The EU and Ukraine: Hapeless but Not Hopeless
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News from Copenhagen
News from Copenhagen Number 423 Current Information from the OSCE PA International Secretariat 29 February 2012 Prisons, economic crisis and arms control focus of Winter Meeting The panel of the General Committee on Democracy, Human The panel of the General Committee on Economic Affairs, Rights and Humanitarian Questions on 23 February. Science, Technology and Environment on 23 February. The 11th Winter Meeting of the OSCE Parliamentary the vice-chairs on developments related to the 2011 Belgrade Assembly opened on 23 February in Vienna with a meeting Declaration. of the PA’s General Committee on Democracy, Human Rights The Standing Committee of Heads of Delegations met on and Humanitarian Questions, in which former UN Special 24 February to hear reports of recent OSCE PA activities, as Rapporteur on Torture Manfred Nowak took part, along with well as discuss upcoming meetings and election observation. Bill Browder, Eugenia Tymoshenko, and Iryna Bogdanova. After a discussion of the 4 March presidential election in Committee Chair Matteo Mecacci (Italy) noted the impor- Russia, President Efthymiou decided to deploy a small OSCE tance of highlighting individual stories to “drive home the PA delegation to observe. urgency of human rights.” In this regard, Browder spoke Treasurer Roberto Battelli presented to the Standing Com- about the case of his former attorney, the late Sergei Magnit- mittee the audited accounts of the Assembly for the past finan- sky, who died in pre-trial detention in Russia. cial year. The report of the Assembly’s outside independent Eugenia Tymoshenko discussed the case of her mother, professional auditor has given a positive assessment on the former Ukrainian Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko, cur- PA´s financial management and the audit once again did not rently serving a seven-year prison sentence. -
Resuscitate Healthcare
#8 (114) August 2017 First conclusions in the Supreme Old and new promising sectors Student activism in Ukraine Court selection process of Ukraine’s agriculture and post-Soviet states RESUSCITATE HEALTHCARE WWW.UKRAINIANWEEK.COM Featuring selected content from The Economist FOR FREE DISTRIBUTION CONTENTS | 3 BRIEFING 32 Merchants of peace: How the “civil 4 Crime and (illusory) punishment: war” rhetoric is used to gain political What counterarguments Berkut capital lawyers use in Maidan trials 34 Student force: The strengths and POLITICS weaknesses of Ukrainian youth movements 7 Delay in court: First results in the selection of candidates for the 38 Between Komsomol and protests: Supreme Court The trajectory of student movements in former USSR countries over the past ECONOMICS 25 years 10 Cultivating change: Production and NEIGHBOURS export transformations in Ukraine's 40 Michael Binyon on divides agricultural industry in the UK’s political establishment 14 Payback time! Is Ukraine ready to pay as Brexit talks start back the bulk of its external debts? 42 Karl Schlögel: 18 An uneven recovery: How the “We have to fight for Ukraine to once economy of regions has changed over again get in the center of attention in the past three years European affairs” German historian on Ukraine FOCUS on the European mental map 22 Seeing the obvious: Why Ukraine’s and the challenges of the new current healthcare system must be historical situation changed HISTORY 24 A major deficit: Staff and funding as the key driver of transformation 46 A view from 2017: -
Svoboda Party – the New Phenomenon on the Ukrainian Right-Wing Scene
OswcOMMentary issue 56 | 04.07.2011 | ceNTRe fOR eAsTeRN sTudies Svoboda party – the new phenomenon on the Ukrainian right-wing scene NTARy Me Tadeusz A. Olszański ces cOM Even though the national-level political scene in Ukraine is dominated by the Party of Regions, the west of the country has seen a progressing incre- ase in the activity of the Svoboda (Freedom) party, a group that combines tudies participation in the democratically elected local government of Eastern s Galicia with street actions, characteristic of anti-system groups. This party has brought a new quality to the Ukrainian nationalist movement, as it astern refers to the rhetoric of European