fund. Is this a “turning point” for Somalia, as UK Prime -
Somalia: Failed State Expired?
Somalia: Failed State Expired? Maximilian M. Meduna Abstract For the past two decades, the ‘failed state’ of Somalia has been ravaged by protracted violence and famine, armed clashes between warlords, and their unpredictably shifting alliances. As the extended mandate of the corrupt and dysfunctional Transitional Federal Government nears its expiration date in August 2012, increasing international attention has created an impetus for a renewed consolidation process leading to the recent London Conference on Somalia. This paper assesses the realistic options for a shift towards peaceful governance, and examines what lessons can be learned from the hitherto existing international approach that has fuelled rather than averted violent conflict. I. Introduction In 1960, the Somali Republic inherited administratively distinct territories upon its independence from the British and Italian colonial powers. Ethnically and religiously a homogeneous entity, it subsequently struggled for nine years in a process of political consolidation that ended with a military coup d’état. Highly reliant on the bipolar theatre of the Cold War, President Siad Barre ruled the country in an increasingly autocratic fashion until 1991, when he was ousted by clan-based opposition groups. Two decades of “socialist” dictatorship established the concept of central governance in a society that had traditionally always been highly decentralized, where power was dispersed among clans and regional alliances. The Somali Civil War that followed the collapse of statehood in 1991 -
Reporthrvelectoralprocessaug
Table of Contents LIST OF ACRONYMS ................................................................................................................................ 3 Executive Summary ...................................................................................................................................... 4 I. Methodology ..................................................................................................................................... 7 II. Context .............................................................................................................................................. 8 Overall Human Rights Situation ............................................................................................................... 8 The 2016 Electoral Process ....................................................................................................................... 9 III. Legal Framework ............................................................................................................................ 12 IV. Violations of Human Rights in the Context of the Electoral Processes .......................................... 13 The Rights to Life and Physical Integrity ................................................................................................... 14 The Rights to Liberty and Security and Freedom from torture, cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment.... 16 The Right to Freedom of Opinion and Expression .................................................................................... -
Somalia: Window of Opportunity for Addressing One of the World's Worst Internal Displacement Crises 9
SOMALIA: Window of opportunity for addressing one of the world’s worst internal displacement crises A profile of the internal displacement situation 10 January 2006 This Internal Displacement Profile is automatically generated from the online IDP database of the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC). It includes an overview of the internal displacement situation in the country prepared by the IDMC, followed by a compilation of excerpts from relevant reports by a variety of different sources. All headlines as well as the bullet point summaries at the beginning of each chapter were added by the IDMC to facilitate navigation through the Profile. Where dates in brackets are added to headlines, they indicate the publication date of the most recent source used in the respective chapter. The views expressed in the reports compiled in this Profile are not necessarily shared by the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre. The Profile is also available online at www.internal-displacement.org. About the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre The Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre, established in 1998 by the Norwegian Refugee Council, is the leading international body monitoring conflict-induced internal displacement worldwide. Through its work, the Centre contributes to improving national and international capacities to protect and assist the millions of people around the globe who have been displaced within their own country as a result of conflicts or human rights violations. At the request of the United Nations, the Geneva-based Centre runs an online database providing comprehensive information and analysis on internal displacement in some 50 countries. Based on its monitoring and data collection activities, the Centre advocates for durable solutions to the plight of the internally displaced in line with international standards. -
The Puntland Experience: a Bottom-Up Approach to Peace and State Building
