The 18Th Century As a Time of Religious Renewal and Reform

Zutot 16 (2018) 3–18 ZUTOT: Perspectives on Jewish Culture brill.com/zuto brill.com/zuto

The 18th Century as a Time of Religious Renewal and Reform

Avraham Siluk and Rebekka Voß Institute for Judaic Studies, Frankfurt am Main, Germany

Abstract

Varied initiatives for religious revival and reform emerged throughout the 18th century in Judaism, Christianity, and Islam; each had a significant impact on its religious community and also contributed to lasting cultural, social, and political change. This introductory essay argues for the importance of early modern religious renewal for understanding transformations in 18th-century life, culture, and thought. Due to their critical roles in society, religious renewal and reform should be considered as key factors for change at the threshold of modernity rather than counters to modernization.

Keywords

18th century – modernization – religious renewal – reform – Pietism

The 18th century is known as the century of the Enlightenment, an age of rationalism and secularization.1 Modernity and its cultural transformations have commonly been identified with these currents and considered causes of a major rupture in traditional society that was characterized by the decline of religious belief and practice.2 Recent scholarship has revealed a more

1 We would like to extend our thanks to Iris Idelson-Shein, Shmuel Feiner, and Elke Morlok for their helpful comments on earlier drafts of this paper. We also thank the participants of a workshop on ‘Religious Renewal and Reform in the Eighteenth Century: An Interreligious Perspective,’ held October 26–28, 2015 at Goethe-University, Frankfurt, for their valuable suggestions and stimulating discussions. Research for this article was made possible by the gen- erous funding from the DFG (German Research Foundation). 2 One major proponent of this view is J. Israel, Radical Enlightenment: Philosophy and the Making of Modernity 1650–1750 (Oxford 2001). For Jewish history, Jacob Katz has most

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2018 | doi:10.1163/18750214-12161001Downloaded from Brill.com09/29/2021 01:18:40AM via free access 4 siluk and Vos nuanced relationship between religion and modernity: on the one hand, religion played a vital role in the conservative Enlightenment and revolutionary political thought while, on the other hand, religious thinkers accepted innovations in science and philosophy, even as they sought to reconcile these new modes with religious notions.3 However, profound change within the religious sphere is also indicative of this period, independent of externally prompted and secular catalysts for modernization. In fact, this religious dynamism was a vital aspect of modernization, together with the emergence of enlightened cultures and secularization and shifts in politics and economics, whether as parallel or related phenomena. Religious renewal and reform therefore represent an integral factor in the broad cultural transformations of the 18th century and early modernity.4

famously argued that the Haskalah (the Jewish Enlightenment) upended traditional Jewish society in the late 18th century: J. Katz, Tradition and Crisis. Jewish Society at the End of the Middle Ages (1957. Trans. Bernard D. Cooperman, Syracuse, NY 2000). More recently on secularization as constitutive for modernity, S. Feiner, The Origins of Jewish Secularization in Eighteenth-Century Europe (Philadelphia 2010). 3 Generally, e.g. J. Casanova, ‘Rethinking Secularization: A Global Comparative Perspective,’ in P. Beyer and L. Beaman, eds., Religion, Globalization, and Culture (Leiden 2007) 101–120. On the religious Enlightenment, D. Sorkin, The Religious Enlightenment: Protestants, Jews, and Catholics from London to Vienna (Princeton, NJ 2008); on the social and political implications of the religious stances of Enlightenment thinkers, see M.C. Jacobs, ‘Epilogue: Dichotomies Defied and the Revolutionary Implications of Religion Implied,’ Historical Reflections 40, no. 2 (2014) 108–116, https://doi.org/10.3167/hrrh.2014.400206. Recent work on Judaism in- cludes S. Feiner, A New Age: Eighteenth-Century European Jewry 1700–1750 (in Hebrew) (Jerusalem 2017); M. Kahana, From Nodaʿ Bi-Yehuda to Hatam Sofer: Halakha and Thought in Their Historical Moment (Hebrew) (Jerusalem 2015); D.B. Ruderman, A Best-Selling Hebrew Book of the Modern Era: The Book of the Covenant of Pinhas Hurwitz and Its Remarkable Legacy (Seattle, WA 2014); M. Kahana, ‘An Esoteric Path to Modernity: Rabbi Jacob Emden’s Alchemical Quest,’ Journal of Modern Jewish Studies 12, no. 2 (2013) 1–23, https://doi.org/ 10.1080/14725886.2013.796154; I. Idelson-Shein, ‘Their Eyes Shall Behold Strange Things: Abraham ben Elija of Vilna Encounters the Spirit of Mr. Buffon,’ Association of Jewish Studies Review 36, no. 2 (2012) 295–322, https://doi.org/10.1017/S0364009412000207. For Christianity, e.g. B.S. Gregory, The Unintended Reformation: How a Religious Revolution Secularized Society (Cambridge 2012); J. Sheehan, The Enlightenment Bible: Translation, Scholarship, Culture (Princeton 2005); D. Wahrman, ‘Review Essay: God and the Enlightenment,’ The American Historical Review 108, no. 4 (2003) 1057–1060, https://doi.org/10.1086/529787. For a controversial thesis about Islam which considers potential precursors for an enlightenment in 18th- century Muslim society, with structural analogies to Europe at that time, see R. Schulze, ‘Das islamische achtzehnte Jahrhudert. Versuch einer historiographischen Kritik,’ Die Welt des Islams 30 (1990) 140–159, https://doi.org/10.2307/1571049 and idem, ‘Was ist die islamische Aufklärung?,’ Die Welt des Islams 36, no. 3 (1996) 276–325. 4 While the bibliography on 18th-century religious developments is vast, these phenomena have not been sufficiently investigated in the context of modern transformations. The new narrative of modernity by Eliyahu Stern, which embraces traditionalism and religious

