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ISSN 2520-2073 (print) ISSN 2521-442X (online) TRAINING, LANGUAGE AND CULTURE ‘Tell me and I forget. Teach me and I remember. Involve me and I learn’ ‒ Benjamin Franklin Vol. 4 Issue 4 2020 Issue DOI: 10.22363/2521-442X-2020-4-4 The quarterly journal published by Peoples’ Friendship University of Russia (RUDN University) ISSN 2520-2073 (print) AIMS AND SCOPE TRAINING, LANGUAGE AND CULTURE ISSN 2521-442X (online) Training, Language and Culture (TLC) is a peer-reviewed journal that aims to promote and disseminate research spanning the spectrum of language and linguistics, education and culture studies with a special focus on professional communication and professional discourse. Editorial Board of A quarterly journal published by RUDN University Training, Language and Culture invites research-based articles, reviews and editorials covering issues of relevance for the scientific and professional communities. EDITORIAL BOARD Dr Elena N. Malyuga Peoples’ Friendship University of Russia (RUDN University), Moscow, Russian Federation FOCUS AREAS Barry Tomalin Glasgow Caledonian University London, London, UK Training, Language and Culture covers the following areas of scholarly interest: theoretical and practical perspectives in language and linguistics; Dr Michael McCarthy University of Nottingham, Nottingham, UK culture studies; interpersonal and intercultural professional communication; language and culture teaching and training, including techniques and Dr Robert O’Dowd University of León, León, Spain technology, testing and assessment. Dr Elsa Huertas Barros University of Westminster, London, UK Dr Olga V. Aleksandrova Lomonosov Moscow State University, Moscow, Russian Federation LICENSING Dr Lilia K. Raitskaya Moscow State Institute of International Relations (MGIMO University), Moscow, Russian Federation All articles and book reviews published in Training, Language and Culture are licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International Li- Dr Alex Krouglov University College London, London, UK cense (CC BY 4.0). -
The European and Russian Far Right As Political Actors: Comparative Approach
Journal of Politics and Law; Vol. 12, No. 2; 2019 ISSN 1913-9047 E-ISSN 1913-9055 Published by Canadian Center of Science and Education The European and Russian Far Right as Political Actors: Comparative Approach Ivanova Ekaterina1, Kinyakin Andrey1 & Stepanov Sergey1 1 RUDN University, Russia Correspondence: Stepanov Sergey, RUDN University, Russia. E-mail: [email protected] Received: March 5, 2019 Accepted: April 25, 2019 Online Published: May 30, 2019 doi:10.5539/jpl.v12n2p86 URL: https://doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v12n2p86 The article is prepared within the framework of Erasmus+ Jean Monnet Module "Transformation of Social and Political Values: the EU Practice" (575361-EPP-1-2016-1-RU-EPPJMO-MODULE, Erasmus+ Jean Monnet Actions) (2016-2019) Abstract The article is devoted to the comparative analysis of the far right (nationalist) as political actors in Russia and in Europe. Whereas the European far-right movements over the last years managed to achieve significant success turning into influential political forces as a result of surging popular support, in Russia the far-right organizations failed to become the fully-fledged political actors. This looks particularly surprising, given the historically deep-rooted nationalist tradition, which stems from the times Russian Empire. Before the 1917 revolution, the so-called «Black Hundred» was one of the major far-right organizations, exploiting nationalistic and anti-Semitic rhetoric, which had representation in the Russian parliament – The State Duma. During the most Soviet period all the far-right movements in Russia were suppressed, re-emerging in the late 1980s as rather vocal political force. But currently the majority of them are marginal groups, partly due to the harsh party regulation, partly due to the fact, that despite state-sponsored nationalism the position of Russian far right does not stand in-line with the position of Russian authorities, trying to suppress the Russian nationalists. -
The Ukrainian Weekly 2012, No.39
