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The Historical Legacy for Contemporary Russian Foreign Policy
CHAPTER 1 The Historical Legacy for Contemporary Russian Foreign Policy o other country in the world is a global power simply by virtue of geogra- N phy.1 The growth of Russia from an isolated, backward East Slavic principal- ity into a continental Eurasian empire meant that Russian foreign policy had to engage with many of the world’s principal centers of power. A Russian official trying to chart the country’s foreign policy in the 18th century, for instance, would have to be concerned simultaneously about the position and actions of the Manchu Empire in China, the Persian and Ottoman Empires (and their respec- tive vassals and subordinate allies), as well as all of the Great Powers in Europe, including Austria, Prussia, France, Britain, Holland, and Sweden. This geographic reality laid the basis for a Russian tradition of a “multivector” foreign policy, with leaders, at different points, emphasizing the importance of rela- tions with different parts of the world. For instance, during the 17th century, fully half of the departments of the Posolskii Prikaz—the Ambassadors’ Office—of the Muscovite state dealt with Russia’s neighbors to the south and east; in the next cen- tury, three out of the four departments of the College of International Affairs (the successor agency in the imperial government) covered different regions of Europe.2 Russian history thus bequeaths to the current government a variety of options in terms of how to frame the country’s international orientation. To some extent, the choices open to Russia today are rooted in the legacies of past decisions. -
American‑Russian Relations in the Times of the American Civil War (1861‑1865)
Studies into the History of Russia and Central-Eastern Europe ■ XLVIII Hanna Marczewska‑Zagdańska Historical Institute of the Polish Academy of Sciences American‑Russian relations in the times of the American Civil War (1861‑1865) Outline: The 1860s were marked by an exceptional affection and friendship in the bilateral relations between the United States, a young American republic, and the long‑established tsarist Russia. This phenomenon, which had never occurred with such intensity before or since, inspired Russian and American researchers and politicians to organize The Tsar and the President: Alexander II and Abraham Lincoln, Liberator and Emancipator exhibition which was displayed, inter alia, in Moscow in 2011. The following article analyses (on the basis of numerous source materials from the period) the reasons of this mutual amity and trust, as well as their military and eco‑ nomic cooperation—both internal (the Civil War in the U.S., the January Uprising in the Russian Empire), and external (the rivalry with Great Britain and France, and political calculations in the search for suitable alliances)—in the period of world power rivalry for global spheres of influence. Keywords: President Lincoln, Tsar Aleksander II, US Civil War, Russian Empire, Polish Insurrection of 1863, Russian Fleet, United States – Foreign Relations – Russia, Russia – Foreign Relations – United States, 19th Century Diplomatic History. On February 22, 2011, the seat of the State Archive of the Russian Federation in Moscow saw the unveiling of an exhibition under the surprising and intriguing title “The Tsar and the President: Alexander II and Abraham Lincoln, Liberator and Emancipator”. Conceived on the initiative of the American‑Russian Cultural Cooperation Foundation and already displayed in the United States in 2008‑2009, the exhibition attracted a large number of visitors and enthusiasts. -
Newell, J. 2004. the Russian Far East