anti-liberal and neo-nationalist move- e ments, and its emergence is a clear response to public demand for a group of this sort. The increase in its popularity plays into the hands of the Party of Regions, which is seeking to weaken the more moderate opposition entre for parties (mainly the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc). However, Svoboda retains its c independence from the ruling camp. This party, in all likelihood, will beco- me a permanent and important player in Ukrainian political life, although its influence may be restricted to Eastern Galicia. NTARy Me Svoboda is determined to fight the tendencies in Ukrainian politics and the social sphere which it considers pro-Russian. Its attitude towards Russia and Russians, furthermore, is unambiguously hostile. In the case of Poland, ces cOM it reduces mutual relations almost exclusively to the historical aspects, strongly criticising the commemoration of the victims of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army’s (UPA) crimes. -
Kremlin-Linked Forces in Ukraine's 2019 Elections
Études de l’Ifri Russie.Nei.Reports 25 KREMLIN-LINKED FORCES IN UKRAINE’S 2019 ELECTIONS On the Brink of Revenge? Vladislav INOZEMTSEV February 2019 Russia/NIS Center The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. ISBN: 978-2-36567-981-7 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2019 How to quote this document: Vladislav Inozemtsev, “Kremlin-Linked Forces in Ukraine’s 2019 Elections: On the Brink of Revenge?”, Russie.NEI.Reports, No. 25, Ifri, February 2019. Ifri 27 rue de la Procession 75740 Paris Cedex 15—FRANCE Tel. : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00—Fax : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Author Dr Vladislav Inozemtsev (b. 1968) is a Russian economist and political researcher since 1999, with a PhD in Economics. In 1996 he founded the Moscow-based Center for Post-Industrial Studies and has been its Director ever since. In recent years, he served as Senior or Visiting Fellow with the Institut fur die Wissenschaften vom Menschen in Vienna, with the Polski Instytut Studiów Zaawansowanych in Warsaw, Deutsche Gesellschaft für Auswärtige Politik in Berlin, the Center for Strategic and International Studies, and the Johns Hopkins University in Washington. -
How Far Can the EU Expand? the Dilemmas of Ukrainian Membership
EU crisis simulation 2013 issue brief How Far Can the EU Expand? The Dilemmas of Ukrainian Membership By Scott N. Duryea While the Council of Europe faces many important issues affect the future of the EU, few involve the geopolitical pressures and question of European identity raised by the possibility of Ukraine membership. Opening membership to European democracies is a foundational concept of the EU, but Ukraine possess great difficulties; it is a very large country (roughly the same in size and population to France), poor it brings difficult relations with Russia. Ukraine has a long border with Russia; 2300 km (1400 miles) long and hosts Russia’s most important navy base. Its population includes are large Russian minority. Some 30 percent of its population (14.5 million out of 45.6 million people) are native Russian-speakers. Bringing Ukraine into the EU would transform the country, and the EU. Refusing to admit Ukraine might have equally powerful consequences. Ukraine is increasingly falling into the fold of the European Union. Many Ukrainians seek eventual membership into the EU, but a number of pressing issues must be resolved before Ukraine fully goes west. These include reforming Ukrainian bureaucracy, obeying the rule of law, cracking down on corruption, and evading Russian attempts to keep Ukraine from breaking away from its unhealthy Eurasian ties. At stake is not just the future of the concept of Europe and European relations with Russia, but the future of Ukrainian democracy and national identity. As stated in the EU Council Conclusions on Ukraine of 10 December 2012, Ukraine’s EU status focuses on three elements of reform: 1 The compliance of the 2012 parliamentary elections with international standards and follow-up actions, Ukraine’s progress in addressing the issue of selective justice and preventing its recurrence, and Implementing the reforms defined in the jointly agreed Association Agenda. -
