State Funding and Intra-Party Dynamics

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

State Funding and Intra-Party Dynamics State Funding and Intra-Party Dynamics: Exploring the Impact of State Funding on Staffing, Centralisation, and Electoral Participation in New Minor Parties in Norway and Italy Volume I of II Submitted by Torill Stavenes to the University of Exeter as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Politics in September 2018 This thesis is available for Library use on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. I certify that all material in this thesis which is not my own work has been identified and that no material has previously been submitted and approved for the award of a degree by this or any other University. Signature ……………………………………………… 1 This page is intentionally left blank 2 Abstract State funding is currently provided to parties in most first and second wave democracies. For European political parties, state funding has come to constitute a majority of their income. Existing studies have found that state funding is linked with staffing, shifting structures of intra-party power (centralisation), and continued pursuit of constitutive function, i.e. electoral participation (survival). However, the results are far from unequivocal. In consequence, we have only a limited understanding of the ways in which state funds shape contemporary parties, and in particular, the extent to which state funding fosters or hinders the performance of political parties’ crucial linkage function between citizens and the state. This thesis addresses this limitation, by analysing the impact of state funding in parties where this impact is most likely to manifest itself, namely in newly established (post-1980) and electorally minor parties (with less than 10 percent of the vote). The central research question is: How does state funding influence processes of staffing, centralisation, and pursuit of constitutive function (electoral participation) in newly established, electorally minor parties? State funding is defined as state benefits, comprising direct (e.g. annual grants), and indirect (e.g. party tax) state funds, and state constraints, comprising criteria related to access to and maintenance of state benefits. Staffing is defined as shifts to a party’s number of staff, while centralisation refers to the process in which elites increase their share of seats in the (national) executive council at the expense of members. Pursuit of constitutive function (electoral participation) is defined as surpassing Pedersen’s (1982) threshold of authorisation, i.e. exceeding ballot access requirements and presenting an electoral list. The thesis develops three hypotheses to guide the empirical analysis. Firstly, I argue that an increase in state funding sparks hiring processes (H1). Secondly, I argue that state funds and staff strengthen party elites, in turn enabling them to initiate and execute centralising reforms (H2). Finally, H3 contends that state funding and staff contribute to new minor parties’ pursuit of constitutive function by facilitating their compliance with ballot access requirements and their presentation of an electoral list. A comparative case design is adopted to empirically explore H1, H2, and H3. The comparison takes place both across the 14 selected new minor parties in Norway and Italy, and within these parties, as the exploration of staffing, centralisation, and pursuit of constitutive function take place by means of analyses of individual party life cycles. A range of primary documents, 61 interviews, and secondary sources are used to analyse the research question. The main conclusion from the in-depth, exploratory analysis is that state funds do indeed shape new minor parties’ staffing patterns, supporting H1. In a similar vein, state funds and staff strengthen elites, in turn enabling them to initiate centralising reforms, and – in some instances – state funds and staff contribute to execute centralising reforms, thus supporting H2. Finally, state funds and staff broadly contribute to new minor parties’ ability to exceed ballot access requirements and present an electoral list in both Norwegian and Italian new minor parties, in line with H3. 3 Acknowledgements Many institutions and individuals have, throughout my three years as a PhD student at the University of Exeter, in one way or another, contributed to the completion of this thesis. I am deeply grateful to them all. Firstly, I would like to thank my supervisor, Prof. Nicole Bolleyer, for her detailed and very insightful comments on my work. I have greatly benefitted from her frequent feedback on (often very long) chapter drafts and other material. I would also like to thank her for interesting collaborative efforts as a member of her research project, Regulating Civil Society, which I have been very lucky to be part of. Secondly, I would like to express my gratitude to Dr. Patricia Correa Vila, another member of the aforementioned research project, who several times commented on my chapter drafts and material. I