Industrial pollution in the Komsomolsky, Solnechny, and Amursky regions, and in the city of Khabarovsk and its Table 3.1 suburbs, is excessive. Atmospheric pollution has been increas- Protected areas in Khabarovsk Krai ing for decades, with large quantities of methyl mercaptan in Amursk, formaldehyde, sulfur dioxide, phenols, lead, and Type and name Size (ha) Raion Established benzopyrene in Khabarovsk and Komsomolsk-on-Amur, and Zapovedniks dust prevalent in Solnechny, Urgal, Chegdomyn, Komso- molsk-on-Amur, and Khabarovsk. Dzhugdzhursky 860,000 Ayano-Maysky 1990 Between 1990 and 1999, industries in Komsomolsky and Bureinsky 359,000 Verkhne-Bureinsky 1987 Amursky Raions were the worst polluters of the Amur River. Botchinsky 267,400 Sovetsko-Gavansky 1994 High concentrations of heavy metals, copper (38–49 mpc), Bolonsky 103,600 Amursky, Nanaisky 1997 KHABAROVSK zinc (22 mpc), and chloroprene (2 mpc) were found. Indus- trial and agricultural facilities that treat 40 percent or less of Komsomolsky 61,200 Komsomolsky 1963 their wastewater (some treat none) create a water defi cit for Bolshekhekhtsirsky 44,900 Khabarovsky 1963 people and industry, despite the seeming abundance of water. The problem is exacerbated because of: Federal Zakazniks Ⅲ Pollution and low water levels in smaller rivers, particular- Badzhalsky 275,000 Solnechny 1973 ly near industrial centers (e.g., Solnechny and the Silinka River, where heavy metal levels exceed 130 mpc). Oldzhikhansky 159,700 Poliny Osipenko 1969 Ⅲ A loss of soil fertility. Tumninsky 143,100 Vaninsky 1967 Ⅲ Fires and logging, which impair the forests. Udylsky 100,400 Ulchsky 1988 Ⅲ Intensive development and quarrying of mineral resourc- Khekhtsirsky 56,000 Khabarovsky 1959 es, primarily construction materials. -
Draft Agenda
LIST OF PARTICIPANTS 2019 MOSCOW NONPROLIFERATION CONFERENCE November 7–9, 2019 1. ÅBERG SOMOGYI Martina, Korean Peninsula Desk Officer, Ministry for Foreign Affairs, Sweden 2. AIKI Toshihiro, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, Сhargé D'affaires, Embassy of Japan to the Russian Federation 3. AKHMETOV Alimzhan, Director, Center for International Security and Policy, Kazakhstan 4. AKHTAMZYAN Ildar, Associate Professor, Department of International Relations and Foreign Policy of Russia, School of International Relations, Moscow State Institute for International Relations (MGIMO–University), Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Russian Federation 5. ALIPOR NANDEL Mohammadreza, Second Secretary, Embassy of the Islamic Republic of Iran to the Russian Federation 6. APARO Massimo, Deputy Director General, Head of Department of Safeguards, International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) 7. ARAGHCHI Abbas, Deputy Foreign Minister for Political Affairs, Islamic Republic of Iran 8. ARIFFIN Irsyad Arif, First Secretary, Embassy of Malaysia to the Russian Federation 9. ARO -SÁNCHEZ Miia, Counsellor, Unit for Arms Control, Political Department, Ministry for Foreign Affairs, Finland 10. ARTISYUK Vladimir, Advisor to the Director General, State Atomic Energy Corporation ROSATOM, Russian Federation 11. BANNYKH Igor, Counsellor, Department of Customs Infrastructure, Eurasian Economic Commission 12. BARZEGAR Kayhan, Director, Institute for Middle East Strategic Studies (IMESS); Chair, Department of Political Science and International Relations, Science -
Russia's Great Power Identity on Its Bumpy Journey Through Time
CEEISA-ISA Joint International Conference Anatoly Reshetnikov 23-25 June 2016, Ljubljana Central European University _____________________________________________________________________________________ Russia’s great power identity on its bumpy journey through time. Introduction Recently, Russia has been talking a lot about being a great power.1 In fact, it has even insisted that such a state like Russia had to either be a great power, or not be at all.2 In the western discourse, the term ‘great power’ immediately evokes unambiguous connotations. Namely, it is believed to be related to some privileged status in the international system. This status is associated either with a claim to be one of a few real policy-makers (as neorealists have argued),3 or with a claim for some rights and responsibilities in relation to the management of international order (as has been suggested by the English School of IR).4 Hence, it is those specifically IR-related associations that Russian great power rhetoric elicited in the west. Most observers perceived it as a question of foreign policy. Yet, if one looks carefully enough, it becomes obvious that Russia’s great power discourse does not operate the way the western observers expect it operate. On the one hand, when Russia talks about being a great power, it often places itself in a strong opposition to the rest of the great power club and shows its clear dissatisfaction with the existing international order.5 As a result, it is perceived by the west as an unpredictable trouble-maker rather than a great power in the English School’s terms. -