www.ukrweekly.com INSIDE: l Russia’s “soft power with an iron fist” – page 3 l The Ukrainian minority in Poland, 1944-1947 – page 9 l Tennis championships at Soyuzivka – page 11 THEPublished U by theKRAINIAN Ukrainian National Association Inc., a fraternal W non-profit associationEEKLY Vol. LXXX No. 39 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, SEPTEMBER 23, 2012 $1/$2 in Ukraine Foreign Relations Ukraine’s 2012 parliamentary elections: Committee approves Two parties that might make the cut Tymoshenko resolution by Zenon Zawada Special to The Ukrainian Weekly WASHINGTON – A resolution intro- duced by U.S. Sen. Jim Inhofe (R-Okla.), a KYIV – Polls indicate that at least four member of the Senate Foreign Relations political parties will qualify for the 2012 Committee, and co-sponsored by U.S. Verkhovna Rada. Another two parties have Sen. Dick Durbin (D-Ill.), Senate majori- a chance of surpassing the 5 percent ty whip, on September 19 unanimously threshold on election day, October 28: the passed the Senate Foreign Relations Ukraine – Forward! party launched by Luhansk oligarch Natalia Korolevska and Committee. The resolution, S. Res. 466, the Svoboda nationalist party launched by calls for the unconditional release of Oleh Tiahnybok. political prisoner and former Ukrainian At the moment, however, both parties Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko. would fail to qualify. Ukraine – Forward! “Tymoshenko was a key revolution- would earn 4 percent of the votes for ary in Ukraine’s 2004 Orange closed party lists, while Svoboda would get Revolution and is a pro-Western reform- about 3.8 percent, according to a poll er,” said Sen. -
The Impact of Changes in Electoral Systems: a Comparative Analysis of the Local Election in Ukraine in 2006 and 2010
STUDIA VOL. 36 POLITOLOGICZNE STUDIA I ANALIZY Olena Yatsunska The impact of changes in electoral systems: a comparative analysis of the local election in Ukraine in 2006 and 2010 KEY WORDS: local government, local elections, proportional electoral system, majoritarian electoral system, mixed majoritarian-proportional electoral system, Ukraine STUDIA I ANALIZY Having gained independence in 1991 Ukraine, like most Central and East- ern European countries, faced the need for radical Constitutional reforms, with reorganization of local government figuring high in the agenda. Like other post-soviet countries, Ukraine had to decide on the starting point and like in the neighboring countries, democratic euphoria of the early 1990s got the upper hand: local authorities were elected on March 18, 1990, while the Law On Local People’s Deputies of Ukrainian SSR and Local Self-government was adopted by Verkhovna Rada of Ukrainian SSR on December 7, 1990. Ukrain- ian Researchers in the field of local government and its reforms concur with the opinion that the present dissatisfactory state of that institution was con- ditioned by the first steps made by Ukrainian Politicians at the beginning of the ‘transition’ period. Without clear perspective of reform, during more than 20 years of Independence, Ukrainian local government has abided dozens of laws, sometimes rather contradictory and has survived more than 10 stages of restructuring. Evolution of election legislation in Ukraine is demonstrated by Table 1. The table shows that since 1994 three electoral systems have been tested in Ukraine: 1, Majoritarian, 2, Proportional except elections to village and settlement councils and 3, ‘Mixed’ system (50% Majoritarian+50% Proportional). -
The EU and Ukraine: Hapeless but Not Hopeless
>> POLICY BRIEF ISSN: 1989-2667 Nº 141 - NOVEMBER 2012 The EU and Ukraine: hapless but not hopeless Natalia Shapovalova and Balazs Jarabik Since his democratic victory in 2010, Ukrainian President Viktor >> Yanukovych has asserted his control over Ukraine’s political system by arresting leaders of the opposition, restricting freedom of assembly and HIGHLIGHTS speech and allegedly enriching himself and his close circle in the process. This has jeopardised Ukraine’s declared goal of European integration and • The October polls exposed has pushed the country into greater isolation from the West. Ukraine's corrupted political Last October’s parliamentary elections were meant to be a litmus test for system, but also the democracy in Ukraine. Amidst allegations of fraud in some districts, the resilience of Ukrainian polls exposed the abuse of power and corruption present in Ukraine's society to an illiberal political political system. However, the results also demonstrated some level of regime. resilience against an illiberal political regime. The opposition did better • The incumbent Party of than expected and must now use its gains wisely to resist further regime consolidation by building on popular discontent with the ruling party. Regions will have to ally with The future is uncertain: the country's further democratisation is in the independent candidates to hands of Ukrainians. As for the EU, it is also facing its own litmus test in form a narrow majority in its relations with Ukraine. Its room for manoeuvre is squeezed between Parliament. the Ukrainian opposition’s calls for sanctions and the need for dialogue with the Yanukovych government. -