would also like to thank my second supervisor Gabriel Katz for his comments on my work in Cake for Comments Seminars at the University of Exeter. Finally, I wish to express my thanks to Prof. Elin Haugsgjerd Allern at the University of Oslo, my former MA- supervisor, for prompting my interest in political parties, encouraging me to pursue a PhD, and for being a constant source of support over these past three years. My research leading to this PhD thesis has received funding from the European Research Council under the European Union’s Seventh Framework Programme (FP7/2007–13)/ERC grant agreement 335890 STATORG). This support is gratefully acknowledged. This thesis could never (!) have been written without the participation and goodwill of a range of party representatives in the 14 studied new minor parties. I am deeply grateful to them all. A few of them went out of their way to help me with my data collection (e.g. tracking down documents stored in old lofts). For these efforts, I am eternally grateful. I would also like to thank Trine Berg Kopperud, in the Storting’s archive in Oslo, and the Biblioteca della Camera dei deputati, for (several times) helping me with my queries. I also wish to thank Piero Ignazi, Lars Svåsand, Vincenzo Emanuele, Jo Saglie, and Carlo Baccetti for input concerning data collection. Throughout the past three years, I have been lucky to be a visiting scholar at three different institutions. I wish to thank Prof. Leonardo Morlino at the LUISS in Rome, who kindly hosted me during my fieldwork in Rome in November 2016, Prof. Elin Haugsgjerd Allern who hosted me as a visiting scholar from September 2017 to March 2018 at the University of Oslo, and finally Dr. Jo Saglie, who has been my host at the Institute for Social Research in Oslo from March 2018 until submission in September, 2018. The research stays have given me access to excellent (and immensely helpful) library facilities, and have allowed me to meet a large group of colleagues, whose company and support have made my everyday life both academically stimulating and fun. Thank you! Then I wish to thank colleagues who have participated in various workshops and conferences, whose input and ideas have greatly contributed to 4 my thesis. Special thanks go to the participants at the ECPR Summer School on Political Parties (Nottingham, 2016), the participants at the Comparative Institutions and Regimes Seminar at the University of Oslo (December 2017) (and Prof. Knut Heidar), the CeMAP Cake for Comments seminar at the University of Exeter (March 2018) and the Politics Seminar at the Institute for Social Research in Oslo (April 2018). In the final, intense period before submission, I was lucky to rely on the help of friends and colleagues in Exeter’s PhD-community. Jack Griffiths proofread my thesis, and I thank him for his excellent and prompt input on the final draft. His eye for detail was extraordinary! I also wish to thank Felix C. F. von Nostitz, who – in a truly collegial spirit – offered to read parts of the thesis, and subsequently went on to do just that. His feedback on the comparative discussions at the end of the three main empirical chapters was very helpful. To my dear friends; in Hardanger, Bergen, Sogn, Oslo, and Exeter: Thanks for your great enthusiasm, the laughs, the long talks, and for your die-hard belief in my ability to finish this PhD. Special thanks to the PhD-community in Exeter, for providing welcome breaks from work (oh, the lovely Friday Drinks!). My friend Milka deserves special praise: We started our PhDs in Exeter at the same time, and I have been very lucky to have her as my partner in crime throughout this whole process. I thank her for the inspiration and for the immense support, both professional and unprofessional, over the past three years. Many, many thanks go to my very dear family; my mother and father and two sisters, who never once (!) throughout my many years as a student failed to provide heartfelt encouragement and support. Gratitude also goes to my extended family – near and far. A very special thanks goes to my 2 year old nephew Viktor, whose company – although he himself has been completely oblivious of it – was an exceptionally effective distraction from my PhD-related worries. To my husband, friend, anchor, and everything: Tore. Thank you. Thank you for the enthusiasm, the love, the never ending support, the patience, the (four/five/six/seven course) dinners, and the travels. My love, I have no idea what I would have done without you. I can’t wait to just take off and travel the world with you! 5 Table of contents 1 Introduction....................................................................................... 13 1.1 Puzzle and research question ............................................................................................... 13 1.2 State funding from a normative perspective .......................................................................... 19 1.3 Closing gaps in the existing literature: A literature review ...................................................