The Decembrist Revolt and Its Aftermath: Values in Conflict by Robert F
The Decembrist Revolt and its Aftermath: Values in Conflict by Robert F. Baumann Editor’s Note: Look for Shushanna Baumann’s companion piece to this article in the upcoming Special Report featuring papers presented at the 2019 Fort Leavenworth Ethics Symposium. n December 1825, a group of Russian conspirators attempted to seize power by carrying out an uprising against the tsarist regime. Known as the Decembrist Revolt, Soviet historians embraced the episode as a precursor to the Bolshevik Revolution, which followed a century Ilater. Less well known is that fact that the Decembrist Revolt drew inspiration from the American Revolution and U.S. Constitution. Made up primarily of nobles, officers and professionals, the Decembrists—as they came to be known later—offer a fascinating example of the complexity of ethical decision making. Moved by moral and political convictions to undertake an astonishingly brash and dangerous takeover, they gave meticulous thought to the justification, methods and end state of this extraordinary endeavor. Not only did they leave behind extensive documents and correspondence, but many survivors were extensively interviewed in the aftermath. This record faithfully reflects a process of principled ethical reasoning as well as the phenomenal complexity in taking the drastic step from discussion and debate to action.1 This essay explores the implications of Decembrist actions and their aftermath, as well as the resonance of the entire episode in Russian politics today. Since the period of the Decembrists, there has been a more or less continuous struggle by a significant fraction of Russia’s intellectual class to introduce liberal, Western ideas of legality and governance. -
CONSERVATION ACTION PLAN for the RUSSIAN FAR EAST ECOREGION COMPLEX Part 1
CONSERVATION ACTION PLAN FOR THE RUSSIAN FAR EAST ECOREGION COMPLEX Part 1. Biodiversity and socio-economic assessment Editors: Yuri Darman, WWF Russia Far Eastern Branch Vladimir Karakin, WWF Russia Far Eastern Branch Andrew Martynenko, Far Eastern National University Laura Williams, Environmental Consultant Prepared with funding from the WWF-Netherlands Action Network Program Vladivostok, Khabarovsk, Blagoveshensk, Birobidzhan 2003 TABLE OF CONTENTS CONSERVATION ACTION PLAN. Part 1. 1. INTRODUCTION 4 1.1. The Russian Far East Ecoregion Complex 4 1.2. Purpose and Methods of the Biodiversity and Socio-Economic 6 Assessment 1.3. The Ecoregion-Based Approach in the Russian Far East 8 2. THE RUSSIAN FAR EAST ECOREGION COMPLEX: 11 A BRIEF BIOLOGICAL OVERVIEW 2.1. Landscape Diversity 12 2.2. Hydrological Network 15 2.3. Climate 17 2.4. Flora 19 2.5. Fauna 23 3. BIOLOGICAL CONSERVATION IN THE RUSSIAN FAR EAST 29 ECOREGION COMPLEX: FOCAL SPECIES AND PROCESSES 3.1. Focal Species 30 3.2. Species of Special Concern 47 3.3 .Focal Processes and Phenomena 55 4. DETERMINING PRIORITY AREAS FOR CONSERVATION 59 4.1. Natural Zoning of the RFE Ecoregion Complex 59 4.2. Methods of Territorial Biodiversity Analysis 62 4.3. Conclusions of Territorial Analysis 69 4.4. Landscape Integrity and Representation Analysis of Priority Areas 71 5. OVERVIEW OF CURRENT PRACTICES IN BIODIVERSITY CONSERVATION 77 5.1. Legislative Basis for Biodiversity Conservation in the RFE 77 5.2. The System of Protected Areas in the RFE 81 5.3. Conventions and Agreements Related to Biodiversity Conservation 88 in the RFE 6. SOCIO-ECONOMIC INFLUENCES 90 6.1. -
Archaeological Institute of Chiba Prefecture, Chiba, Japan. E-Mail: [email protected]