The Ukrainian Weekly 2012, No.39
www.ukrweekly.com INSIDE: l Russia’s “soft power with an iron fist” – page 3 l The Ukrainian minority in Poland, 1944-1947 – page 9 l Tennis championships at Soyuzivka – page 11 THEPublished U by theKRAINIAN Ukrainian National Association Inc., a fraternal W non-profit associationEEKLY Vol. LXXX No. 39 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, SEPTEMBER 23, 2012 $1/$2 in Ukraine Foreign Relations Ukraine’s 2012 parliamentary elections: Committee approves Two parties that might make the cut Tymoshenko resolution by Zenon Zawada Special to The Ukrainian Weekly WASHINGTON – A resolution intro- duced by U.S. Sen. Jim Inhofe (R-Okla.), a KYIV – Polls indicate that at least four member of the Senate Foreign Relations political parties will qualify for the 2012 Committee, and co-sponsored by U.S. Verkhovna Rada. Another two parties have Sen. Dick Durbin (D-Ill.), Senate majori- a chance of surpassing the 5 percent ty whip, on September 19 unanimously threshold on election day, October 28: the passed the Senate Foreign Relations Ukraine – Forward! party launched by Luhansk oligarch Natalia Korolevska and Committee. The resolution, S. Res. 466, the Svoboda nationalist party launched by calls for the unconditional release of Oleh Tiahnybok. political prisoner and former Ukrainian At the moment, however, both parties Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko. would fail to qualify. Ukraine – Forward! “Tymoshenko was a key revolution- would earn 4 percent of the votes for ary in Ukraine’s 2004 Orange closed party lists, while Svoboda would get Revolution and is a pro-Western reform- about 3.8 percent, according to a poll er,” said Sen. -
Mr. Yuriy Lutsenko, Chairperson, Bloc Poroshenko Mr. Oleh Lyashko, Chairperson, Oleh Lyashko's Radical Party Mr. Igor Zdanov
Parliamentary Elections in Ukraine, 26 October 2014 DRAFT - PROGRAMME OF JOINT PARLIAMENTARY BRIEFINGS Fairmont Hotel, Kyiv, 24-25 October 2014 Friday, 24 October 10:00-10:15 Opening by the Heads of Parliamentary Delegations 10:15-10:45 Introduction by local offices Ambassador Vaidotas Verba, OSCE Project Co-ordinator in Ukraine Ambassador Vladimir Ristovski, Head of Office, Council of Europe Office in Ukraine Ambassador Jan Tombiński, Head Delegation, Delegation of the European Union to Ukraine Mr. Marcin Koziel, Head of Office, NATO Liaison Office in Ukraine 10:45-12:15 Briefing by the OSCE/ODIHR Election Observation Mission 12:15-13:45 Lunch break 13:45-14:30 Mr. Mykhaylo Okhendovsky, Chairperson, Central Election Commission of Ukraine 14:30-17:30 Meetings with political party representatives 14:30-14:50 Mr. Yuriy Lutsenko, Chairperson, Bloc Poroshenko 14:50-15:10 Mr. Oleh Lyashko, Chairperson, Oleh Lyashko’s Radical Party 15:10-15:30 Mr. Igor Zdanov, President of Analytical Center “Open Politics”, Batkivshchyna Mr. Serhiy Vlasenko, Member of Parliament, Batkivshchyna Mr. Borys Tarasyuk, Member of Parliament, Batkivshchyna 15:30-15:50 Mr. Arseniy Yatsenyuk, Chairperson, People’s Front 15:50-16:10 Coffee Break 16:10-16:30 Mr. Petro Symonenko, Chairperson, Communist Party of Ukraine 16:30-16:50 Mr. Serhiy Tihipko, Chairperson, Strong Ukraine 16:50-17:10 Mr. Oleh Tyahnybok, Chairperson, Svoboda 17:10-17:30 Coffee Break 17:30-18:15 Panel with representatives of mass media Mr. Zurab Alasania, Director-General, National TV Company Mr. Mustafa Nayem, Editor-in;Chief, Hromadske TV Ms. Olga Herasymyuk, First Deputy Chairman, National Television and Radio Broadcasting Council Mr. -
Ukraine and NATO: Deadlock Or Re-Start? Ukraineukraine and and NATO: NATO: Ukraine Has Over the Past Ten Years Developed a Very Close Partnership with NATO