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Varied initiatives for religious renewal and reform emerged throughout the 18th century; each had a significant impact on its religious community and also contributed to lasting cultural, social, and political change. Hasidism influenced all strata of Eastern European Jewry.5 Such developments in Judaism were also exemplified by Sabbatian messianism and its subsequent iterations in the form of Frankism in Poland, and the Dönmeh of the Ottoman Empire.6 Within Christianity, Pietism had an analogous effect on German society and affected politics in many territories of the Holy Roman Empire. Jansenism and Quietism also typify Christian revivals of this period.7 While some of these movements originated in the 17th century, their evolution and popularity gained momentum during the next century. In Islam, Wahhabism traces its

movements, provides an outstanding exception: E. Stern, The Genius: Elijah of Vilna and the Making of Modern Judaism (New Haven 2013). Further noteworthy exceptions are the 18th-century religious awakenings (e.g. Yehuda Hasid, Nehemia Hayun) included in Feiner, A New Age, 31–32, 40, 277–294, 421–427, esp. chapter 12 on Moses Hayyim Luzzato, 313–333. On Hasidism and modernity, see the instructive discussion by M. Rosman, ‘Hasidism as a Modern Phenomenon – The Paradox of Modernization without Secularization,’ in S. Feiner and D. Ruderman, eds., Early Modern Culture and Haskalah – Reconsidering the Borderlines of Modern Jewish History, Simon-Dubnow-Institute Yearbook 6 (Göttingen 2007) 215–224. Pawel Maciejko recently considered the impact of Sabbatianism on modern Jewish thought: P. Maciejko, Sabbatian Heresy: Writings on Mysticism, Messianism, and the Origins of Jewish Modernity (Waltham 2017). 5 On Hasidism, see D. Biale et al., Hasidism: A New History (Princeton 2018); I. Etkes, For the Sake of Heaven: Hasidism, Mitnagdim, Maskilim and Their Interrelations (in Hebrew) (Jerusalem 2016); M. Wodziński, Hasidism and Politics: The Kingdom of Poland 1815–1864 (Oxford 2013); idem, Haskala and Hasidism in the Kingdom of Poland: A History of Conflict (Oxford 2005); A. Rapaport-Albert, ‘Hasidism after 1772: Structural Continuity and Change,’ in idem, ed., Hasidism Reappraised (London 1997) 76–140. Among the first scholars to associate Hasidism with religious awakenings in Christianity was G.D. Hundert, Jews in Poland-Lithuania in the Eighteenth Century: A Genealogy of Modernity (Los Angeles 2004), esp. chapter 8. 6 On Sabbatianism, see e.g. R. Elior, The Sabbatian Movement and Its Aftermath: Messianism, Sabbatianism and Frankism (in Hebrew), vol. 1–2 (Jerusalem 2001); M. Goldish, The Sabbatean Prophets (Cambridge 2004); J. Barnai, Sabbatianism: Social Aspects (in Hebrew) (Jerusalem 2000). Yehudah Liebes posits that Sabbatian syncretism (in particular in eighteenth-century Christian Europe) renewed Judaism on the basis of other faiths; Y. Liebes, Sod ha-emunah ha- shabta’it (Jerusalem 1995). On Frankism, see P. Maciejko, The Mixed Multitude: Jacob Frank and the Frankist Movement, 1755–1816 (Philadelphia 2011); on the Dönmeh, see the article by Hadar Feldman Samet in this issue of Zutot. 7 See H. Lehmann et al., eds., Jansenismus, Quietismus und Pietismus (Göttingen 2002). On Pietism, see also M. Brecht, ed., Geschichte des Pietismus, vol. 1–4 (Göttingen 1993–2004); F. van Lieburg, ed., Confessionalism and Pietism (Mainz 2006) and V. Albrecht-Birkner, Reformation des Lebens. Die Reformen Herzog Ernsts des Frommen von Sachsen-Gotha und ihre Auswirkungen auf Frömmigkeit, Schule und Alltag im ländlichen Raum (1640–1675) (Leipzig 2001).

Zutot 16 (2018) 3–18 Downloaded from Brill.com09/29/2021 01:18:40AM via free access 6 siluk and Vos roots to the 18th century.8 Efforts toward the renewal and reform of rituals, liturgy, and religious education are also evident among individuals who were not affiliated with a particular religious movement, as is discussed in further detail below. This special issue examines these forms of religious revival from an inter-religious perspective.9 Although our primary focus is on Western and Central Europe, and therefore on Judaism and Christianity, we also consider Islam and the Ottoman Empire. This introductory essay argues for the importance of early modern religious renewal for understanding transformations in 18th-century life, culture, and thought. Due to their critical roles in society, religious renewal and reform should be considered as key factors for change at the threshold of modernity rather than counters to modernization. The study of religious renewal, therefore, has the potential to challenge the still widespread notion that modernity is primarily rooted in secular rationalism and emanated outside the bounds of religion.10

An Instructive Example: Isaac Wetzlar’s Proposal for Religious and Educational Reform

An illustrative example of the transformative effects of religious thinking is of- fered by the work of Isaac Wetzlar (b. 1685 or 1690; d. 1751), a Jewish merchant and community elder from Celle (in the Electorate of Hanover) in northern Germany. In 1748/49, Wetzlar completed his Yiddish epistle, Libes briv (Love letter). The work was presented as a call for spiritual and social renewal to the Jewish men and women of its time. The author criticized the inadequacies of

8 See N.J. DeLong-Bas, Wahhabi Islam. From Revival and Reform to Global Jihad (Oxford 2008). 9 We differentiate between religious change that resulted from deliberate efforts for renewal by individuals or groups of adherents within their religion, and episodic transformations that are prompted by environmental change, e.g. new prayers after a long period of drought, natural catastrophes or persecutions, or new interpretations of secular phenomena that are informed by scientific developments. On the latter category, which emerged as organic responses to cultural currents, see T. Tweed, Crossing and Dwelling: A Theory of Religion (Cambridge 2006). See also S. Bretfeld, ‘Dynamiken der Religionsgeschichte. Lokale und translokale Verflechtungen,’ in M. Stausberg, ed., Religionswissenschaft (Berlin/ Boston 2012) 423–433 (here 425f); and idem, ‘Transkulturation und Religionsgeschichte,’ in Stausberg, Religionswissenschaft, 435–448. 10 For a useful discussion on the definition of modernity in current historiography, see A. de Dijn, ‘The Politics of Enlightenment: From Peter Gay to Jonathan Israel,’ The Historical Journal 55, no. 3 (2012) 785–805.