A HISTORY OF RUSSIAN ACTIVITIES AND THEIR INFLUENCE ON THE INDIGENOUS PEOPLES OF THE RUSSIAN FAR EAST Kazuo Morimoto1 INTRODUCTION How many Japanese have a concrete image if he or she is asked about Siberia? Most Japanese may have vague images of the Trans Siberia Railroad, a vast wilderness with white birch, or the miserable fate of Japanese prisoners of war after the defeat of the Japanese puppet state in Manchuria. As the vast Siberia lies just across the Sea of Japan, the Japanese sometimes consider it as a neighboring country. After the Second World War, this region was in a vulnerable situation because the interests of various big powers such as the United States, Russia and China concentrated attention on Northeast Asia during the Cold War. This geo-political situation led the Japanese people and government to conceive of Siberia as a place very far from Japan. Although they are Japan’s neighbors, most Japanese do not have close feelings toward China and Russia, whereas they do feel close ties to America which is quite far across the Pacific Ocean. Basically, among the Japanese there still remains an attitude of indifference to China and Russia. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russian economics and politics took steps towards 'perestroika' and their previously closed trade and diplomacy were opened to the Western world. In October 1993, Russian President Yeltsin visited Japan and signed the Tokyo Declaration regarding the Kuril Islands issue and the Economic Declaration for promoting economic investment from Japan. At the meeting of the Keizai Doyukai on 24 July 1997, Japanese Prime Minister, Ryutaro Hashimoto, proposed "Eurasian Diplomacy" which suggested a new Japanese economic strategy towards Russia and the Central Asia with long-term perspective. -
Russia's “Soft Power”
RUSSIA’S “SOFT POWER” STRATEGY A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of The School of Continuing Studies and of The Graduate School of Arts and Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Liberal Studies by Jill Dougherty, B.A. Georgetown University Washington, D.C. November 1, 2013 RUSSIA’S “SOFT POWER” STRATEGY Jill Dougherty, B.A. MALS Mentor: Angela Stent, Ph.D. ABSTRACT On October 30, 2013 the business-oriented Forbes.com put Russian President Vladimir Putin at the top of its list of “The World’s Most Powerful People,” unseating United States President Barack Obama. Forbes said its editors made the decision based on the power of the person over a large number of people, the financial resources controlled by the person, their power in multiple spheres, and the degree to which they actively use their power. Revisionist media commentary immediately followed the report, pointing out that Russia remains a regional power, that its economy, while improving, still ranks fifth in the world, significantly trailing those of the United States and China. The ranking also appeared to be, at least partially, a reaction to Russia’s skillful shift in diplomacy on the Syrian conflict, by which it proposed a plan to destroy the Assad regime’s chemical weapons. Others noted that Forbes is a conservative publication, and part of its editors’ motivation might have been the desire to criticize a Democratic President. It was, nevertheless, a stunning turn-about for Russia’s President, an indication of how quickly evaluations of a leader and his or her country can shift, based on their perceived influence. -
La Masonería En El Mundo – Rusia (3) Archivo C I E M - Madrid
2011 La Masonería en el mundo – Rusia (3) Archivo C I E M - Madrid Documentación - países Adrian Mac Liman Centro Ibérico de Estudios Masónicos (CIEM) 03/04/2011 Noteworthy members Of the Grand Orient of France in Russia and the Supreme Council of the Grand Orient of Russia’s People Compiled by Mr. Andrei Priahin, Moscow, Russia The following list of names is derived from the writings of a number of Russian authors and is presented with no guarantee of accuracy. The authors' historical and political objectivity is not without question, nor are their citations and souces documented. Note that neither the Grand Orient of France in Russia nor the Grand Orient of Russia’s People are recognized as regular Freemasonry. Name Notes Lodges Vyrubov Grigoriy Nikolayevich Mason of 33° of French rite. "Rose of