Ukraine and NATO: Deadlock or Re-start? UkraineUkraine and and NATO: NATO: Ukraine has over the past ten years developed a very close partnership with NATO. Key areas of Deadlock or Re-start? consultation and co-operation include, for instance, peacekeeping operations, and defence and Deadlock or Re-start? security sector reform. NATO’s engagement serves two vital purposes for Ukraine. First, it enhan- Jakob Hedenskog ces Ukraine’s long-term security and serves as a guarantee for the independence of the state; and JAKOB HEDENSKOG second, it promotes and encourages democratic institutionalisation and spreading of democratic norms and values in the country. JAKOB HEDENSKOG Ukraine and NATO: Deadlock or Re-start NATO’s door for Ukraine remains open. The future development of the integration depends on Ukraine’s correspondence to the standards of NATO membership, on the determination of its political leadership, and on an effective mobilisation of public opinion on NATO membership. This report shows that Ukraine has made progress in reaching the standards for NATO membership, especially in the spheres of military contribution and interoperability. However the absence of national consensus and lack of political will and strategic management of the government hamper any effective implementation of Ukraine’s Euro-Atlantic integration. It is also crucial to neutralise Russia’s influence, which seriously hampers Ukraine’s Euro-Atlantic course. Leading representati- ves of the current leadership, especially Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych and his Party of Regions of Ukraine, prefer for the moment continued stable relations with Russia rather than NATO mem- ? bership. Jakob Hedenskog is a security policy analyst at the Swedish Defence Re- search Agency (FOI) specialised on Ukraine. -
Polarizing the Country? YANUKOVYCH’S AUTHORITARIAN GAME BETWEEN RUSSIA and the EU on the EVE of UKRAINE’S 2012 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS
Polarizing the Country? YANUKOVYCH’S AUTHORITARIAN GAME BETWEEN RUSSIA AND THE EU ON THE EVE OF UKRAINE’S 2012 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS PONARS Eurasia Policy Memo No. 204 June 2012 Olexiy Haran University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy Ukraine is too regionally and politically diverse to allow a single entity to monopolize power—this “pluralism by default” makes the Ukrainian political system more balanced than the Russian one. The electoral divide between, on the one hand, Ukraine’s south and east and, on the other, its west and center has persisted in every election since 1990. However, in the 2004 presidential election, Ukrainian politics were deliberately and dangerously polarized by former president Leonid Kuchma, who relied on Kremlin support to secure the succession of his prime minister Viktor Yanukovych. By contrast, opposition leader Viktor Yushchenko managed to move beyond traditional voting patterns, whereby national-democrats existed mainly in the geographic west and center. Yushchenko concentrated on slogans common to the whole country—European values, social justice, rule of law, and the struggle with corruption. This proved to be an important factor in his electoral victory and in the Orange Revolution struggle against electoral fraud. Nonetheless, due to polarizing strategies that his opponents employed, including pro-Russian slogans and an anti-Western, anti-American propaganda campaign, the country emerged from the 2004 elections extremely polarized. Polarization Under Yanukovych: A Useful Strategy? To a great extent, President Yushchenko’s policies appeared counterproductive and reinforced polarization. The anti-corruption struggle remained only on paper and reforms stalled. As a result, Yushchenko’s ratings dropped to only 3-5 percent by 2008. -
Neonazis & Euromaidan
Stanislav Byshok Alexey Kochetkov NEONAZIS & EUROMAIDAN From democracy to dictatorship [Second edition] 2014 Stanislav Byshok, Alexey Kochetkov NEONAZIS & EUROMAIDAN. From democracy to dictator- ship. [Second edi on]. “Whoever is not jumping is a Moskal” is a chant that women and men of diff erent ages who took to Kiev Independence Square in win- ter 2013-2014 repeated trying to get warm. They kept jumping and laughing, for nobody in the ‘brave new world’ of the Ukrainian revo- lu on under Stepan Bandera’s banner fancied gaining the character of a staunch enemy of Ukrainian statehood. Mass demonstra ons of “angry ci zens” in Ukraine had objec ve reasons. This was a protest against ineff ec ve and corrupt govern- ment, against police and bureaucra c abuse of power, against unclear and dead-end policies of the President and the Government. All na onal libera on movements use the popular ideas and po- li cal sen ments that dominate the society as their posi ve mani- festo. Thus, exclusively le -wing ideologies were mainstream in the Russian Empire in 1917, radical Islamism was most popular in Arab countries during the Arab spring of 2012, whereas na onalism, also radical, turned mainstream in the Ukraine of 2013-2014. The book describes the development of Ukraine’s na onal- ist groups since 1991 un l present day. It focuses on the history of the parliamentary right-wing radical Svoboda party and the non- parliamentary Right Sector movement. The authors study the ideol- ogy, psychology and methods of poli cal struggle of these structures. -
