“You Don't Exist” Arbitrary Detentions, Enforced Disappearances, And
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ISSN 2520-2073 (print) ISSN 2521-442X (online) TRAINING, LANGUAGE AND CULTURE ‘Tell me and I forget. Teach me and I remember. Involve me and I learn’ ‒ Benjamin Franklin Vol. 4 Issue 4 2020 Issue DOI: 10.22363/2521-442X-2020-4-4 The quarterly journal published by Peoples’ Friendship University of Russia (RUDN University) ISSN 2520-2073 (print) AIMS AND SCOPE TRAINING, LANGUAGE AND CULTURE ISSN 2521-442X (online) Training, Language and Culture (TLC) is a peer-reviewed journal that aims to promote and disseminate research spanning the spectrum of language and linguistics, education and culture studies with a special focus on professional communication and professional discourse. Editorial Board of A quarterly journal published by RUDN University Training, Language and Culture invites research-based articles, reviews and editorials covering issues of relevance for the scientific and professional communities. EDITORIAL BOARD Dr Elena N. Malyuga Peoples’ Friendship University of Russia (RUDN University), Moscow, Russian Federation FOCUS AREAS Barry Tomalin Glasgow Caledonian University London, London, UK Training, Language and Culture covers the following areas of scholarly interest: theoretical and practical perspectives in language and linguistics; Dr Michael McCarthy University of Nottingham, Nottingham, UK culture studies; interpersonal and intercultural professional communication; language and culture teaching and training, including techniques and Dr Robert O’Dowd University of León, León, Spain technology, testing and assessment. Dr Elsa Huertas Barros University of Westminster, London, UK Dr Olga V. Aleksandrova Lomonosov Moscow State University, Moscow, Russian Federation LICENSING Dr Lilia K. Raitskaya Moscow State Institute of International Relations (MGIMO University), Moscow, Russian Federation All articles and book reviews published in Training, Language and Culture are licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International Li- Dr Alex Krouglov University College London, London, UK cense (CC BY 4.0). -
The European and Russian Far Right As Political Actors: Comparative Approach
Journal of Politics and Law; Vol. 12, No. 2; 2019 ISSN 1913-9047 E-ISSN 1913-9055 Published by Canadian Center of Science and Education The European and Russian Far Right as Political Actors: Comparative Approach Ivanova Ekaterina1, Kinyakin Andrey1 & Stepanov Sergey1 1 RUDN University, Russia Correspondence: Stepanov Sergey, RUDN University, Russia. E-mail: [email protected] Received: March 5, 2019 Accepted: April 25, 2019 Online Published: May 30, 2019 doi:10.5539/jpl.v12n2p86 URL: https://doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v12n2p86 The article is prepared within the framework of Erasmus+ Jean Monnet Module "Transformation of Social and Political Values: the EU Practice" (575361-EPP-1-2016-1-RU-EPPJMO-MODULE, Erasmus+ Jean Monnet Actions) (2016-2019) Abstract The article is devoted to the comparative analysis of the far right (nationalist) as political actors in Russia and in Europe. Whereas the European far-right movements over the last years managed to achieve significant success turning into influential political forces as a result of surging popular support, in Russia the far-right organizations failed to become the fully-fledged political actors. This looks particularly surprising, given the historically deep-rooted nationalist tradition, which stems from the times Russian Empire. Before the 1917 revolution, the so-called «Black Hundred» was one of the major far-right organizations, exploiting nationalistic and anti-Semitic rhetoric, which had representation in the Russian parliament – The State Duma. During the most Soviet period all the far-right movements in Russia were suppressed, re-emerging in the late 1980s as rather vocal political force. But currently the majority of them are marginal groups, partly due to the harsh party regulation, partly due to the fact, that despite state-sponsored nationalism the position of Russian far right does not stand in-line with the position of Russian authorities, trying to suppress the Russian nationalists. -
AA-Postscript 2.Qxp:Layout 1
TUESDAY, OCTOBER 14, 2014 INTERNATIONAL British MPs to vote on recognising Palestinian state LONDON: British lawmakers yesterday a tremendous amount of pressure on Gaza in which more than 2,000 enough, called on MPs to lead by exam- and that the illegal settlement enterprise held a non-binding vote on recognising the current government and the next Palestinians and dozens of Israelis were ple. has no validity”. Palestine although government minis- government, which is likely to be a killed. “There is a lack of political will and Britain’s former international develop- ters will not take part, in a sign of the Labour government, to recognise The Palestinian Authority estimates our moral compass is missing,” the for- ment minister Alan Duncan, a political sensitivity of the issue. Palestine as a state,” Morris told AFP in at 134 the number of countries that mer Foreign Office minister told Sunday Conservative MP who is due to travel to The debate is being closely watched an email. have recognised Palestine as a state newspaper The Observer. Gaza with Warsi later this month, said the internationally after Sweden incurred “The UK recognising Palestine could although the number is disputed and “Somehow we have to breathe new country had an “historic and moral duty” Israeli wrath this month for saying it will give decisive momentum to more EU several recognitions by European Union life into these negotiations, and one of to recognise the state of Palestine. recognise Palestine. The symbolic vote is states following suit,” he said. Some pro- member states date back to the Soviet the ways we can do that is by recognis- Britain abstained in 2012 from a vote on a motion put forward by Grahame Israel Labour MPs will vote against and era. -