THE SEARCH FOR PEACE Somali Programme Haani salka ayeey ka unkantaa A milk container is built from the bottom up The Puntland Experience: A Bottom-up Approach to Peace and State Building Peace Initiatives in Puntland 1991—2007 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Peace Initiatives in Puntland 1991—2007 Researchers: Hassan Adan Mohamed, Amina Abdulkadir M. Nur Photographs: Muctar Mohamed Hersi, Audio Visual Unit Map: Adapted from Mark Bradbury, 2008, James Currey Editor: Dr Pat Johnson, Interpeace This research study was made possible by the generous contributions of the interviewees, Working Group, peer reviewers, and colleagues at the Puntland Development Research Center, including Abdurahman A. Osman ‘Shuke’ (Director), Ali Farah Ali (Research Coordinator), Mohamed Yassin Essa ‘Ilkoasse’ (Finance Manager), and Muctar Mohamed Hersi (Director Audio-Visual Unit), in sharing their unique experiences as well as historical documentation. The Search for Peace series Research Coordinator: Mark Bradbury, Rift Valley Institute Research Consultants: Professor Ken Menkhaus, Davidson College, USA Dr Justin Willis, the British Institute in Eastern Africa Andy Carl, Conciliation Resources Ulf Terlinden Senior Research Advisor: Abdirahman Osman Raghe, Interpeace Series Coordinator & Editor: Dr Pat Johnson, Interpeace Series Sub-editor: Janet Oeverland, Interpeace Design and Layout: Cege Mwangi, Arcadia Associates Garowe, Puntland Phone: (+252 5) 84 4480 Thuraya: +88 216 4333 8170 [email protected] www.pdrc.somalia.org This report was produced by Interpeace and the Puntland Development Research Center and represents exclusively their own views. These views have not been adopted or in any way approved by the contributing donors and should not be relied upon as a statement of the contributing donors or their services. -
The Roots of Somali Political Culture
EXCERPTED FROM The Roots of Somali Political Culture M. J. Fox Copyright © 2015 ISBN: 978-1-62637-204-7 hc FIRSTFORUMPRESS A DIVISION OF LYNNE RIENNER PUBLISHERS, INC. 1800 30th Street, Suite 314 Boulder, CO 80301 USA telephone 303.444.6684 fax 303.444.0824 This excerpt was downloaded from the Lynne Rienner Publishers website www.rienner.com Contents Preface ix 1 A Fragmented State 1 2 Precolonial Foundations 43 3 British Administration in Somaliland 91 4 The Impact of Italian Colonization 131 5 Unifying North and South 165 6 The Legacy of Political Culture 201 Bibliography 219 Index 231 vii 1 A Fragmented State The value of historical evidence, harnessed in focused, within-case comparisons of successive periods of history in a single country, remains relatively untapped.1 The fragmentation of the former Somali Democratic Republic as three distinct political entities constitutes a political and legal phenomenon, the likes of which exists nowhere else in the world today. Most remarkable is the sheer durability of what is now Somaliland, Puntland, and the recently formed Federal Government of Somalia (FGS).2 How they came about and why they have endured for more than twenty years is a complex political puzzle that has engendered a significant body of literature. Yet behind the range of explanations and the more immediate news of Somali political struggles, al-Shabaab’s persistence, humanitar- ian crises and international involvements, there are compelling historical influences that are able to shed some light on present circumstances.3 Some of these influences can be observed in the deep-rooted path of Somalia’s political culture, or rather, the distinctive historical political culture paths of the “three Somalias.” Of these three independently administered regions, Somaliland and Puntland have been and still are relatively peaceful, consensual in character and economically viable, though in their own distinctive ways. -
Puntland at the Polls
SAFERWORLD PREVENTING VIOLENT CONFLICT. BUILDING SAFER LIVES SAFERWORLD REPORT PREVENTING VIOLENT CONFLICT. BUILDING SAFER LIVES SAFERWORLD PREVENTING VIOLENT CONFLICT. BUILDING SAFER LIVES SAFERWORLD PREVENTING VIOLENT CONFLICT. BUILDING SAFER LIVES Puntland at the polls April 2014 Puntland at the polls SAFERWORLD AND PUNSAA APRIL 2014 Acknowledgements Saferworld and PUNSAA would like to acknowledge the following colleagues for their valuable contributions to this report; Kathryn Achilles, George Grayson, Sadik Ahmed Bihi, Mohamed Abdi Elmi and Abdirisak Said Nur. We also thank the United States Institute of Peace (USIP)* for their financial support to this research. Acronyms CPJ Committee to Protect Journalists MAP Media Association of Puntland PDRC Puntland Development Research Centre PUNSAA Puntland Non State Actors Association TPEC Transitional Puntland Election Commission Political Associations Horcad Horseed Midnimo Puntland Democratic Party (PDP) Puntland People’s Party (UDAD) Wadajir © Saferworld, April 2014. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without full attribution. Saferworld welcomes and encourages the utilisation and dissemination of the material included in this publication. * The opinions, findings, and conclusions or recommendations expressed in this publication are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the United States Institute of Peace. Contents Map of Somalia 1 Introduction 1 Methodology 2 Context 2 The electoral process 3 2 Key challenges 5 1. A lack of consultation and consensus building 5 2. A disputed constitution and electoral laws 6 Boundary demarcation 6 3. An electoral body lacking trust and confidence 7 4.