Election Monitoring
election monitoring parliamentary elections 2012 OPEN DIALOG UKRAINE july’2012 IN THIS ISSUE: Monitoring of the pre-election situation in Ukraine (15.06.2012—15.07.2012) 1 The political echo of the "language" 5 Monitoring of the pre-election situation in Ukraine (15.06.2012—15.07.2012) Domestic policy 20.06.2012 _ ___________________________________________________________ The "Civil Position" party joined the united opposition. This was announced by O. Turchinov, A. Yatseniuk and A. Gritsenko at a press briefing. According to Gritsenko, the decision on the number of seats in the gen- eral lists will be made at the party's convention. However, soon afterwards, the leader of the united opposi- tion, A. Yatseniuk, stated that the process of unification of the opposition was over. Sources: http://www.pravda.com.ua/news/2012/06/20/6967112/ http://news.dt.ua/POLITICS/yatsenyuk_zayaviv_pro_zavershennya_obednannya_opozitsiyi_pid_praporom_batkivschini-104830.html 21.06.2012___________________________________ _____________________________ Leaders of the opposition signed the Declaration "on ensuring fair and transparent elections", which defines the principles of creating party lists, as well as lists of candidates from majority districts. Provi- sions of the Declaration state that the lists will not include people involved in violation of human rights and freedoms, corrupt acts, and those who changed their political stance against the will of the voters. Candi- dates submitting lists should not change their political stance during the validity of the mandates. They should also undertake to regularly participate in meetings of the parliament and vote only in person. Source: http://news.dt.ua/POLITICS/obyednana_opozytsiya_v_svoyi_spysky_na_vyborah_tyshok_brary_ne_byde -104231.html 02.07.2012_ ____________________ ____________________________________ Prime Minister Mykola Azarov stated that 34 000 web cameras will be installed in the polling stations to monitor the voting process. -
UKRAINE AFTER the TYMOSHENKO VERDICT Andrew Wilson
EUROPEAN COUNCIL ON FOREIGN RELATIONS POLICY MEMO UKRAINE AFTER THE TYMOSHENKO VERDICT Andrew Wilson Summary The trial and sentencing of the former Ukrainian Prime Minister Yuliya Tymoshenko in October 2011 generated many bad headlines. It also placed in doubt the two key agreements with the European Union that Ukraine has been negotiating since 2008: the Association Agreement and Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement (DCFTA). This memo argues that the EU-Ukraine summit on 19 December should initiate a twin-track approach. The agreements cannot be formally signed, but should be kept alive until Ukraine is ready to implement the conditionality laid out in resolutions by the European Parliament and other bodies. But lecturing Ukraine on human rights at the summit will have little effect. The EU should also move towards sanctions that show its red lines have not been dropped; targeting the individuals most responsible for democratic backsliding and signalling more general vigilance against the Ukrainian elite’s free-flowing travel and financial privileges in the EU. The trial and sentencing of the former Ukrainian Prime Minister Yuliya Tymoshenko presents a double challenge for the European Union. Its credibility is on the line after the Ukrainian authorities first ignored clear warnings from Brussels and key member states and then failed to deliver on promises of compromise. But the impasse is also testing the EU’s soft power and transformative capacity. Even Ukraine’s friends, who have long recognised its difficulties in transforming itself, would claim that this is at least in part due to the absence of any reform incentive comparable to the membership perspective enjoyed by the accession states of the 1990s.