DownloadedZutot from 16Brill.com09/29/2021 (2018) 3–18 01:18:40AM via free access The 18th Century as a Time of Religious Renewal and Reform 7 the contemporary Jewish educational system, the decline in religiosity, and the lack of spiritual and moral guidance from rabbis and communal lay leaders. As a solution to these problems, he outlined a pragmatic proposal for the reform of religious education, worship, and liturgy, as well as ethical conduct, which he anticipated would bring Jews back to the core values of Judaism. For Wetzlar, religion served as a catalyst for social and cultural change. Libes briv thus represents a prime example of the complexity of religious change and social transformation on the cusp of modernity. And yet, Libes briv has not previously been analyzed as an example of early modern religious renewal and reform. Rather, Wetzlar has typically been deemed a voice of the early Haskalah, an ideal early maskil who combined religious knowledge with secular learning, and his work classified as musar (Jewish ethical) literature.11 However, there is evidence to suggest that German Pietism and its mission to the Jews was a third point of reference for Wetzlar’s project, and that it was, in fact, Pietism which provided the primary impetus for his reform program. The Christian movement for religious renewal known as Pietism sparked social reforms across European society in the late 17th and 18th centuries. Pietism became a state religion of sorts in some territories of the Holy Roman Empire,12 while being banned from others.13 German Pietism had a major impact on Lutheranism, particularly in the educational and spiritual spheres.14

11 J. Meitlis, ‘Der Bodleianer kesav-jad Libes Briv, a far-haskoledike reform-shrift,’ Yivo Bleter 2 (1931) 308–333; The Libes briv of Isaac Wetzlar, edited and translated by Morris M. Faierstein (Atlanta 1996); S. Rohrbacher, ‘Isaak Wetzlar in Celle. Ein jüdischer Reformator vor der Aufklärung,’ in Juden in Celle. Biographische Skizzen aus drei Jahrhunderten (Celle 1996) 33–66; S. Feiner, The Jewish Enlightenment (Philadelphia 2004) 23–24; D. Sorkin, ‘The Early Haskalah,’ in S. Feiner and D. Sorkin, eds., New Perspectives on the Haskalah (Oxford/Portland 2004) 9–26 (here 15–17); Feiner, A New Age, 455–458. On the Early Haskalah (1720–1770), as an era that was distinct from the Haskalah, see S. Feiner, ‘Ha- haskalah ha-mukdemet bi-Yahadut ha-meʾah ha-shemone esre,’ Tarbiz 67 (1998) 189–240 and Sorkin, Early Haskalah. 12 On the case of Saxe-Gotha-Altenburg, see, for example, M.N. Venables, ‘Pietist Fruits from Orthodox Seeds: The Case of Ernst the Pious of Saxe-Gotha-Altenburg,’ in Lieburg, Confessionalism, 91–109 and Albrecht-Birkner, Reformation des Lebens. 13 On the Electorate of Hanover, see M. Jakubowski-Tiessen, ‘Der Pietismus in Niedersachsen,’ in M. Brecht et al., eds., Geschichte des Pietismus, Vol. 2, Der Pietismus im achtzehnten Jahrhundert (Göttingen 1995) 428–445 and A. Siluk, ‘Isaac Wetzlar’s Pietist Surroundings: Some Reflections on Jewish-Christian Interaction and Exchange in 18th-Century Germany,’ Transversal 13 (2005) 12–19 (here 14–15), https://doi.org/10.1515/ tra-2015-0003. 14 On education: J.N. Neumann, ed., ‘Das Kind im Pietismus und Aufklärung,’ Beiträge des internationalen Symposiums vom 12.–15. November 1997 in den Franckeschen Stiftungen zu Halle (Tübingen 2000); W. Loch, ‘Pädagogik am Beispiel August Hermann Franckes,’ in H. Lehmann, Geschichte des Pietismus, Vol. 4, Glaubenswelt und Lebenswelten (Göttingen

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A signature of pietistic attitudes toward Jews was a concerted missionary campaign, which initiated outreach to Jews of all social strata.15 A principal center of this endeavor was the Institutum Judaicum et Muhammedicum in Halle, which printed and distributed missionary tracts in Yiddish, dispatched emissaries to Jewish communities throughout the Empire and beyond, and prepared catechumen.16 It is hard to imagine that the Jewish community was unaware of the changing currents within the Christian society surrounding them, especially as expressions of pious practice became ever more visible in all areas of life. We know that Isaac Wetzlar engaged in theological discussions with at least one missionary from the Instiutum Judaicum. He also owned and read a number of the Pietist publications that were given to him, his wife, his son or other members of his household.17 These Yiddish works included two popular

2004) 264–308. On the contribution of Pietism to contemporaneous intellectual discourse, see these papers in Glaubenswelt: R. Toellner, ‘Medizin und Pharmazie,’ 334–356; T. Müller-Bahlke, ‘Naturwissenschaft und Technik. Der Hallesche Pietismus am Vorabend der Industrialisierung,’ 357–385 and H.-J. Schrader, ‘Die Literatur des Pietismus – Pietistische Impulse zur Literaturgeschichte. Ein Überblick,’ 386–403. 15 The philo-Semitic attitudes of Pietist thinkers should be distinguished from a more practice-oriented approach to Pietist-Jewish relations that was derived in part from these views. See J. Wallmann, ‘Der Pietismus und das Judentum,’ in M. Witte and T. Pilger, eds., Mazel Tov. Interdisziplinäre Beiträge zum Verhältnis von Christentum und Judentum. Festschrift anlässlich des 50. Geburtstages des Instituts Kirche und Judentum (Leipzig 2012) 177–194; H.-J. Schrader, ‘Sulamiths verheißene Wiederkehr. Hinweise zu Programm und Praxis der pietistischen Begegnungen mit dem Judentum,’ in H.O. Horch and H. Denkler, eds., Conditio Judaica. Judentum, Antisemitismus und deutschsprachige Literatur vom 18. Jahrhundert bis zum Ersten Weltkrieg, vol. 1 (Tübingen 1988) 71–107 and L. Greisiger, ‘Chiliasten und “Judentzer”. Eschatologie und Judenmission im protestantischen Deutschland des 17. und 18. Jahrhunderts,’ Jewish History Quarterly 4 (2006) 535–574. 16 See C. Rymatzki, Hallischer Pietismus und Judenmission. Johann Heinrich Callenbergs Institutum Judaicum und dessen Freundeskreis (1728–1736) (Tübingen 2004); A. Elyada, A Goy Who Speaks Yiddish. Christians and the Jewish Language in Early Modern Germany (Stanford 2012). 17 On the encounters between Wetzlar and members of both his family and his community with missionaries from Halle, see Diary of Johann Georg Widmann on his travels in northern Germany (July 1, 1732–January 4, 1733) in Francke Foundation, Halle, Main Archives, AFSt/H K 55, fol. 174r–177r, Diary of Johann Georg Widmann on his travels in northern Germany (January 6, 1733–January 7, 1734) AFSt/H K 56, fol. 214r–219v and Diary of Johann Andreas Manitius on his travels to the Harz Mountains, Franconia, Hesse and northern Germany (January 1–31; September 1–December 31, 1733) AFSt/H K 57, fol. 144r–146v. For detailed treatments of these encounters, see A. Siluk, ‘Pietistic Surroundings’ and R. Voß, ‘Love Your Fellow as Yourself: Early Haskalah Reform as Pietist Renewal,’ Transversal 13 (2015) 4–11, https://doi.org/10.1515/tra-2015-0002.