the perfect silence" (1843 - 1913) "Grand Orient of France". (Worshipful Master), From 1888 a French citizen. "Grand Lodge of France", Professor of philosophy; a friend of "Grand Orient of France", August Comte, one of founders of Chairman of Convent of the positive philosophy; edited journal "Grand Orient of France".. "La philosophie positive" (1867-1883) together with Charles Robin. The former Scottish rite mason. Initiated on Jan. 7, 1874 in Paris. Permanently demanded involvement of Scottish rite free masonry in real life affairs, had a conflict with "Grand Lodge of France" (Scottish rite) and joined much more politicized "Grand Orient of France" (French rite). Worshipful Master of the emigrants" lodge "Rose of the perfect silence", member of Council of lodges, Chairman of Convent of the "Grand Orient of France" since 1882. -
January17 Cover Eng. 1-2 CURVE1
Digital Editions available on: Special Issue Magzter.com www.worldfocus.in ISSN 2230-8458 U.S. Library of Congress No. 80910345 445 A Premier Indo-Centric Foreign Affairs Journal Since 1980 JANUARY 2017 NEXT ISSUE 100 Radical Islam & To Reach this location scan Here QR code US $ 17 /WorldFocus.In Terrorism /WorldFocusIn EDITORIAL Today Russia is again going to be as great as the United Soviet Union WORLD was. Russia under Putin is a nimble giant able to make decisions on its own and face the consequences of the same. Lost in space as a super power, today it is back in the reckoning as a country that matters in international relations and can take care of itself. With Russia getting OPEC nations to agree to cut oil production and getting Iran and Saudi FOCUS Arabia to work together and reducing oil output production by almost about 2 % and stabilising oil price at about $ 50 per barrel, INDOCENTRIC FOREIGN AFFAIRS MONTHLY JOURNAL singlehandedly, thus winning the respect of all oil producing nations. Volume XXXVIII Number 1 January 2017 Russia today is largely responsible for maintaining the current oil prices G . Kishore Babu and not letting it to fall. Russia today is willing to play the commercial Editor game to its benefit, and to others as a large oil producer. Investment bankers from the west are making a big bet on Russia and Bhabani Dikshit so are the rich Sovereign funds of the Middle East, after Syria and Managing Editor flexing its diplomatic strength to fix oil prices. Russia today is the flavour of the Middle East that is good for the entire region. -
THE SHADOW Susan Baker Columbia University
THE SHADOW Susan Baker Columbia University In the 1870s and the 1990s, the area of Yugoslavia became the focal point of many contending interests in the Western and Near Eastern worlds. Although they are removed in time and era, the nature and dynamics of these episodes—the “Eastern Crisis” of 1875-1878 and the Yugoslav Wars of Dissolution between 1991 and 1995—have striking similarities. Both were lengthy, extending through several years of agonizing war. Both elicited multiple international attempts at intervention. In both external interventions brought foreign agendae, which were imposed on the original problem. Both challenged the unity of the current European system. Both caused major political divisions within intervening states. Both entailed particular South Slav issues of rights and governance. Both stemmed from economic problems. Both brought up concerns of imperial or national sovereignty. Both entailed a power vacuum which resulted in foreign takeover. Austrians moved into Bosnia- Herzegovina in 1878. NATO and the EU took over in 1996. Both resolutions were thought to be temporary expedients but were prolonged in the absence of solutions to the original underlying problems. This paper will seek to a) set the international context for the evolution of these crises, b) tell the stories of the first phases of the crises, c) attempt to relate what happened "on the ground" with decisions made in diplomatic circles, and d) draw out the recurring patterns that can be observed. Several caveats are in order. Only the first phases of these crises will be treated in detail because it is believed that at this phase the original problems are in best focus.