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Resuscitate Healthcare
#8 (114) August 2017 First conclusions in the Supreme Old and new promising sectors Student activism in Ukraine Court selection process of Ukraine’s agriculture and post-Soviet states RESUSCITATE HEALTHCARE WWW.UKRAINIANWEEK.COM Featuring selected content from The Economist FOR FREE DISTRIBUTION CONTENTS | 3 BRIEFING 32 Merchants of peace: How the “civil 4 Crime and (illusory) punishment: war” rhetoric is used to gain political What counterarguments Berkut capital lawyers use in Maidan trials 34 Student force: The strengths and POLITICS weaknesses of Ukrainian youth movements 7 Delay in court: First results in the selection of candidates for the 38 Between Komsomol and protests: Supreme Court The trajectory of student movements in former USSR countries over the past ECONOMICS 25 years 10 Cultivating change: Production and NEIGHBOURS export transformations in Ukraine's 40 Michael Binyon on divides agricultural industry in the UK’s political establishment 14 Payback time! Is Ukraine ready to pay as Brexit talks start back the bulk of its external debts? 42 Karl Schlögel: 18 An uneven recovery: How the “We have to fight for Ukraine to once economy of regions has changed over again get in the center of attention in the past three years European affairs” German historian on Ukraine FOCUS on the European mental map 22 Seeing the obvious: Why Ukraine’s and the challenges of the new current healthcare system must be historical situation changed HISTORY 24 A major deficit: Staff and funding as the key driver of transformation 46 A view from 2017: -
UNIVERSITY of BELGRADE FACULTY of POLITICAL SCIENCE Regional Master's Program in Peace Studies MASTER's THESIS Revisiting T
UNIVERSITY OF BELGRADE FACULTY OF POLITICAL SCIENCE Regional Master’s Program in Peace Studies MASTER’S THESIS Revisiting the Orange Revolution and Euromaidan: Pro-Democracy Civil Disobedience in Ukraine Academic supervisor: Student: Associate Professor Marko Simendić Olga Vasilevich 9/18 Belgrade, 2020 1 Content Introduction ………………………………………………………………………………………3 1. Theoretical section……………………………………………………………………………..9 1.1 Civil disobedience…………………………………………………………………………9 1.2 Civil society……………………………………………………………………………... 19 1.3 Nonviolence……………………………………………………………………………... 24 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………………… 31 2. Analytical section……………………………………………………………………………..33 2.1 The framework for disobedience………………………………………………….…….. 33 2.2 Orange Revolution………………………………………………………………………. 40 2.3 Euromaidan……………………………………………………………………………… 47 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………………… 59 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………………… 62 References……………………………………………………………………………………….67 2 INTRODUCTION The Orange Revolution and the Revolution of Dignity have precipitated the ongoing Ukraine crisis. According to the United Nations Rights Office, the latter has claimed the lives of 13,000 people, including those of unarmed civilian population, and entailed 30,000 wounded (Miller 2019). The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees adds to that 1.5 million internally displaced persons (IDPs), 100,000 refugees and asylum-seekers (UNHCR 2014). The armed conflict is of continued relevance to Russia, Europe, as well as the United States. During the first 10 months, -
Kremlin-Linked Forces in Ukraine's 2019 Elections