Recommended publications
  • The Party of European Socialists, European Greens and European Left Party Respond to the Crisis1
    All anti-neo-liberal now? The Party of European Socialists, European Greens and European Left Party respond to the crisis1 Luke March University of Edinburgh [email protected] Paper for PSA 2013 Draft version 1.0. Work very much in progress. Please do not quote without author’s permission. Why has the left failed to benefit from the post-2008 economic crisis? This is a common, but perhaps slightly unfair question. It is difficult to see any one political family as a unique beneficiary, and indeed the right’s apparent earlier ideological hegemony has become unstuck with the ‘austerity medicine’ having consistently failed to revive the European patient. Nevertheless, there is still something remarkable about socio-economic conditions that should be a ‘perfect storm’ for left-wing politics regularly failing to produce anything like a clear boon for the left. The February 2013 Italian elections are just the latest that may mark a ‘no- confidence’ vote in the Centre-Left (McDonnell and Bobba 2013). The social democratic Democratic Party (PD) and its more leftist ally, the post-communist Left Ecology Freedom threw away an apparently unassailable lead to squeak ahead of the right and Beppe Grillo’s Five-Star Movement. This paper aims to contribute to answering this overarching question by comparing the policy and ideological response to the crisis undertaken by the three ‘left’ transnational party federations (TNPs) at European level, the Party of European Socialists (PES), European Green Party (EGP) and European Left Party (EL).2 Comparing the three TNPs is an apposite approach. Although TNPs are ‘timidly rising actors’, relatively weak formations that fall far short of being fully integrated parties, they at the very least aspire to a minimal level of ideological and policy co-ordination (Bardi 2004; cf.
    [Show full text]
  • The Rise of Populism in Europe Can Be Traced Through Online Behaviour...”
    “The rise of populism in Europe can be traced through online behaviour...” THE NEW FACE OF DIGITAL POPULISM Jamie Bartlett Jonathan Birdwell Mark Littler Demos is a think-tank focused on power and politics. Our unique approach challenges the traditional, 'ivory tower' model of policymaking by giving a voice to people and communities. We work together with the groups and individuals who are the focus of our research, including them in citizens’ juries, deliberative workshops, focus groups and ethnographic research. Through our high quality and socially responsible research, Demos has established itself as the leading independent think-tank in British politics. In 2011, our work is focused on five programmes: Family and Society; Public Services and Welfare; Violence and Extremism; Public Interest and Political Economy. We also have two political research programmes: the Progressive Conservatism Project and Open Left, investigating the future of the centre-Right and centre-Left. Our work is driven by the goal of a society populated by free, capable, secure and powerful citizens. Find out more at www.demos.co.uk. THE NEW FACE OF DIGITAL POPULISM Jamie Bartlett Jonathan Birdwell Mark Littler First published in 2011 © Demos. Some rights reserved Magdalen House, 136 Tooley Street London, SE1 2TU, UK ISBN 978-1-906693-86-2 Copy edited by Susannah Wight Series design by modernactivity Typeset by modernactivity Set in Gotham Rounded and Baskerville 10 Open access. Some rights reserved. As the publisher of this work, Demos wants to encourage the circulation of our work as widely as possible while retaining the copyright. We therefore have an open access policy which enables anyone to access our content online without charge.
    [Show full text]
  • The Transformation of Italian Democracy
    Bulletin of Italian Politics Vol. 1, No. 1, 2009, 29-47 The Transformation of Italian Democracy Sergio Fabbrini University of Trento Abstract: The history of post-Second World War Italy may be divided into two distinct periods corresponding to two different modes of democratic functioning. During the period from 1948 to 1993 (commonly referred to as the First Republic), Italy was a consensual democracy; whereas the system (commonly referred to as the Second Republic) that emerged from the dramatic changes brought about by the end of the Cold War functions according to the logic of competitive democracy. The transformation of Italy’s political system has thus been significant. However, there remain important hurdles on the road to a coherent institutionalisation of the competitive model. The article reconstructs the transformation of Italian democracy, highlighting the socio-economic and institutional barriers that continue to obstruct a competitive outcome. Keywords: Italian politics, Models of democracy, Parliamentary government, Party system, Interest groups, Political change. Introduction As a result of the parliamentary elections of 13-14 April 2008, the Italian party system now ranks amongst the least fragmented in Europe. Only four party groups are represented in the Senate and five in the Chamber of Deputies. In comparison, in Spain there are nine party groups in the Congreso de los Diputados and six in the Senado; in France, four in the Assemblée Nationale an d six in the Sénat; and in Germany, six in the Bundestag. Admittedly, as is the case for the United Kingdom, rather fewer parties matter in those democracies in terms of the formation of governments: generally not more than two or three.