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“You Don’t Exist” Arbitrary Detentions, Enforced Disappearances, and Torture in Eastern Ukraine HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH “You Don’t Exist” Arbitrary Detentions, Enforced Disappearances, and Torture in Eastern Ukraine Copyright © 2016 Human Rights Watch Copyright © 2016 Amnesty International All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-1-6231-33863 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people worldwide. We scrupulously investigate abuses, expose the facts widely, and pressure those with power to respect rights and secure justice. Human Rights Watch is an independent, international organization that works as part of a vibrant movement to uphold human dignity and advance the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Sydney, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org *** Amnesty International is a global movement of more than 7 million people who campaign for a world where human rights are enjoyed by all. Our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and public donations. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.amnesty.org JULY 2016 ISBN: 978-1-6231-33863 “You Don’t Exist” Arbitrary Detentions, Enforced Disappearances, and Torture in Eastern Ukraine Map ................................................................................................................................... -
Reports Submitted by States Parties Under Article 9 of the Convention
United Nations CERD/C/UKR/19-21 International Convention on Distr.: General 23 September 2010 the Elimination of All Forms English of Racial Discrimination Original: Russian Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination Reports submitted by States parties under article 9 of the Convention Nineteenth to twenty-first periodic reports due in 2010 Ukraine*, ** [8 January 2010] * This document contains the combined periodic report (nineteenth to twenty-first periodic reports) of Ukraine, due on 6 April 2010. For the seventeenth and eighteenth periodic reports, the Committee’s concluding observations and the summary records of the meetings at which the Committee considered those reports, see documents CERD/C/UKR/18, CERD/C/UKR/CO/18 and CERD/C/SR.1776 and 1777. ** In accordance with the information transmitted to States parties regarding the processing of their reports, the present document was not edited before being sent to the United Nations translation services. GE.10-45763 (E) 221210 100111 CERD/C/UKR/19-21 Contents Paragraphs Page I. Introduction............................................................................................................. 1–6 5 II. Implementation of the Convention’s provisions ..................................................... 7–453 5 Article 1 Ukraine’s policy on racial discrimination .............................................. 7–12 5 Article 2 Obligations to condemn racial discrimination........................................ 13–47 6 Article 3 Condemnation of racial segregation and apartheid ................................ 48 9 Article 4 Legislative measures to eradicate incitement to racial discrimination or acts of such discrimination ................................................................ 49–55 9 Article 5 Measures taken to prohibit and eliminate racial discrimination and to guarantee the right of everyone, without distinction as to race, colour, or national or ethnic origin, to equality before the law in the enjoyment of the following rights: .................................................. -
Russian-Ukrainian Crisis, National Identity and Democratic Consolidation in Ukraine