DownloadedZutot from 16Brill.com09/29/2021 (2018) 3–18 01:18:40AM via free access The 18th Century as a Time of Religious Renewal and Reform 9 treatises by Pastor Johann Müller (1649–1727) of Gotha: Or leʿet ʿerev 18 (A Light for Evening-Time) and Mikhtav ahavah (Love Letter).19 Mikhtav ahavah seems to have made a particularly lasting impression on the future author of Libes briv. Not only did Wetzlar give his work the identical title in Yiddish, a phrase that refers to ‘Love your neighbor as yourself’ (Lev. 19:18), but both authors also declared fraternal love as their main motivation: Müller considered leading Jews to Christian truth and, thus, the path of salvation to be a duty of love;20 Wetzlar wrote his ‘love letter’ as a guide to fortify the Jewish community and its religiosity so as to advance their collective redemption.21 The notions of neigh- borly love and eschatological preparation thereby serve as keys to Müller’s Mikhtav ahavah and Wetzlar’s Libes briv. Wetzlar’s Libes briv thus emerges as a calculated response to the chal- lenges posed by the Pietist mission.22 In addition to their structural similarities, Wetzlar counters the Pietist theological arguments presented in Müller’s writings. For instance, Müller invokes the well-established Christian polem- ic that attributes Israel’s exile to the sinful behavior recounted in Isaiah 59. Consequently, Israel’s messianic redemption is seen as contingent on genuine repentance. But Müller portrays Jews as being caught in a vicious cycle: the evil inclination (yetzer ha-raʿ) hinders them from fully obeying the Torah; but without upholding all the commandments, repentance is unattainable, so divine forgiveness cannot be realized. Müller concludes that seeking God’s help is the sole remaining avenue, implying an embrace of Jesus as the Messiah who

18 [J. Müller], Or leʿet ʿerev … /Likht kegn ovndtsayt (Halle an der Saale 1728). The multiple printings of this Yiddish work appeared under the pseudonym Jochanan Kimchi. 19 [J. Müller], Mikhtav ahavah … an alebene goles Yisroel … 2nd ed. (Halle an der Saale 1732). For a detailed treatment of the connections between this work and Wetzlar’s Libes briv, see Voß, ‘Love Your Fellow.’ 20 This rationale is not stated explicitly in Mikhtav ahavah but it becomes evident in Johann Heinrich Mey’s introduction to Müller’s instructional pamphlet on missionizing Jews: J. Müller, Unvorgreifflicher Entwurff, wie mit den Juden freundlich umzugehen, und von wahrer Hertzens-Bekehrung zu reden seyn möchte / in einem Gespräch vorgestellet von Johann Müllern. Mit einer Vorrede Johann Henrich Mayen (Gießen 1716). 21 Henceforth, all references to Libes briv will be abbreviated as LB. Quotations from this work are from the manuscript in the Bodleian Library, Oxford, Ms. Mich. 297, here fol. 187v–188r. Cf. the title page, which is missing in this manuscript, in Ms. 2333 in the Jewish Theological Seminary, New York. A new edition that incorporates all nine known manuscripts, with a translation into German and English, has been prepared by Marion Aptroot and Jasmina Huber and is forthcoming from Duesseldorf University Press. On the manuscripts, see M. Aptroot and J. Huber, ‘The Manuscripts of Isaac Wetzlar’s Libes Briv,’ Transversal 13, no. 1 (2015) 20–27, https://doi.org/10.1515/tra-2015-0004. 22 Several statements in Libes briv suggest this. See Siluk, ‘Pietistic Surroundings,’ 12–14 and Voß, ‘Love Your Fellow.’

Zutot 16 (2018) 3–18 Downloaded from Brill.com09/29/2021 01:18:40AM via free access 10 siluk and Vos freed humanity from original sin.23 Of course, the notion that sin can only be overcome through the embrace of Jesus was unfathomable for a Jewish thinker like Wetzlar. He therefore sought an alternative solution to the dilemma presented by Christian theology, which he found in Hovot ha-levavot (Duties of the Heart), the ethical treatise by Bahya ibn Paquda (1050–1120): as long as yetzer ha-raʿ inhibits us from complete fulfillment of the Torah’s commandments, we should strive to temper our shortcomings. Given his great compassion, God will respond by recognizing these efforts as if we had followed the entire Torah.24 Wetzlar had previously articulated this solution in his conversation with the missionary Widmann in 1732, stating:

I pray and plead to God: ‘You are a merciful God, and you know that I cannot help myself; I am your creation, you have created me and, therefore, only you can save me.’ Therefore, I seek God’s grace.25