Mental Health in Donetsk and Luhansk Oblasts - 2018
Mental health in Donetsk and Luhansk oblasts - 2018 1 Content List of abbreviations....................................................................................................................................... 3 1. INTRODUCTION ...................................................................................................................................... 4 2. METHODOLOGY OF THE RESEARCH ....................................................................................................... 6 3. RESUME .................................................................................................................................................. 8 4. RECOMMENDATIONS BASED ON THE FINDINGS OF THE RESEARCH .................................................. 13 5. PREVALENCE OF MENTAL HEALTH PROBLEMS AMONG THE PEOPLE LIVING IN DONETSK AND LUHANSK OBLASTS ...................................................................................................................................... 16 А. Detecting the traumatic experience .................................................................................................... 16 B. Prevalence of symptoms of PTSD, depression, anxiety disorder, excess alcohol consumption. ........ 18 C. Prevalence of mental health problems among the inner circle of the respondents .......................... 27 D. Indicators of mental well-being .......................................................................................................... 27 6. ACCESS TO ASSISTANCE WHEN SUFFERING FROM -
Ukrainian Far Right
Nations in Transit brief May 2018 Far-right Extremism as a Threat to Ukrainian Democracy Vyacheslav Likhachev Kyiv-based expert on right-wing groups in Ukraine and Russia Photo by Aleksandr Volchanskiy • Far-right political forces present a real threat to the democratic development of Ukrainian society. This brief seeks to provide an overview of the nature and extent of their activities, without overstating the threat they pose. To this end, the brief differentiates between radical groups, which by and large ex- press their ideas through peaceful participation in democratic processes, and extremist groups, which use physical violence as a means to influence society. • For the first 20 years of Ukrainian independence, far-right groups had been undisputedly marginal elements in society. But over the last few years, the situation has changed. After Ukraine’s 2014 Euro- maidan Revolution and Russia’s subsequent aggression, extreme nationalist views and groups, along with their preachers and propagandists, have been granted significant legitimacy by the wider society. • Nevertheless, current polling data indicates that the far right has no real chance of being elected in the upcoming parliamentary and presidential elections in 2019. Similarly, despite the fact that several of these groups have real life combat experience, paramilitary structures, and even access to arms, they are not ready or able to challenge the state. • Extremist groups are, however, aggressively trying to impose their agenda on Ukrainian society, in- cluding by using force against those with opposite political and cultural views. They are a real physical threat to left-wing, feminist, liberal, and LGBT activists, human rights defenders, as well as ethnic and religious minorities. -
Аваков Kharkov 2014 Engl Site.Pdf
ARSEN AVAKOV CONTENTS Foreword by the Author . 6 How did We Win That Spring? . 8 Ukraine . February—April 2014 . Headlines Only . 20. Kharkiv February 22—April 7, 2014 . 136 Information Warfare and the Russian Trail . 151 Rally on March 1, 2014 . The Capture of the KhOSA Building . 160 On the Eve . 170 Kharkiv April 7, 2014 . Assault of the KhOSA Building . 180 Kharkiv . April 8, 2014 . Slobozhanshchina— is Ukraine! . 208 Why We Managed to Do It in Kharkiv . 215 The Photo Chronicles . 224 Annexes . 225 4 2014: Some Moments of the Kharkiv Spring Annex 1 . 228 Annex 2 . 256 Annex 3 . 260 Annex 4 . 263 Annex 5 . 270 Annex 6 . 276 Author’s Afterword . 281 5 ARSEN AVAKOV FOREWORD BY THE AUTHOR This book is about Kharkiv and its people . And also my story about one night, several hard days, and months of troubled 2014 . That first year of the hybrid war against Ukraine and the very night that became a turning point for Kharkiv and Ukraine’s fate . After several years, I tried to analyze the events of that period in Kharkiv’s life against the background of the country’s general situation, when Putin’s regime’s military aggression was beginning, when we still did not understand real might, cynicism, and preparedness of the enemy . As the Minister of Internal Affairs, I knew the situation in the country, in every city—and I will tell you about it . But what was happening in Kharkiv, I learned both from the reports of subordinates and friends and family calls . That’s why I invited Kharkiv citizens to co-author this book—the very men and women who saw those developments with their own eyes and in those difficult days lived through both the fate of their city and their personal destiny . -