Études de l’Ifri Russie.Nei.Reports 25 KREMLIN-LINKED FORCES IN UKRAINE’S 2019 ELECTIONS On the Brink of Revenge? Vladislav INOZEMTSEV February 2019 Russia/NIS Center The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. ISBN: 978-2-36567-981-7 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2019 How to quote this document: Vladislav Inozemtsev, “Kremlin-Linked Forces in Ukraine’s 2019 Elections: On the Brink of Revenge?”, Russie.NEI.Reports, No. 25, Ifri, February 2019. Ifri 27 rue de la Procession 75740 Paris Cedex 15—FRANCE Tel. : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00—Fax : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Author Dr Vladislav Inozemtsev (b. 1968) is a Russian economist and political researcher since 1999, with a PhD in Economics. In 1996 he founded the Moscow-based Center for Post-Industrial Studies and has been its Director ever since. In recent years, he served as Senior or Visiting Fellow with the Institut fur die Wissenschaften vom Menschen in Vienna, with the Polski Instytut Studiów Zaawansowanych in Warsaw, Deutsche Gesellschaft für Auswärtige Politik in Berlin, the Center for Strategic and International Studies, and the Johns Hopkins University in Washington. -
Mr. Yuriy Lutsenko, Chairperson, Bloc Poroshenko Mr. Oleh Lyashko, Chairperson, Oleh Lyashko's Radical Party Mr. Igor Zdanov
Parliamentary Elections in Ukraine, 26 October 2014 DRAFT - PROGRAMME OF JOINT PARLIAMENTARY BRIEFINGS Fairmont Hotel, Kyiv, 24-25 October 2014 Friday, 24 October 10:00-10:15 Opening by the Heads of Parliamentary Delegations 10:15-10:45 Introduction by local offices Ambassador Vaidotas Verba, OSCE Project Co-ordinator in Ukraine Ambassador Vladimir Ristovski, Head of Office, Council of Europe Office in Ukraine Ambassador Jan Tombiński, Head Delegation, Delegation of the European Union to Ukraine Mr. Marcin Koziel, Head of Office, NATO Liaison Office in Ukraine 10:45-12:15 Briefing by the OSCE/ODIHR Election Observation Mission 12:15-13:45 Lunch break 13:45-14:30 Mr. Mykhaylo Okhendovsky, Chairperson, Central Election Commission of Ukraine 14:30-17:30 Meetings with political party representatives 14:30-14:50 Mr. Yuriy Lutsenko, Chairperson, Bloc Poroshenko 14:50-15:10 Mr. Oleh Lyashko, Chairperson, Oleh Lyashko’s Radical Party 15:10-15:30 Mr. Igor Zdanov, President of Analytical Center “Open Politics”, Batkivshchyna Mr. Serhiy Vlasenko, Member of Parliament, Batkivshchyna Mr. Borys Tarasyuk, Member of Parliament, Batkivshchyna 15:30-15:50 Mr. Arseniy Yatsenyuk, Chairperson, People’s Front 15:50-16:10 Coffee Break 16:10-16:30 Mr. Petro Symonenko, Chairperson, Communist Party of Ukraine 16:30-16:50 Mr. Serhiy Tihipko, Chairperson, Strong Ukraine 16:50-17:10 Mr. Oleh Tyahnybok, Chairperson, Svoboda 17:10-17:30 Coffee Break 17:30-18:15 Panel with representatives of mass media Mr. Zurab Alasania, Director-General, National TV Company Mr. Mustafa Nayem, Editor-in;Chief, Hromadske TV Ms. Olga Herasymyuk, First Deputy Chairman, National Television and Radio Broadcasting Council Mr. -
Country Advice
Country Advice Ukraine Ukraine – UKR38527 – Demographics – Political System – Sluzhba Bespeky Ukrayiny – Human Trafficking – Child Prostitution – Organised Crime – Mafia – State Protection – Corruption 29 April 2011 1. Please provide background information on Ukraine, including demographics and government. Relevant information and statistics from a variety of sources have been tabulated below: Population Approx. 46 million (2011) Ethnic Groups Ukrainian 78%, Russian 17%, Crimean Tatars, Polish, Hungarian, Romany, other 5% Languages Ukrainian is the official state language. Russian is widely spoken, particularly in the East and South. Other languages include Romanian, Polish, Hungarian, and Crimean Tatar. Religion Ukrainian Orthodox (Moscow Patriarchate) (10-12 million), Ukrainian Orthodox (Kiev Patriarchate) (2-3 million), Ukrainian Greek-Catholic (Uniate) (850,000), Ukrainian Autocephalous Orthodox (800,000), Jewish (70,000), Muslim, Evangelical Christian Political Parties Party of the Regions (Viktor Yanukovych) Our Ukraine – People Self-Defence (Viktor Yushchenko/Valentyn Nalyvaichenko) Batkivshchyna (Yulia Tymoshenko) Lytvyn Bloc Communist Svoboda (Freedom) President Viktor Yanukovych (since February 2010) Prime Minister Mykola Azarov Main Opposition Yulia Tymoshenko (former Prime Minister) Leaders Valentyn Nalyvaichenko (former SBU chief) Economy GDP = US$ 142.06bn (2007) US$ 136.6 (2010) GDP Growth = -15 percent (2009) +6 percent (2010) Unemployment= 8.4% (2010) Inflation = 9.8% (2010)1 2 3 4 1 UK Home Office 2008, Country of Origin -