Wetzlar attributed the Jews’ prolonged exile and their unanswered hopes for messianic redemption to his contemporaries’ lack of commitment to religious life. With this argumentation, he circumvented Pietist missionary arguments for achieving redemption through conversion while at the same time cam- paigning for greater faith among his co-religionists. Beyond his response to the missionaries’ theological arguments, Wetzlar adapted Pietist concepts and values, particularly those regarding religiosity and lifestyle, and recast them for his Jewish audience. The suggestions for Jewish religious and social renewal that echo Pietist sentiments include Wetzlar’s in- dignation over the absence of devout prayer in the synagogue and at home, and his overall critique of the paucity of religious engagement in the lives of many Jews. Similarly, his prescription for a fundamental reformation in lifestyle that would infuse quotidian Jewish life with these aspects of pious practice (praxis pietatis) also reflects Pietist programs.26 Much like Pietist reformers, Wetzlar deemed a renewed approach to education essential: boys and girls should gain

23 [Müller], Mikhtav ahavah, esp. fol. 3v–4r. Compare idem, Or leʿet ʿerev, chapter 4, in particular fol. 46v–47r, 49r–49v. 24 LB, fol. 134r–134v and 136v–137r. 25 Wetzler: Ich schreye zu Gott, und spreche: du bist ein el rachum, du weißt daß ich mir selbst nicht helffen kann, ich bin dein geschöpff, du hast mich gemacht, darum stehet meine hülffe allein bey dir. Also suche ich Gottes gnad. AFSt/H K 55, fol. 176v. 26 Compare LB, fol. 15 2r–157v. On praxis pietatis within Pietism, see U. Gleixner, Pietismus und Bürgertum. Eine historische Anthropologie der Frömmigkeit, Württemberg 17.–19. Jahrhundert (Göttingen 2005); Lehmann, Glaubenswelt.

DownloadedZutot from 16Brill.com09/29/2021 (2018) 3–18 01:18:40AM via free access The 18th Century as a Time of Religious Renewal and Reform 11 a basic knowledge of Hebrew prayers and the Torah. Children and adults alike should be sufficiently conversant with the principles of Judaism and certain ethical texts to lead a proper Jewish life.27 For adults (particularly women) who were not proficient in Hebrew, Wetzlar recommended the introduction of Yiddish prayer books and prayer services that incorporated Yiddish. These proposals aimed for a Jewish community whose members could all under- stand the liturgy and, thus, pray with full intention.28 Wetzlar also urged his fellow Jews to study the Bible, the Talmud, musar literature, and other religious texts on a daily basis. Where rabbinical instruction was unavailable, he recommended that his readers seek support among their peers. In certain respects, this mode of religious edification resembles conventicles, the study gatherings that were common among Pietists.29 The influence of Pietism is particularly evident in Wetzlar’s interpretation of gemilut hasadim. In his explanation of this Jewish commandment, typically translated as ‘acts of loving kindness,’ Wetzlar seems to draw on the Lutheran doctrine of justification. In Christian theology, justification refers to declar- ing that the faithful are redeemed through Jesus’s atoning sacrifice, which ab- solved their guilt and the penalty for their sins. In Protestantism, Christians are justified by faith alone (sola fide), without good works, as bestowed by God’s grace (sola gratia). Faith, however, is made visible through the performance of good deeds. Accordingly, Wetzlar writes that any good that a Jew experiences in this world is an unearned gift from God; and, gemilut hasadim is a religious instruction for all Jews to impart the grace that they enjoy – not to God, for that would be impossible, but – upon those who have not benefitted from this divine favor.30 Wetzlar seems to have been waging a Jewish campaign for renewal that shared tropes with Pietist admonitions intended to augment moral behavior within their community. Significantly, he never imported unmodified mate- rial from Christian texts, or from his conversations with missionaries into his proposals. To the contrary, he took great pains (that were sometimes evident in

27 Compare LB, fol. 167v–168v. Wetzlar lists numerous sources, ranging from ethical texts (such as Hovot ha-levavot, Simhat ha-nefesh, Menorat ha-maor, Lev tov) to pedagogical works (e.g. Abraham Jagel’s Lekah tov) and medieval Jewish philosophy (e.g. Isaac ben Moses Arama’s Sefer Akedat Itzchak). On his prescription for educational reform, see LB, fol. 140r–152r, and 167v. 28 For liturgical reform, see LB, fol. 155v–157v. 29 Compare LB, fol. 172v. On the conventicle in Pietism, see M. Jakubowski-Tiessen, ‘Eigenkultur und Traditionsbildung,’ in Lehmann, Glaubenswelt, 195–211 (here 196–197). 30 Compare LB, fol. 157v–160r.

Zutot 16 (2018) 3–18 Downloaded from Brill.com09/29/2021 01:18:40AM via free access 12 siluk and Vos lengthy argumentation) to reconcile these adapted concepts with Jewish traditions from medieval and early modern Jewish authorities, such as Bahya ibn Paquda, the Hasidei Ashkenaz (12th–13th centuries), and Jacob Emden (1697– 1776).31 Wetzlar strategically based each of his proposals on Jewish grounding, not only those that were influenced by Pietism. Wetzlar was arguably a Jewish pietist who hoped to reform the Ashkenazic society of his time. His aspirations were intended to revitalize practices from what he viewed as ‘original Judaism’ that, in his estimation, had been aban- doned by his Jewish counterparts. Nonetheless, this renewal was not exclusively a return to Judaism’s roots. Wetzlar’s plan for educational and religious reform are clearly inspired by the Zeitgeist and Enlightenment discourse: he prioritized religious instruction for all Jews and the elimination of ignorance and irrational notions to establish Jewish belief anchored in knowledge.32 With its appropriation of the Pietist model of religious and moral conduct, Wetzlar’s vision for renewal was not strictly a revival of Jewish religion and tradition; rather, the infusion of new concepts and practices represented innovative approaches to central elements of Judaism. As an historical agent in the 18th century, rather than exemplifying a rejection of traditional religious life, Isaac Wetzlar and his project provide a case of spiritual and social improvement prompted by religious awakening. That is to say, although prior scholarship has categorized Libes briv as an early Haskalah reform effort, this work is better understood as a quest for the recovery of genuine piety. Although we are unable to determine the degree to which Wetzlar’s suggestions for religious renewal were implemented in individual communities, by emphasizing the links between his ideas and contemporary Protestant Pietism, we suggest that Libes briv reveals signposts of an alternative, indeed inadvertent, path to modernity.