VITALY TIMOFEEV (Kharkiv, Ukraine and Portland, ME, USA) REX A
VITALY TIMOFEEV (Kharkiv, Ukraine and Portland, ME, USA) REX A. WADE (Fairfax, VA, USA) KHARKIV IN THE POST-PERESTROIKA DAYS: SOME POLITICAL TENDENCIES "There is only one thing left - to punch someone's snout...! (Kharkiv post-Communist press ascribes this phrase to A. Zdorovyi, Deputy Head of Kharkiv regional administration.) . One of the most important,. yet most puz?.??tg, features of the post-Soviet era is the political life and configuration of the larger cities. As the cities of Russia, Ukraine and the other republics struggle with the new phenomenon of multi-party politics in a constantly shifting political arena, even identifying the major groupings and issues is a complex task. Political par- ties tend to be small, often transitory, and suffer from a generalized public distrust of political parties as such. Indeed, it can be enormously difficult even to be precise about what is political. Trivial things in some circum- stances become political, while at the same time key political figures some- times suggest that political life does not exist at all in their cities. Still, a better sense of the political landscape of the large cities of the post-Soviet world is important to understanding what is happening there and where the future might lead. We will try to contribute to understanding this important feature of the new order by looking at political tendencies in one major city, Kharkiv (Khar'kov).1 the sixth largest city of the former Soviet Union and the second largest of the Ukrainian Republic. Our essay focuses especially on the situation in the summer of 1993, with some observations 2 about earlier and later developments. -
Inside Ukraine 33
Inside Ukraine October 16, 2014 №33 Content The Government Policy . 1 The President summed up the peace plan implementation . 1 A breakthrough in anti-corruption legislation . 3 Economic Situation . 5 Donbass losses from Russian aggression . 5 Separatists seek “energy autonomy” . 7 Political competition . 9 Diversification “Privat-style” . 9 Increasing role of Serhiy Lyovochkin . 10 Inside Ukraine 33 The Government Policy Experts’ criticism regarding presidential adminis- This issue can be resolved by identifying and punish- tration’s mistakes in information policy on Donbas ing those responsible for provocations and unrest. issues has brought positive results. Communication The Verkhovna Rada has adopted a package of between the President and citizens became more anti-corruption laws proposed by Petro Porosh- regular. Recently, he has summed up the first month enko and Arseniy Yatsenyuk. The package includes of his peace plan implementation. Stopping the en- laws on prosecutor’s office, determining final ben- emy along the frontline and decrease in the number eficiaries of legal entities, anti-corruption strategy, of casualties have become the key achievements of the National Anti-corruption Bureau and National the plan. Peaceful settlement of the conflict remains Commission for the Prevention of Corruption. On the only possible option for the President. the same day, the President established the National Nevertheless, the President took several regional Council for Anti-Corruption Policy with similar trips in order to inspect the level of defense capabil- functions as those of the National Commission. ity and made several appointments in security block. This testifies that the President and the Prime Min- Russia’s attempts to destabilize the situation in Kyiv ister will be trying to personally control the issue of using protests of radical groups and law enforcement combatting corruption. -
Hybrid Warfare and the Protection of Civilians in Ukraine
ENTERING THE GREY-ZONE: Hybrid Warfare and the Protection of Civilians in Ukraine civiliansinconflict.org i RECOGNIZE. PREVENT. PROTECT. AMEND. PROTECT. PREVENT. RECOGNIZE. Cover: June 4, 2013, Spartak, Ukraine: June 2021 Unexploded ordnances in Eastern Ukraine continue to cause harm to civilians. T +1 202 558 6958 E [email protected] civiliansinconflict.org ORGANIZATIONAL MISSION AND VISION Center for Civilians in Conflict (CIVIC) is an international organization dedicated to promoting the protection of civilians in conflict. CIVIC envisions a world in which no civilian is harmed in conflict. Our mission is to support communities affected by conflict in their quest for protection and strengthen the resolve and capacity of armed actors to prevent and respond to civilian harm. CIVIC was established in 2003 by Marla Ruzicka, a young humanitarian who advocated on behalf of civilians affected by the war in Iraq and Afghanistan. Honoring Marla’s legacy, CIVIC has kept an unflinching focus on the protection of civilians in conflict. Today, CIVIC has a presence in conflict zones and key capitals throughout the world where it collaborates with civilians to bring their protection concerns directly to those in power, engages with armed actors to reduce the harm they cause to civilian populations, and advises governments and multinational bodies on how to make life-saving and lasting policy changes. CIVIC’s strength is its proven approach and record of improving protection outcomes for civilians by working directly with conflict-affected communities and armed actors. At CIVIC, we believe civilians are not “collateral damage” and civilian harm is not an unavoidable consequence of conflict—civilian harm can and must be prevented. -
