Government in Contravention of National Unity
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
West Bank and Gaza 2020 Human Rights Report
WEST BANK AND GAZA 2020 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The Palestinian Authority basic law provides for an elected president and legislative council. There have been no national elections in the West Bank and Gaza since 2006. President Mahmoud Abbas has remained in office despite the expiration of his four-year term in 2009. The Palestinian Legislative Council has not functioned since 2007, and in 2018 the Palestinian Authority dissolved the Constitutional Court. In September 2019 and again in September, President Abbas called for the Palestinian Authority to organize elections for the Palestinian Legislative Council within six months, but elections had not taken place as of the end of the year. The Palestinian Authority head of government is Prime Minister Mohammad Shtayyeh. President Abbas is also chairman of the Palestine Liberation Organization and general commander of the Fatah movement. Six Palestinian Authority security forces agencies operate in parts of the West Bank. Several are under Palestinian Authority Ministry of Interior operational control and follow the prime minister’s guidance. The Palestinian Civil Police have primary responsibility for civil and community policing. The National Security Force conducts gendarmerie-style security operations in circumstances that exceed the capabilities of the civil police. The Military Intelligence Agency handles intelligence and criminal matters involving Palestinian Authority security forces personnel, including accusations of abuse and corruption. The General Intelligence Service is responsible for external intelligence gathering and operations. The Preventive Security Organization is responsible for internal intelligence gathering and investigations related to internal security cases, including political dissent. The Presidential Guard protects facilities and provides dignitary protection. -
The Virus of Hate: Delegitimization and Antisemitism Converge Around
Ministry of Strategic Affairs and Public Diplomacy The Virus of Hate Delegitimization and Antisemitism Converge Around the Coronavirus May 2020 Main Findings In September 2019, the Ministry of Strategic Affairs published a report, "Behind the Mask," which demonstrated the connection between antisemitism and the Boycott Divestment, Sanctions (BDS) movement and its delegitimacy campaign against the State of Israel. The report included over 80 examples of leading BDS activists disseminating antisemitic content, consistent with the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) working definition of antisemitism. Following the report, and in the wake of the coronavirus crisis, the Ministry has been monitoring antisemitism and efforts to delegitimize Israel with the linking of the State of Israel and Jews to the coronavirus. The Ministry and other organizations focused on combatting hate speech found multiple cases of BDS-supporting organizations and senior government and quasi-governmental officials propagating antisemitic conspiracies and libels. The increased antisemitic rhetoric around the coronavirus has also been accompanied by threats of violence against Jews and Israelis. In the US, the FBI warned that right wing extremists may try to infect Jews with the coronavirus; in Gaza, Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar warned that if Gaza were to lack ventilators, "six million Israelis will not breathe." Such threats may materialize into acts of violence, especially as stay home orders are lifted and right wing extremists then may vent their anger -
Indictment of Al-Arian
UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT MIDDLE DISTRICT OF FLORIDA TAMPA DIVISION UNITED STATES OF AMERICA : : v. : CASE No. 8:03-CR- -T- : 18 U.S.C. § 1962(d) SAMI AMIN AL-ARIAN, : 18 U.S.C. § 956(a)(1) a/k/a “Amin,” : 18 U.S.C. § 2339B a/k/a “The Secretary,” : 18 U.S.C. § 371 a/k/a “Abu Abdullah,” : 18 U.S.C. § 1952(a)(2) and (3) RAMADAN ABDULLAH SHALLAH, : 18 U.S.C. § 1425(b) a/k/a “Ramadan Abdullah,” : 18 U.S.C. § 1546(a) a/k/a “Rashad,” : 18 U.S.C. § 1505 a/k/a “Mohamad El-Fatih,” : 18 U.S.C. § 1621 a/k/a “Mahmoud,” : 18 U.S.C. § 1963 a/k/a “Radwan,” : a/k/a "Al-Shaer," : BASHIR MUSA MOHAMMED NAFI, : a/k/a “Ahmed,” : a/k/a "Abu Mohammed," : a/k/a "Basheer Musa," : SAMEEH HAMMOUDEH, : a/k/a "Sameeh Hamouda," : a/k/a “Abu Anas,” : MUHAMMED TASIR HASSAN AL-KHATIB,: a/k/a “Abu Hassan,” : a/k/a “Mohamed T. El-Khatib,” : a/k/a “Tariq,” : a/k/a “Diyab,” : a/k/a “The Treasurer,” : ABD AL AZIZ AWDA, : a/k/a “Sheik Odeh,” : a/k/a “Abdel Aziz Odeh,” : a/k/a "Abu Ahmad," : a/k/a “Fadl Abu Ahmed,” : a/k/a “Al Sheik,” : a/k/a “The Sheik,” : a/k/a "Mawlana," : GHASSAN ZAYED BALLUT, : a/k/a “Abu Fadi,” : and, : HATIM NAJI FARIZ, : a/k/a "Abu Obayada," : a/k/a “Abu Obaida” : INDICTMENT COUNT ONE (Conspiracy to Commit Racketeering) The Grand Jury charges: A. -
Information to Users
INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from any type of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6” x 9” black and white photographic prints are available for any photographs or illustrations appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order. ProQuest Information and Learning 300 North Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 USA 800-521-0600 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Reproduced with with permission permission of the of copyright the copyright owner. owner.Further reproductionFurther reproduction prohibited without prohibited permission. without permission. SURVEY RESEARCH IN PALESTINE: POLITICS AND ACADEMIA by Christina Zacharia Hawatmeh Submitted to the Faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of American University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirement for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Sociology Chair: Samih K. -
The Palestinians: Background and U.S
The Palestinians: Background and U.S. Relations Jim Zanotti Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs January 31, 2014 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL34074 The Palestinians: Background and U.S. Relations Summary This report covers current issues in U.S.-Palestinian relations. It also contains an overview of Palestinian society and politics and descriptions of key Palestinian individuals and groups— chiefly the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), the Palestinian Authority (PA), Fatah, Hamas, and the Palestinian refugee population. The “Palestinian question” is important not only to Palestinians, Israelis, and their Arab state neighbors, but to many countries and non-state actors in the region and around the world—including the United States—for a variety of religious, cultural, and political reasons. U.S. policy toward the Palestinians is marked by efforts to establish a Palestinian state through a negotiated two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict; to counter Palestinian terrorist groups; and to establish norms of democracy, accountability, and good governance in West Bank areas administered by the Fatah-led PA. Congress has appropriated assistance to support Palestinian governance and development while trying to prevent the funds from benefitting Palestinians who advocate violence against Israelis. Since the signing of the Oslo Accord in 1993, Congress has committed more than $5 billion in bilateral assistance to the Palestinians, over half of it since mid-2007. Among the issues in U.S. policy toward the Palestinians is how to deal with the political leadership of Palestinian society, which is divided between the Fatah-led PA in parts of the West Bank and Hamas (a U.S.-designated Foreign Terrorist Organization) in the Gaza Strip. -
Civilian Protection and Middle East Armed Groups: in Search of Authoritative Local Voices
Civilian Protection and Middle East Armed Groups: In Search of Authoritative Local Voices By Joe Stork The Middle East has over many years been wracked by political violence and armed conflicts in which governments and armed groups alike have shown a pernicious disregard for the lives of civilians. When they do so during armed conflict, they violate the core principle of international humanitarian law—civilian immunity—which requires a warring party to distinguish between the civilian population and military targets, and to direct attacks only against military targets. Outside of armed conflicts, such attacks on civilians may amount to crimes against humanity. Many of the armed groups in the Middle East responsible for breaching this core principal by deliberately or indiscriminately killing civilians assert an Islamic identity, and some justify their decision to take up arms in Islamic terms. Exception to the principle of civilian immunity is invoked on political and sometimes religious grounds. It would be hard to exaggerate the impact of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict on the evolution of popular views of political violence and armed conflict in the region, including attitudes toward civilian protection. And owing in large measure to the prominent international dimension of the conflict, human rights proponents as well as governments and groups resistant to human rights criticism have scrutinized the stance of outside actors, particularly the United States, for evidence of partisanship and double standards in monitoring and protesting -
P.O. Box 1822, Norwalk, CA 90651 Tel: 714-995-1943 [email protected]