The EU and Ukraine: Hapeless but Not Hopeless
>> POLICY BRIEF ISSN: 1989-2667 Nº 141 - NOVEMBER 2012 The EU and Ukraine: hapless but not hopeless Natalia Shapovalova and Balazs Jarabik Since his democratic victory in 2010, Ukrainian President Viktor >> Yanukovych has asserted his control over Ukraine’s political system by arresting leaders of the opposition, restricting freedom of assembly and HIGHLIGHTS speech and allegedly enriching himself and his close circle in the process. This has jeopardised Ukraine’s declared goal of European integration and • The October polls exposed has pushed the country into greater isolation from the West. Ukraine's corrupted political Last October’s parliamentary elections were meant to be a litmus test for system, but also the democracy in Ukraine. Amidst allegations of fraud in some districts, the resilience of Ukrainian polls exposed the abuse of power and corruption present in Ukraine's society to an illiberal political political system. However, the results also demonstrated some level of regime. resilience against an illiberal political regime. The opposition did better • The incumbent Party of than expected and must now use its gains wisely to resist further regime consolidation by building on popular discontent with the ruling party. Regions will have to ally with The future is uncertain: the country's further democratisation is in the independent candidates to hands of Ukrainians. As for the EU, it is also facing its own litmus test in form a narrow majority in its relations with Ukraine. Its room for manoeuvre is squeezed between Parliament. the Ukrainian opposition’s calls for sanctions and the need for dialogue with the Yanukovych government. -
Neonazis & Euromaidan
Stanislav Byshok Alexey Kochetkov NEONAZIS & EUROMAIDAN From democracy to dictatorship [Second edition] 2014 Stanislav Byshok, Alexey Kochetkov NEONAZIS & EUROMAIDAN. From democracy to dictator- ship. [Second edi on]. “Whoever is not jumping is a Moskal” is a chant that women and men of diff erent ages who took to Kiev Independence Square in win- ter 2013-2014 repeated trying to get warm. They kept jumping and laughing, for nobody in the ‘brave new world’ of the Ukrainian revo- lu on under Stepan Bandera’s banner fancied gaining the character of a staunch enemy of Ukrainian statehood. Mass demonstra ons of “angry ci zens” in Ukraine had objec ve reasons. This was a protest against ineff ec ve and corrupt govern- ment, against police and bureaucra c abuse of power, against unclear and dead-end policies of the President and the Government. All na onal libera on movements use the popular ideas and po- li cal sen ments that dominate the society as their posi ve mani- festo. Thus, exclusively le -wing ideologies were mainstream in the Russian Empire in 1917, radical Islamism was most popular in Arab countries during the Arab spring of 2012, whereas na onalism, also radical, turned mainstream in the Ukraine of 2013-2014. The book describes the development of Ukraine’s na onal- ist groups since 1991 un l present day. It focuses on the history of the parliamentary right-wing radical Svoboda party and the non- parliamentary Right Sector movement. The authors study the ideol- ogy, psychology and methods of poli cal struggle of these structures. -
UKRAINE AFTER the TYMOSHENKO VERDICT Andrew Wilson