    [Show full text]
  • The Impact of the New Right on the Reagan Administration
    LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS UNIVERSITY OF LONDON THE IMPACT OF THE NEW RIGHT ON THE REAGAN ADMINISTRATION: KIRKPATRICK & UNESCO AS. A TEST CASE BY Isaac Izy Kfir LONDON 1998 UMI Number: U148638 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U148638 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 2 ABSTRACT The aim of this research is to investigate whether the Reagan administration was influenced by ‘New Right’ ideas. Foreign policy issues were chosen as test cases because the presidency has more power in this area which is why it could promote an aggressive stance toward the United Nations and encourage withdrawal from UNESCO with little impunity. Chapter 1 deals with American society after 1945. It shows how the ground was set for the rise of Reagan and the New Right as America moved from a strong affinity with New Deal liberalism to a new form of conservatism, which the New Right and Reagan epitomised. Chapter 2 analyses the New Right as a coalition of three distinctive groups: anti-liberals, New Christian Right, and neoconservatives.
    [Show full text]
  • Italy and Possible Implications for Eurozone Stability
    ITALY IMPLICATIONS Italy and possible implications for eurozone stability After Italy’s unsuccessful push for reform at the EU Summit last month, many of its European partners may be tempted to write-off the country’s concerns. However, this somewhat complacent stance may be dangerous in that it underestimates the recent shift in Italian political dynamics that culminated in the formation of an unexpected coalition government and the extent to which this may impact financial markets and potentially EU stability. Erik Jones Abstract: Italy’s recent election surprised many are not natural political allies. While there are observers who expected a hung parliament areas of policy overlap, the diverse nature of and who were subsequently caught off guard the M5S’s political movement, its relatively by the success of the right-wing Lega and the more expensive policy agenda, and Lega’s populist Five Star Movement (M5S). This growing strength all suggest maintaining a outcome can be attributed to an increasingly united front may prove difficult. Nevertheless, volatile Italian electorate and a shift in political this unexpected political partnership ought dynamics brought about by the economic and not to be written-off by European partners. financial crisis. As the protracted coalition Finding ways to interact with Italy’s new negotiations demonstrated, the Lega and M5S government poses a considerable challenge 81 to EU leaders and, subsequently, the outlook Conte’s success with this complex agenda for EU macroeconomic governance reforms was not obvious. Moreover, there is nothing and financial markets’ stability. However, surprising in this lack of accomplishment. such efforts will be necessary to stabilize the Few heads of state or government achieve all eurozone and contain anti-EU sentiment.
    [Show full text]
  • The Regional Elections of 2010: Much Ado About Nothing?
    Bulletin of Italian Politics Vol. 2, No. 1, 2010, 137-45 The Regional Elections of 2010: Much Ado about Nothing? Antonio Floridia Electoral Observatory of the Region of Tuscany Abstract: This article, taking its point of departure from the research presented at the annual workshop of the Italian Society for Electoral Studies, analyses the principal outcomes of the elections held in 13 Italian regions on 27 and 28 March 2010. One of the most significant features of these elections is that they do not appear to have resulted in any major changes with respect to the electoral cycle initiated in Italy by the parliamentary elections of 2008. Featuring a very low level of turnout, typical of “second-order” elections and affecting all the parties, the only winners were the parties (the Northern League and Italy of Values) which managed to consolidate their support or limit their losses. The article then analyses in more detail the result obtained by the Democratic Party and dwells on the fact that the success of the centre right, despite winning four of the regions previously governed by the centre left, does not seem, however, to have reinforced the Berlusconi government due to the growing political significance of the League and the conflicts this produces. Ultimately, the regional elections have highlighted all of the dillemmas affecting Italian politics without resolving any of them. Keywords: Berlusconi, regional elections, Lega Nord, Democratic Party As it has become accustomed to doing in the wake of a round of elections, SISE, the Italian Society for Electoral Studies (Società Italiana di Studi Elettorali), decided this year too to organise a workshop – which took place in Milan on 10 May, a few weeks after the regional elections, at the headquarters, and with the support of the Milan provincial government.