31 Wetzlar emphasized medieval Jewish authorities, whom he considered more reliable and supportive of his cause; see LB, fol. 136v–137r. Compare Voß, ‘Love your Fellow,’ 11 for Wetzlar’s explanation of this innovative interpretation of gemilut hasadim from Jewish sources. 32 A similar connection existed between the Enlightenment and Pietism: the Pietist movement also promoted education for broad sectors of the population (both children and adults), and incorporated secular subjects such as mathematics, physics, and geogra- phy into its curricula; Loch, ‘Pädagogik.’ See also M. Gierl, ‘Pietism, Enlightenment, and Modernity,’ in D.H. Shantz, ed., A Companion to German Pietism 1660–1800 (Leiden 2008) 348–392.

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Early Modern Religious Renewal and Reform: Preliminary Methodological Remarks

Viewed as a case study, Wetzlar and his Libes briv affirm that comparative analyses of religious renewal represent a vital, yet largely unrecognized, area of research on cultural transformation. The presence of concomitant aspirations for socio-cultural change via religious transformation becomes evident as our scholarly understandings of religious renewal and reform become more sophisticated. Here, we present initial methodological reflections on the study of early modern expressions of this phenomenon. In the modern context, ‘reform’ is commonly associated with applying changes to an existing system for the sake of repair. In its early modern understanding, however, ‘reform’ indicated the recovery and restoration of a system to its authentic form, as a corrective to its corruption over time.33 In both uses, this term signifies an effort toward improvement. Similarly, ‘renewal’ in its modern understanding conveys numerous meanings, from restoration, restatement, and re-establishment, to renovation, repair, replacement, and betterment.34 According to its early modern understanding, on the other hand, ‘renewal’ generally involved reviving or restoring an original or previously established model of a given subject, since tradition was consistently preferred over novelty. As such, innovation had little currency in early modern religious thought in Europe.35 In contrast to 17th-century scientific thought, which was epito- mized by its emphasis on novelty and empirical discovery, new ideas in religious

33 E. Wolgast, s.v. ‘Reform,’ ‘Reformation,’ in Otto Brunner, Werner Conze and Reinhart Koselleck, eds., Geschichtliche Grundbegriffe. Historisches Lexikon zur politisch-sozialen Sprache in Deutschland, vol. 5 (Stuttgart 1984) 313–360. Compare also Oxford English Dictionary, s.v. ‘reform,’ (http://www.oed.com/view/Entry/271012?rskey=VJ0WYt&result= 1#eid, accessed January 20, 2018); J.C. Adelung, Grammatisch-kritisches Wörterbuch der Hochdeutschen Mundart, vol. 3 (Vienna 1811) 1018; J. Grimm and W. Grimm, Deutsches Wörterbuch, vol. 14 (Leipzig 1893) 492 (http://woerterbuchnetz.de/cgi-bin/WBNetz/ wbgui_py?sigle=DWB&mode=Vernetzung&lemid=GR02541#XGR02541, accessed Jan uary 20, 2018). 34 Compare Oxford English Dictionary, s.v. ‘renewal’ (http://www.oed.com.proxy.ub .uni-frankfurt.de/view/Entry/162428?redirectedFrom=renewal#eid, accessed January 20, 2018). 35 On early modern notions of ‘old’ and ‘new,’ see W.-F. Schäufele, ‘Zur Begrifflichkeit von “alt” und “neu” in der Frühen Neuzeit,’ in C. Kampmann et al., eds., Neue Modelle im Alten Europa. Traditionsbruch und Innovation als Herausforderung in der Frühen Neuzeit (Cologne/Weimar/Vienna 2012) 19–36. See also J. Grimm and W. Grimm, Deutsches Wörterbuch, vol. 3 (Leipzig 1862) 662 s.v. ‘Neuerung‘ (http://woerterbuchnetz.de/cgi -bin/WBNetz/wbgui_py?sigle=DWB&mode=Vernetzung&lemid=GN04627#XGN04627, accessed January 20, 2018).

Zutot 16 (2018) 3–18 Downloaded from Brill.com09/29/2021 01:18:40AM via free access 14 siluk and Vos contexts were not valued for their creativity but by their basis in current or far earlier forms. Therefore, early modern agents of religious reform would have avoided any reference to their programs as inventive. If they were not claiming that their efforts upheld tradition, they would typically argue that their efforts represented a return to its origins.36 That is to say, tradition represented a le- gitimizing source for religious regeneration because it vouchsafed authenticity. Thus, in their early modern usage and applications to religious dynamics, reform and renewal both prioritize historical precedent above other values. If religious reform is based on the renewal, restructuring or re-introduction of elements from within a given religious system, it can be understood as endogenic. Reformers would enlist their respective religions’ textual sources and modes of observance as means for revitalization. By comparison, exogenic religious transformations are motivated by external factors and often incor- porate previously unrelated components, for example from another religion, into an existing tradition. Since religious change does not occur in a vacuum, such shifts are rarely the result of exclusively endogenic or exogenic processes; rather, a combination of both is usually at play.37 Studies of religious dynamism should therefore consider political, economic, and cultural realities and, especially, inter-religious influences in their analyses.38 For instance, societal unrest could prompt the impulse, or even the necessity, to institute changes in religious practice; indeed, religious reformers often point to a perceived crisis as the catalyst for their endeavor.39 Major events in other religions may also

36 This tendency is exemplified by Humanist scholars who advocated a return to original sources (ad fontes) and by Martin Luther’s principle of sola scriptura. See A. Goodman and A. Mackay, eds., The Impact of Humanism on Western Europe (New York 1990); C.G. Nauert Jr, ‘The Clash of Humanists and Scholastics: An Approach to Pre-Reformation Controversies,’ The Sixteenth Century Journal 4, no. 1 (1973) 1–18, https:// doi.org/10.2307/2539764; L. Roper, Martin Luther: Renegade and Prophet (London 2016); B. Rothen, Die Klarheit der Schrift. Teil 1: Martin Luther. Die wiederentdeckten Grundlagen (Göttingen 1990). 37 For religious studies, see the definition by K. Hock, Einführung in die Religionswissenschaft (Darmstadt 20083) 45 and 47. 38 On the relationship between religion and culture, see K. Hock, ‘Transkulturation und Religionsgeschichte,’ in Stausberg, Religionswissenschaft, 435–448 (here 439–440) and C. Geertz, ‘Religion as a Cultural System,’ in idem, The Interpretation of Cultures. Selected Essays (London 1993) 87–125. 39 Compare H. Lehmann, Das Zeitalter des Absolutismus. Gottesgnadentum und Kriegsnot (Stuttgart 1980); idem and A.C. Trepp, eds., Im Zeichen der Krise. Religiosität im Europa des 17. Jahrhunderts (Göttingen 1999); R. Schlögel, P.R. Hoffmann-Rehnitz and E. Wiebel, eds., Die Krise in der Frühen Neuzeit (Göttingen 2016). For medieval religious responses to crisis, see e.g. K.M. Müller, Die Pest. Pestheillige, Pestkapellen, Pestsäulen. Von himmlischer Hilfe in irdischer Not (Wallerstein 2015). Yosef Yerushalmi has pointed out that the ‘single