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Helsingin yliopiston digitaalinen arkisto RUSSIAN-UKRAINIAN CRISIS, NATIONAL IDENTITY AND DEMOCRATIC CONSOLIDATION IN UKRAINE Dinara Pisareva University of Helsinki Faculty of Social Sciences Politics Master’s Thesis May 2016 Tiedekunta/Osasto – Fakultet/Sektion – Faculty Laitos – Institution – Department Faculty of Social Sciences Department of Political and Economic Studies Tekijä– Författare – Author Dinara Pisareva Työn nimi – Arbetets titel – Title Russian-Ukrainian Crisis, National Identity and Democratic Consolidation in Ukraine Oppiaine – Läroämne – Subject Politics Työn laji – Arbetets art – Level Aika – Datum – Date Sivumäärä – Sidoantal – Number of pages Master’s Thesis May 2016 74 Tiivistelmä – Referat – Abstract The research explores Russian-Ukrainian crisis 2014 in order to see (i) how it has impacted Ukrainian identity split between pro-Western and pro-Russian supporters and (ii) the situation with the process of democratic consolidation in Ukraine. The first research question uses data from public surveys and results of presidential and parliamentary elections 2014 and local elections 2015 in order to demonstrate that Ukrainian national identity has become more consolidated in its commitment to integration with the European Union. At the same time, there has been a significant rise of negative attitude towards Russia even in previously pro-Russian regions. The second research question is concerned with the democratic consolidation in Ukraine and whether resolution of pro- Russian vs. pro-Western identity conflict has resulted in enhanced democracy. In order to assess democratic consolidation in Ukraine the research looks at two main indicators post-crisis political party system and public support of democracy. -
Two Years of Operation of the Verkhovna Rada of 8Th Convocation: Legislative Capacity and Law-Making Process
TWO YEARS OF OPERATION OF THE VERKHOVNA RADA OF 8TH CONVOCATION: LEGISLATIVE CAPACITY AND LAW-MAKING PROCESS SUMMARY Judging by two-year law-making efficiency and legislative capacity indices, the Verkhovna Rada of 8th convocation looks somewhat better than the 7th convocation Rada, but is inferior to the parliaments of earlier convocations. The efficiency coefficient of the current parliament (the share of adopted draft laws in the total number of registered drafts) is just 11%. In terms of specific holders of the right to legislative initiative, the President’s efficiency (81%) is much higher than that of the MPs (7%) or the Government (29%). The law-making efficiency coefficient of every single faction is similarly low, ranging from the lowest figure of 3.6% (the Opposition Bloc) to the highest of 13.8% (the Radical Party). During the two-year period, the individual law- making efficiency of 99 MPs was at zero level: they initiated dozens of drafts none of which became a law. On the whole, female MPs displayed a somewhat higher law-making efficiency compared to male MPs: 11% and 7%, respectively. Deputies elected on the basis of political party lists were twice as efficient as those elected in majority districts: 10% vs. 5%. The main reason for the low level of the parliament’s law-making efficiency of the parliament consists in the excessively high number of draft laws registered by the People’s Deputies. During the first two years of operation of the 8th convocation Verkhovna Rada, the MPs registered twice as many draft laws compared to their colleagues who had been working in the faraway parliament of 3rd convocation. -
The Future of Ukrainian Oligarchsdownload
Ukrainian Institute for the Future is an independent analytical center that: • forecasts changes and models possible scenarios for events in Ukraine; • makes a competent assessment of the Ukrainian events; • makes specific recommendations for actions; • offers effective solutions; • offers a platform for discussions on current topics. It is a project of representatives of Ukrainian business, politics and the public sector. Founded in summer 2016. AUTHORS Victor Andrusiv Executive Director of the Ukrainian Institute for the Future, PhD in Political Science, analyst and opinion journalist, author of the book “Change the future” Oleg Ustenko Executive Director of the Bleyzer Foundation, President of Harvard Club of Ukraine alumni association Yurii Romanenko Co-founder of the Ukrainian Institute for the Future, head of the International and Domestic Policy programme, editor-in-chief of the