EUROPEAN COUNCIL ON FOREIGN RELATIONS POLICY MEMO UKRAINE AFTER THE TYMOSHENKO VERDICT Andrew Wilson Summary The trial and sentencing of the former Ukrainian Prime Minister Yuliya Tymoshenko in October 2011 generated many bad headlines. It also placed in doubt the two key agreements with the European Union that Ukraine has been negotiating since 2008: the Association Agreement and Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement (DCFTA). This memo argues that the EU-Ukraine summit on 19 December should initiate a twin-track approach. The agreements cannot be formally signed, but should be kept alive until Ukraine is ready to implement the conditionality laid out in resolutions by the European Parliament and other bodies. But lecturing Ukraine on human rights at the summit will have little effect. The EU should also move towards sanctions that show its red lines have not been dropped; targeting the individuals most responsible for democratic backsliding and signalling more general vigilance against the Ukrainian elite’s free-flowing travel and financial privileges in the EU. The trial and sentencing of the former Ukrainian Prime Minister Yuliya Tymoshenko presents a double challenge for the European Union. Its credibility is on the line after the Ukrainian authorities first ignored clear warnings from Brussels and key member states and then failed to deliver on promises of compromise. But the impasse is also testing the EU’s soft power and transformative capacity. Even Ukraine’s friends, who have long recognised its difficulties in transforming itself, would claim that this is at least in part due to the absence of any reform incentive comparable to the membership perspective enjoyed by the accession states of the 1990s. -
Acceptance of International Criminal Justice in Ukraine: the Perspectives of the Actors
Unfinished Business: Acceptance of International Criminal Justice in Ukraine Content 1 Introduction 2 Hostilities in Ukraine since 2013 3 Domestic investigation and prosecution Valentyna Polunina of international crimes 4 The ICC’s involvement in the situation in Ukraine 5 Ratification of the Rome Statute 6 Acceptance of international criminal justice in Ukraine: the perspectives of the actors 7 Conclusion Unfinished Business: Acceptance of International Criminal Justice in Ukraine Unfinished Business: Acceptance of International Criminal Justice in Ukraine Valentyna Polunina1 1. Introduction Since Russia’s seizure of Crimea and the beginning of the armed conflict in eastern Ukraine, many in Kyiv have taken to the idea of enlisting the help of the International Criminal Court (ICC) in The Hague to punish those responsible and discourage further belligerence. Political leaders in Ukraine, including President Poroshenko, like to publicly invoke ‘The Hague’ as a judicial instance of last resort when describing the future of President Putin, senior Russian officials, the militants in parts of the Donbas region, and those responsible for the killings during the Euromaidan protests (TSN 2014, CNN 2015). At the same time, the widespread use of such a vague term as ‘The Hague’ or ‘The Hague tribunal’ to mean the International Criminal Court indicates that many Ukrainians – including senior officials – do not understand what the ICC stands for and how it works. At the same time, due to the lack of experience of Ukrainian national courts in prosecuting -
Ukraine Moves to State Capitalism and “Militocracy”
Ukraine Moves to State Capitalism and “Militocracy” Publication: Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 8 Issue: 219 December 2, 2011 03:13 PM Age: 9 days By: Taras Kuzio Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych (Source: news.kievukraine.info) On November 8, Segodnya ran the headline: “Within the authorities there is a ‘silent coup’ taking place.” Segodnya was referring to the consolidation of “The Family” loyal to President Viktor Yanukovych. The capital assets of “The Family” are estimated to be $130 million, and 64th in Ukraine’s 100 wealthiest (Korrespondent, November 11). In 2011, Oleksandr Yanukovych, the president’s eldest son, entered for the first time the top 100 wealthiest Ukrainians. He recently purchased the All-Ukrainian Bank for Development and increased its capital from 270 million hryvnia ($33.69 million) to 349 million hryvnia ($43.54 million). Yanukovych has become independent of the Donetsk oligarch allies whose patron he had been while serving as Donetsk governor from 1997 to 2002. The first stage took place as opposition leader, when he aligned himself with the “gas lobby” (see EDM, March 18, 2010). The “gas lobby” ran Eural-Trans Gas (2002-2004) RosUkrEnergo ([RUE] 2004-2008) gas intermediaries. The then Prime Minister, Yulia Tymoshenko, lobbied to remove RUE in the January 2009 Russian- Ukrainian gas contract. On August 25, The Economist suggested Dmitry Firtash, who owned a 45 percent stake in RUE, may be “one of Mr. Yanukovych’s wealthy backers insisting on Ms. Tymoshenko’s punishment.” Firtash had warm relations with Viktor Yushchenko and supported his national projects, for which he was awarded a state medal in January 2009. -