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influence the development of and discourse within a given religion, particularly if their members live in the same environment and have regular contact with one another.40 For example, as we have seen in the case of Isaac Wetzlar and his advocacy of Jewish religious renewal, the role of missionary efforts on the internal dynamics of groups being targeted merits attention. To date, missionizing attempts have predominantly been analyzed in the context of conver- sionary activity; however, as our study of Libes briv demonstrates, investigations of the individuals and communities who were the subjects of proselytization attempts may uncover complex evaluations and responses, beyond the simple rejection or acceptance of a new religion. Wetzlar embodies the effect that an 18th-century Pietist mission – which was itself an outgrowth of this revival of Christian spirituality – had on internal developments within Jewish society. When pre-modern initiators of religious change appropriated external influences into their systems of belief, they would have been reluctant to openly adopt ideas or practices from another religious group. Such elements were thus domesticated by identifying similarities within the ‘target tradition.’ The study of these complex processes of ‘translation, appropriation, remodeling and re-definition of cultural elements’41 – old and new, internal and external – expands our understanding of the systemic appropriation of environmental influences within religious transformations, as it also highlights the role of inter-cultural exchange and religious hybridization. Renewal and reform commonly seek to alter discrete elements of religious life rather than the basis of a belief system. These endeavors, however, can also introduce significant doctrinal changes, as exemplified by the 16th- century Reformation. However, such comprehensive reforms are exceptional. 42

most important religious and literary response to historical catastrophe in the Middle Ages was (…) the composition of Selihot, penitential prayers, and their insertion into the liturgy of the synagogue.’ Y.H. Yerushalmi, Zakhor: Jewish History and Jewish Memory (Seattle 19692) esp. 45. See also the paper of Riikka Tuori in this issue of Zutot. 40 On contact zones, see M.L. Pratt, ‘Arts of the Contact Zone,’ Profession (1991) 33–40. 41 A. Wirz et al., ‘Transculturation. Mission and Modernity in Africa: A Manifesto,’ in A. Jones, ed., Transculturation: Mission and Modernity in Africa (Leipzig 2003) 3–23 (here 3). See also K. Hock, Einführung in die Interkulturelle Theologie (Darmstadt 2011) 51–52. 42 Nevertheless, fundamental change could result from a ripple effect over time. The influence of Lurianic teachings on halakhic traditions throughout the Jewish world in the early modern era illustrates this potential: D.C. Matt, ‘Adorning the “Bride” on the Eve of the Feast of Weeks’ and L. Fine, ‘Pietistic Customs from Safed,’ in idem, ed., Judaism in Practice: From the Middle Ages Through the Early Modern Period (Princeton 2001) 74–80 and 375–385 resp. See also R. Weinstein, Kabbala and Jewish Modernity (in Hebrew) (Tel Aviv 2011).

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Religious reforms are often dedicated to elevating pious practices. This emphasis on piety, understood as visible expressions of internalized religious belief, was another signature concern of 18th-century religious renewal efforts, which is deeply linked to the notion of awakening. This awakening describes the transition from a state of disengagement to involvement with the spiritual realm, especially by seeking connection with the divine. Such experiences are not restricted to the individual, namely a charismatic leader. Rather, a religious community may be engaged in this experience, with the potential to facilitate a collective transformation that would ultimately be reflected in the identity of entire religious groups. Two examples of individuals that fostered pietistic social movements during the period discussed here are August Hermann Francke, the founder of the Halle Pietism; and Rabbi Israel ben Eliezer (also known as the Baʿal Shem Tov), the founder of Hasidism.43 The manifestations of piety encompass a diverse range of expressions, from asceticism and quietism to entering trances and ecstatic states. While some participants in such renewal movements define religious devotion as the mystical pursuit of the transcendent, others associate piety with strict adherence to religious norms or even surpassing orthodox modes of praxis.44 Other

43 On Francke, see J. Wallmann, Der Pietismus (Göttingen 1990) 59–79 and M. Brecht, ‘August Hermann Francke und der Hallische Pietismus,’ in idem, ed., Geschichte des Pietismus, vol. 1, Der Pietismus vom siebzehnten bis zum frühen achtzehnten Jahrhundert (Göttingen 1993) 440–527 (here 440–449). On the Baal Shem Tov, see I. Etkes, The Besht: Magician, Mystic, and Leader (Hannover/London 2005); M. Rosman, Founder of Hasidism: A Quest for the Historical Baʿal Shem Tov (Oxford/Portland 2013); R. Elior, ‘Der Baʿal Schem Tov zwischen Magie und Mystic,’ in K.E. Grözinger, ed., Die Geschichten vom Baʿal Schem Tov, Schivche ha-Bescht, Teil 1, Hebräisch mit deutscher Übersetzung (Wiesbaden 1997) xxxv–lv (esp. xlvi). On the role of charismatic leadership in Hasidism, see A. Rapoport- Albert, ‘God and the Zaddik as the Two Focal Points of Hasidic Worship,’ in G.D. Hundert, ed., Essential Papers on Hasidism: Origins to Present (New York 1991) 299–329. For the ten- sion between individual piety and group identity, for example, C. Bochinger, ‘Pietistische Identität zwischen persönlicher Frömmigkeit und Gruppenzugehörigkeit,’ in W. Beltz, ed., Biographie und Religion. Zur Personalität der Mitarbeiter des Institutum Judaicum et Muhammedicum J. H. Callenbergs (Halle an der Saale 1997) 33–44. 44 See, for example, M. Idel, Hasidism: Between Ecstasy and Magic (Albany 1995); idem, Messianic Mystics (New Haven/London 1998). Practices that were common to both the messianic movement of the self-proclaimed prophet Asher Lemlein (circa 1500) and 18th-century Ashkenazic messianic prayer were deeply rooted in the mysticism of the medieval Hasidei Ashkenaz: R. Voss, Umstrittene Erlöser. Politik, Ideologie und jüdisch-christlicher Messianismus in Deutschland, 1500–1600 (Göttingen 2011) 66, 70, 84; G. Necker, ‘Brennende Landschaft der Erlösung. Jüdische Mystik und Messiashoffnung in Mitteleuropa (1200–1500),’ in E. Brugger and M. Keil, eds., Die Wehen des Messias. Zeitenwenden in der jüdischen Geschichte (Berlin/Vienna 2001) 47–66. On the notion of surpassing orthodoxy cf. also G. Lauer, ‘Die Konfessionalisierung des Judentums. Zum