portal Hvylya Ihar Tyshkevich Expert of International and Domestic Politics programme of the Ukrainian Institute for the Future (UIF) © Art-direction D!VANDESIGN © Idea and design INCOGNITA INTRODUCTION. THE BRITISH DISEASE IN UKRAINE Content 05 THEORY AND STRUCTURE OF THE UKRAINIAN OLIGARCHY 06 INFLUENCE OVER ENERGY INDUSTRY 14 INFLUENCE OVER METALLURGY 26 INFLUENCE OVER TRANSPORT INFRASTRUCTURE 38 INFLUENCE OVER MEDIA 50 INFLUENCE OVER POLITICS 62 THREE SCENARIOS FOR THE FUTURE OF THE OLIGARCHS 72 Victor Andrusiv Executive Director of the Ukrainian Institute for the Future, PhD in Political Science, analyst and opinion journalist, author of the book “Change the future” Introduction: the British disease in Ukraine After the fall of the Soviet Union, the starting conditions for economic development in Ukraine were advanta- geous. However, after 27 years of independence, we continue to be the most backward country of the post-Sovi- et bloc. -
The Extreme Right in Ukraine
INTERNATIONAL POLICY ANALYSIS The Extreme Right in Ukraine MRIDULA GHOSH October 2012 n The major political forces in Ukraine do not have a well-articulated ideology. An analysis of the gradual emergence of the Svoboda (Freedom) party into the political mainstream since 2001 and as a contender in the October 2012 parliamentary elec- tions reveals that this party is the flagship of core extreme right ideology. n The economic crises, unemployment and corruption have enabled Svoboda to add a socioeconomic dimension to its ultra-nationalist agenda as well as to expand its out- reach by communicating with the grassroots rather than via elite lobby politics. This has helped Svoboda to gain power in regional legislative bodies in Western Ukraine. n Instead of distancing themselves from the rhetoric of Svoboda, the mainstream po- litical parties have entered into situation-dependent and other tacit alliances with it, either in order to win the nationalist vote or to showcase Svoboda as an »enemy« of democracy while presenting them as the only democratic alternative. The lack of consensus among the major political actors on how to combat right-wing extremist ideas has legitimised Svoboda in the public perception. n Civil society has provided some counter-strategies to the Svoboda party. However, in the absence of political consensus, these efforts have proved feeble and futile. To raise awareness of the inadmissibility of right-wing extremism in mainstream poli- tics, it is necessary to turn to the substantive socioeconomic elements of participa- tory governance. MRIDULA GHOSH | THE EXTREME RIGHT IN UKRAINE Contents 1. Introduction: Overview of the Extreme Right and Its Electoral Performance ......3 2. -
Representations of Unity in Soviet Symbolism
UC Santa Barbara UC Santa Barbara Previously Published Works Title Soiuz and Symbolic Union: Representations of Unity in Soviet Symbolism Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/6mk5f6c8 Author Platoff, Anne M. Publication Date 2020 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Representations of Unity in Soviet Symbolism 23 Soiuz and Symbolic Union: Representations of Unity in Soviet Symbolism Anne M. Platoff Abstract “Soiuz”1 in Russian means “union”—a key word in the formal name of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. Once the world’s largest state, the Soviet Union comprised 15 republics and more than 100 distinct ethnic groups. The country celebrated its diversity while at the same time emphasizing the unity of all Soviet peoples. Throughout the 1922–1991 history of the USSR a highly- developed system of symbolic representations was used to portray the strength of the union. For example, the state emblem visually bound the Soviet repub- lics to the state through a heraldic ribbon using all the titular languages of the republics. Likewise, the national anthem celebrated the “unbreakable union of free republics”. The Soviet symbol set also included unique, but visually unifying, symbols to represent the 15 union republics—their flags, emblems, and anthems. There were also flags for the autonomous republics within these union republics, based upon the republic flags. In addition to the symbolic portrayal of the cohesiveness of the Soviet Union, there were two other types of “unions” that were vital to Soviet symbolism—the unity of workers and peasants, as well as the brotherhood of all the world’s communists.