Russia and Ukraine: Military-Strategic Options, and Possible Risks, for Moscow
Russia and Ukraine: Military-strategic options, and possible risks, for Moscow Johan Norberg & Fredrik Westerlund A further Russian military intervention in Ukraine would long-term strategic buffer zone against NATO without not only be damaging to the security of both Ukraine and taking significant military-strategic risks. Russia’s armed Europe. It could also entail significant military-strategic forces are nominally impressive in size, but are spread risks for Russia, reducing its military options in other thinly over the country’s enormous territory in peacetime, strategic directions such as Central Asia and the Caucasus. based on Russia’s current threat assessments. While Russian officials still claim they have a one- Russian strategic and doctrinal documents reveal a million-strong army, it may still face military-strategic world view that sees military threats and dangers from overstretch should the Kremlin decide to launch extended all directions. Apart from NATO expansion to Russia’s combat operations in Ukraine. What are the reasons for west, instability looms in the Caucasus and Central Asia this? What military options are available to secure Russia to the south. Furthermore, Russia’s force posture in the from perceived threats in its western strategic direction? Eastern Military District (MD) clearly shows that China What risks do operations beyond Crimea entail? A closer is a military concern, requiring preparations to augment look at the military-strategic issues is warranted, beginning Russian forces there. Although the armed forces are with the Russian threat assessment and peacetime military geographically dispersed, Russia can concentrate forces for posture, however other Russian rationales for intervention offensive operations to seize and hold territory but only in in Ukraine – such as political and economic considerations one strategic direction at a time. -
The Impact of Changes in Electoral Systems: a Comparative Analysis of the Local Election in Ukraine in 2006 and 2010
STUDIA VOL. 36 POLITOLOGICZNE STUDIA I ANALIZY Olena Yatsunska The impact of changes in electoral systems: a comparative analysis of the local election in Ukraine in 2006 and 2010 KEY WORDS: local government, local elections, proportional electoral system, majoritarian electoral system, mixed majoritarian-proportional electoral system, Ukraine STUDIA I ANALIZY Having gained independence in 1991 Ukraine, like most Central and East- ern European countries, faced the need for radical Constitutional reforms, with reorganization of local government figuring high in the agenda. Like other post-soviet countries, Ukraine had to decide on the starting point and like in the neighboring countries, democratic euphoria of the early 1990s got the upper hand: local authorities were elected on March 18, 1990, while the Law On Local People’s Deputies of Ukrainian SSR and Local Self-government was adopted by Verkhovna Rada of Ukrainian SSR on December 7, 1990. Ukrain- ian Researchers in the field of local government and its reforms concur with the opinion that the present dissatisfactory state of that institution was con- ditioned by the first steps made by Ukrainian Politicians at the beginning of the ‘transition’ period. Without clear perspective of reform, during more than 20 years of Independence, Ukrainian local government has abided dozens of laws, sometimes rather contradictory and has survived more than 10 stages of restructuring. Evolution of election legislation in Ukraine is demonstrated by Table 1. The table shows that since 1994 three electoral systems have been tested in Ukraine: 1, Majoritarian, 2, Proportional except elections to village and settlement councils and 3, ‘Mixed’ system (50% Majoritarian+50% Proportional). -
Migration and the Ukraine Crisis a Two-Country Perspective This E-Book Is Provided Without Charge Via Free Download by E-International Relations (
EDITED BY AGNIESZKA PIKULICKA-WILCZEWSKA & GRETA UEHLING Migration and the Ukraine Crisis A Two-Country Perspective This e-book is provided without charge via free download by E-International Relations (www.E-IR.info). It is not permitted to be sold in electronic format under any circumstances. If you enjoy our free e-books, please consider leaving a small donation to allow us to continue investing in open access publications: http://www.e-ir.info/about/donate/ i Migration and the Ukraine Crisis A Two-Country Perspective EDITED BY AGNIESZKA PIKULICKA-WILCZEWSKA & GRETA UEHLING ii E-International Relations www.E-IR.info Bristol, England 2017 ISBN 978-1-910814-27-7 (paperback) ISBN 978-1-910814-28-4 (e-book) This book is published under a Creative Commons CC BY-NC 4.0 license. You are free to: • Share – copy and redistribute the material in any medium or format • Adapt – remix, transform, and build upon the material Under the following terms: • Attribution – You must give appropriate credit, provide a link to the license, and indicate if changes were made. You may do so in any reasonable manner, but not in any way that suggests the licensor endorses you or your use. • Non-Commercial – You may not use the material for commercial purposes. Any of the above conditions can be waived if you get permission. Please contact [email protected] for any such enquiries, including for licensing and translation requests. Other than the terms noted above, there are no restrictions placed on the use and dissemination of this book for student learning materials / scholarly use.