DownloadedZutot from 16Brill.com09/29/2021 (2018) 3–18 01:18:40AM via free access The 18th Century as a Time of Religious Renewal and Reform 17 movements deliberately severed ties with established interpretations of their traditions, which led to accusations of radicalism, syncretism or sectarianism by their contemporaries. Most, if not all, of these efforts toward religious renewal were motivated by the desire to rescue their religion from a perceived deficien- cy or a lack of sincerity, that was often compounded by a sense of millennial or messianic urgency.45 Religious reforms, however, seldom give rise to new methods of religious conformity. The initiatives that arose from such discon- tent or eschatological expectations tended to spark processes of emancipation from conventional practice, organizational frameworks, and even dogmatic adherence to norms. Over time, renewal usually reaches a stage of stabilization when its goals have been secured, thus delimiting the dynamism of any specific movement.46 In the long-run, however, such movements generally cultivate greater pluralism in religious teachings and practices, as exemplified in the 18th century by late-Sabbatianism and Frankism in Judaism, and German Pietism in Protestant Christianity. The phenomena of religious renewal and reform merit further examination, especially as framed by the major shifts and trends of modernity. We anticipate that research questions which reflect those outlined in these general remarks and the above discussion of Wetzlar will be applied with fruitful results to other movements for religious renewal within Judaism and, thereby, contribute to a greater understanding of 18th-century transformations and the making of modernity. The articles in this special issue represent a preliminary corrective to the scholarly tendency to downplay or overlook the profound changes that took place in the realm of religion during that century.

Prozess der religiösen Ausdifferenzierung im Judentum am Übergang zur Neuzeit,’ in K. von Greyerz ed., Interkonfessionalität – Transkonfessionalität – binnenkonfessionelle Pluralität. Neue Forschungen zur Konfessionalisierungsthese (Güthersloh 2003) 250–283. Within Christianity, the late medieval movement Devotio Moderna produced works such as Imitatio Christi by Thomas à Kempis (1380–1471), which became a point of reference for Johann Arndt (1555–1621), an important forerunner of Lutheran Pietism. In recent years, researchers have discussed monasticism as a model for later pietistic movements. See D.B. Eller, ‘The Recovery of the Love Feast in German Pietism,’ in Lieburg, Confessionalism, 11–30 and W.J. op ’t Hof, ‘Protestant Pietism and Medieval Monasticism,’ in idem, 31–50. 45 H. Lehmann, ‘Four Competing Concepts for the Study of Religious Reform Movement, in- cluding Pietism, in Early Modern Europe and in North America,’ in idem, Transformationen der Religion in der Neuzeit. Beispiele aus der Geschichte des Pietismus (Göttingen 2007) 145–155 (here 148–150). 46 Hock, Religionswissenschaft, 49–50.

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Religious Renewal in Judaism, Christianity, and Islam

The contributions to this special issue each affirm the ubiquitous 18th-century drive to popularize religious knowledge, renew religious praxis, and reform religious education, all in an effort to bolster piety and reinforce the ties between society and religion. In his article on the Hasidic movement in Eastern Europe, Gadi Sagiv gives special attention to Hasidism’s innovations in the realm of ritual. Sagiv posits that Hasidism should be categorized as a religious renewal movement, with ritual development as one of its central components. He iden- tifies six mechanisms of ritualization that illustrate its innovative trajectory. The next two papers consider liturgical renewal within two distinct groups that share certain features. In her examination of changes and developments in the religious poetry of early modern Karaites in Eastern Europe, Riikka Tuori demonstrates how socio-political dynamics led to the appropriation and integration of elements from rabbinical tradition, which had endogenic and exogenic relationships to the Karaite belief system. Hadar Feldmann also examines the introduction of new compositions into liturgical poetry, through the case of the Dönmeh, the religious community in the Ottoman Empire, that was founded by followers of Shabbtai Tzvi after his conversion to Islam. As a religious congregation located on a spectrum between teachings of Sabbatian Judaism and Islam, the Dönmeh embraced traditions from the Muslim major- ity in Salonica, which they then adapted for their own liturgical purposes. Although the Jewish experience of early modern religious renewal and reform is the main focus of this special issue, the inclusion of contemporaneous Christian movements more fully informs our contextualization of these phenomena and their religious milieux. In her paper on the education system of 18th-century Lutheran Pietism, Pia Schmid concentrates on the introduction and use of devotional exempla in children’s literature as a requisite tool for inculcating piety. This feature was a key component of educational reform within German Pietism. Another approach to Lutheran religious renewal is ex- amined in the following article. In his analysis of Quietism Sacer (1689) by the orthodox Lutheran minister, Casper Exner, Kristian Mejrup offers a nuanced examination of Quietist ideas and practices. These concepts were banned by the Catholic Church and contested within Lutheran debates over pious awakening. Mejrup casts Exner’s theological rectification as a modest appropriation of controversial ideas that thus surpassed confessional boundaries when inner- and inter-denominational tensions were particularly high. By addressing various manifestations of religious renewal and reform, these studies confirm that, when viewed through the lens of religion, this century indeed appears as much a time of religious revival as an era of Enlightenment secularism.

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