The General Court Annuls the Freezing of Funds of Seven Members of the Former Ukrainian Ruling Class, Including Viktor Yanukovych, Former President of Ukraine
General Court of the European Union PRESS RELEASE No 93/2019 Luxembourg, 11 July 2019 Judgments in Joint Cases T-244/16 Yanukovych v Council, T-285/17 Yanukovych v Council, Joint cases T-245/16 and T-286/17 Yanukovych v Council and cases T-274/18 Klymenko v Council, T-284/18 Arbuzov v Council, T-285/18 Pshonka v Council, T-289/18 Pshonka v Council and T- Press and Information 305/18 Klyuyev v Council The General Court annuls the freezing of funds of seven members of the former Ukrainian ruling class, including Viktor Yanukovych, former President of Ukraine In response to the crisis in Ukraine in February 2014, the Council of the European Union decided, on 5 March 2014, to freeze the funds and economic resources, in particular, of persons identified as responsible for misappropriation of Ukrainian State funds. Viktor Fedorovych Yanukovych, former President of Ukraine, and one of his sons, Oleksandr Viktorovych Yanukovych, together with Oleksandr Klymenko, former Minister of Revenue and Duties of Ukraine, Sergej Arbuzov, former Prime Minister of Ukraine, Viktor Pshonka, former Prosecutor General of Ukraine, Artem Pshonka, his son, and Andriy Klyuyev, former Head of Administration of the President of Ukraine, were included, for the first time in 2014, on the list of persons subject to the freezing of funds, on the ground that they were subject to criminal proceedings in Ukraine to investigate crimes in connection with the embezzlement of Ukrainian State funds and their illegal transfer outside Ukraine. The decision concerning the freezing of funds against those persons was repeatedly extended, for one-year periods, on the new ground that they were subject to criminal proceedings by the Ukrainian authorities for the misappropriation of public funds or assets. -
Police Reform in Ukraine Since the Euromaidan: Police Reform in Transition and Institutional Crisis
City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works All Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects 2-2019 Police Reform in Ukraine Since the Euromaidan: Police Reform in Transition and Institutional Crisis Nicholas Pehlman The Graduate Center, City University of New York How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/gc_etds/3073 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] Police Reform in Ukraine Since the Euromaidan: Police Reform in Transition and Institutional Crisis by Nicholas Pehlman A dissertation submitted to the Graduate Faculty in Political Science in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, The City University of New York 2019 © Copyright by Nick Pehlman, 2018 All rights reserved ii Police Reform in Ukraine Since the Euromaidan: Police Reform in Transition and Institutional Crisis by Nicholas Pehlman This manuscript has been read and accepted for the Graduate Faculty in Political Science in satisfaction of the dissertation requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Date Mark Ungar Chair of Examining Committee Date Alyson Cole Executive Officer Supervisory Committee: Julie George Jillian Schwedler THE CITY UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK iii ABSTRACT Police Reform in Ukraine Since the Euromaidan: Police Reform in Transition and Institutional