P.O. Box 1822, Norwalk, CA 90651 Tel: 714-995-1943 www.birzeitsociety.org [email protected] EXECUTIVE BOARD Maryland Ubaid, Esq. May 17th, 2020 National President Samer Rabie The Honorable Dr. Mohammad Shtayyeh 1ST Vice President Kifah Asfour Prime Minister 2ND Vice President State of Palestine Suhail Kassis Chief Financial Officer Dena Asfour Dear Prime Minister Shtayyeh, Secretary Faris Kassis I am writing on behalf of Birzeitis in the diaspora to address the Hot Blend Asphalt Plant Historian being built in our beloved hometown, Birzeit. We are concerned that this project BOARD MEMBERS threatens the health and safety of a large segment of citizens in Birzeit and its vicinity. We feel strongly that this kind of project undermines the health, beauty, and long-term Florida David Ishaq economic stability of Birzeit. Samer Yacoub Nadia Farah Due to the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic and the other existential issues that Sulaiman Samandar currently face the Palestinian people, we know that you are tirelessly working for the Mid-West betterment of our people. We believe that you will continue to do what it takes to guide George Khoury our people to a healthy and safe future. The timing of dealing with this Hot Blend New York Asphalt Plant issue is unfortunate, but the potential for long term and lasting hazards Wael Rabie propel us to urgently request that the construction of the facility be halted and the Samer Rabie licenses for the plant be revoked. Kifah Asfour Dena Asfour Samira Sayage There have been many scientific studies conducted on the hazards of asphalt plants around the world, which clearly highlight the havoc they wreak on people and local Northern California Mona Saadeh-Totah environments. -
International Reaction to the Palestinian Unity Government
Order Code RS22659 May 9, 2007 International Reaction to the Palestinian Unity Government Paul Morro Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Summary The new Palestinian unity government established in March 2007 complicates U.S. policy toward the Palestinian Authority (PA) and the peace process. When Hamas took power last year, the Bush Administration, along with its Quartet partners and Israel, responded by cutting off contact with and halting assistance to the PA. The Administration sought to isolate and remove Hamas while supporting moderates in Fatah, led by President Mahmud Abbas. The international sanctions have not driven Hamas from power, and instead, some assert they may have provided an opening for Iran to increase its influence among Palestinians by filling the void. Now that Hamas and Fatah are sharing power, it will be harder to isolate Hamas. The United States and European countries have held meetings with non-Hamas members of the new government, while Israel continues to rule out all contact with PA ministers. Arab states, led by Saudi Arabia, are pressing for recognition of the new government and an end to the international boycott. Some observers believe Saudi efforts to gain acceptance of the unity government and restart Israeli-Palestinian peace talks may be an effort to set the price for Saudi cooperation on other U.S. policies in the region. In 2006, Congress passed P.L. 109-446, the Palestinian Anti-Terrorism Act of 2006, to tighten existing restrictions on aid to the Palestinians. In 2007, Representative Ileana Ros-Lehtinen introduced H.R. -
Chronology of Events in Israel and Palestine Appendices Iemed
Chronologies Chronology of Events in Israel Appendices and Palestine In Israel, 2019 is a year with an elec- iteinu. And the other is the centrist can- the hope of avoiding a possible trial toral focus, with the country holding two didate Kajol Lavan (Blue and White) and, in turn, refloating negotiations to legislative elections. The economic formed by Benny Gantz’s centrist Ho- form a government, given that the three slowdown, the corruption scandals in- sen L’Israel (Resilience for Israel), Yahir court cases constitute one of the main volving the Prime Minister and Likud Lapid’s Yesh Atid (There Is a Future) stumbling blocks. However, after the leader Benjamin Netanyahu and the and Moshe Yaalon’s Telem (National hearings, in November the public pros- relentless divisions in the most con- Statesmanlike Movement). A draw in ecutor decides to officially indict Net- servative coalition government in Is- the elections, with both alliances taking anyahu for accepting bribes, fraud and Chronology in Events of Israel and Palestine raeli history formed by Likud (Consoli- 35 seats each, forces Netanyahu to ne- breach of trust. At the end of December, dation, conservative), Kulanu (All of Us, gotiate a coalition government again the sitting Prime Minister announces his centre-right), HaBayit HaYehudi (Jew- with the ultra-Orthodox and extreme intention to file an appeal before the ish Home, ultra-nationalist), Yahadut right-wing parties. An agreement is not Knesset in order to safeguard his par- Hatorah (United Torah Judaism, ultra- forthcoming, and so on 29 May new liamentary immunity. orthodox Ashkenazi) and Shas (World- elections are scheduled for 17 Septem- The successive demonstrations of the wide Association of Torah-Observant ber. -
Speakers Biographies
INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON THE QUESTION OF JERUSALEM Preserving the cultural and religious character of Jerusalem Geneva, 27-28 June 2019 --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- PANEL I Mr. Ahmad Majdalani is the Minister of Social Affairs of the State of the Palestine, in the government of Mohammad Shtayyeh, formed in April 2019. He was previously Minister of Labor between 2009 and 2014. Mr. Majdalani is the secretary general of the Palestinian Popular Struggle Front (PPSF) and a member of the PLO’s Executive Committee. He currently heads the PLO’s Palestine Planning Centre. He has served as the envoy of Palestine to Syria, among other posts. He is a professor of philosophy and cultural studies at Birzeit University. He authored three research studies: The Serious Threats Facing the Palestinian National Project (2007); The Arab Peace Initiative: An Option or Strategy for Peacemaking? (2007), and A Unilateral Declaration of Independence (2008). He holds in PhD in political economics from the Social Sciences Academy, Sofia, Bulgaria. Ms. Yael Berda is an Associate Professor in the Department of Sociology and Anthropology at Hebrew University of Jerusalem and an Academy Scholar at the Harvard Academy for International and Regional Studies at Harvard University. Ms. Berda is an Israeli lawyer, who holds a PhD from the Department of Sociology at Princeton University. Before Princeton, she was a practicing lawyer, who argued cases in the Israeli Supreme court, administrative courts and the military criminal courts. Born in New York City and raised in West Jerusalem, she has been highly engaged in social activism and politics in Israel. Her publications include The Bureaucracy of Occupation in the West Bank (2012) and Living Emergency: Israel’s Permit Regime in the Occupied West Bank (2017). -
Atlas of Sustainable Development 2020
STATE OF PALESTINE ATLAS OF SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT 2020 STATE OF PALESTINE ATLAS OF SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT 2020 © Copyright 2020 United Nations Country Team, occupied Palestinian territory Office of the Prime Minister of the State of Palestine All Rights Reserved The United Nations Country Team and the Office of the Prime Minister welcome the use of informa- tion contained in this publication for non-commercial and educational purposes provided that this publication is properly cited. Disclaimer: The text, designations, and presentations of materials in this publication, including their respective citations, maps, and bibliography, do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever or any official position by the United Nations concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city, or area, or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries. This document, its text, as well as any data and maps included herein, are without prejudice to the status of or sovereignty over any territory, to the delimitation of international frontiers and boundaries and to the name of any territory, city or area, and do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the Secretariat of the United Nations or the Funds, Programmes, and Agencies of the United Nations system concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city, or area, or its authorities. The terms “Palestine” and “Occupied Palestinian Territory” have been used interchangeably depending on context. The terms refer as a whole to the geographical area of the Palestinian territory occupied by Israel since 1967. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The Atlas of Sustainable Development 2020 is a collaboration between the United Nations Country Team in Palestine, under the leadership of Resident Coordinator Jamie McGoldrick, and the Government of Palestine, under the leadership of the Prime Minister Mohammad Shtayyeh. -
Above All, a Prime Minister for Palestinian Unity? Dr
Ideas for a fairer world FPC Briefing: Above all, a Prime Minister for Palestinian Unity? Dr. Stephen Royle1 On Friday 25th April 2014, Palestinian Prime Minister, Rami Hamdallah offered his resignation to President Mahmoud Abbas in order to facilitate the creation of a unity government as preordained under the Doha Agreement of 2012. The irony being that this decision comes at the end of an eleven month period where amidst a faltering peace process, continued Israeli settlement building, the burden of public debt and several sporadic moments of internal turbulence, both the President and Prime Minister have managed to show a considerable degree of cohesiveness and therefore adaptability in seeking a permanent solution. The situation is of course far from perfect and criticisms of the Palestinian Authority are never too far away, but by maintaining focus on the bigger picture the executive branches have managed to respond accordingly. If unity is to prevail in respect of international norms, then the Palestinian negotiation position will have been strengthened and therefore the political sacrifices justified. In June 2013, the Foreign Policy Centre published an article titled ‘A Prime Minister for Peace and the Unity of Palestine?’2, presenting the then incumbent Prime Minister as an ideal choice given his untold experience in the areas of politics, economics and diplomacy. It is then useful to review the role that the PM has undertaken over the past year as a way of better understanding the emergence of this cohesion. This will be done in respect of three areas; executive cohesion, international relations and domestic unity.