    [Show full text]
  • Euroscepticism in Political Parties of Greece
    VYTAUTAS MAGNUS UNIVERSITY FACULTY OF POLITICAL SCIENCE AND DIPLOMACY DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE Eimantas Kočanas EUROSCEPTICISM IN POLITICAL PARTIES OF GREECE Master’s Thesis Contemporary European politics study program, state code 621L20005 Political sciences study direction Supervisor: Prof. Doc. Mindaugas Jurkynas Defended: PMDF Dean - Prof. Doc. Šarūnas Liekis Kaunas 2016 European Union is like a painting displayed in a museum. Some admire it, others critique it, and few despise it. In all regards, the fact that the painting is being criticized only shows that there is no true way to please everybody – be it in art or politics. - Author of this paper. 1 Summary Eimantas Kocanas ‘Euroscepticism in political parties of Greece’, Master’s Thesis. Paper supervisor Prof. Doc. Mindaugas Jurkynas, Kaunas Vytautas Magnus University, Department of Diplomacy and Political Sciences. Faculty of Political Sciences. Euroscepticism (anti-EUism) had become a subject of analysis in contemporary European studies due to its effect on governments, parties and nations. With Greece being one of the nations in the center of attention on effects of Euroscepticism, it’s imperative to constantly analyze and research the eurosceptic elements residing within the political elements of this nation. Analyzing eurosceptic elements within Greek political parties, the goal is to: detect, analyze and evaluate the expressions of Euroscepticism in political parties of Greece. To achieve this: 1). Conceptualization of Euroscepticism is described; 2). Methods of its detection and measurement are described; 3). Methods of Euroscepticism analysis are applied to political parties of Greece in order to conclude what type and expressions of eurosceptic behavior are present. To achieve the goal presented in this paper, political literature, on the subject of Euroscepticism: 1).
    [Show full text]
  • "All Politics Is Local": How Local Context Explains Radical Right Voting
    "All Politics is Local": How Local Context Explains Radical Right Voting Diane Bolet London School of Economics and Political Science A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy January 2020 2 Statement of Originality I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work. Chapter three has been published at the European Journal of Polit- ical Research. The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 53,292 words. 3 Acknowledgements Embarking on a PhD journey is not an individual experience. I am greatly indebted to the many people who have helped me over the last few years. This adventure would have not been so enriching and inspir- ing without the incredible mentorship I received from my two super- visors, Sara Hobolt and Simon Hix. Sara’s sharp analytical feedback, meticulous scrutiny and insightful guidance have greatly improved the quality of this thesis. Her pragmatism and timely suggestions have helped me to stay on track with my PhD. Simon’s impressive flow of ideas was always combined with astute advice and method- ological rigour. His encouragement and optimism have been major driving forces throughout the development of my thesis. This PhD has benefitted immensely from their supervision and I am infinitely grateful for having taken part of their stimulating and passionate intellectual exchanges.
    [Show full text]
  • ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
    APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions.
    [Show full text]
  • Navy Force Structure and Shipbuilding Plans: Background and Issues for Congress
    Navy Force Structure and Shipbuilding Plans: Background and Issues for Congress September 16, 2021 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov RL32665 Navy Force Structure and Shipbuilding Plans: Background and Issues for Congress Summary The current and planned size and composition of the Navy, the annual rate of Navy ship procurement, the prospective affordability of the Navy’s shipbuilding plans, and the capacity of the U.S. shipbuilding industry to execute the Navy’s shipbuilding plans have been oversight matters for the congressional defense committees for many years. In December 2016, the Navy released a force-structure goal that calls for achieving and maintaining a fleet of 355 ships of certain types and numbers. The 355-ship goal was made U.S. policy by Section 1025 of the FY2018 National Defense Authorization Act (H.R. 2810/P.L. 115- 91 of December 12, 2017). The Navy and the Department of Defense (DOD) have been working since 2019 to develop a successor for the 355-ship force-level goal. The new goal is expected to introduce a new, more distributed fleet architecture featuring a smaller proportion of larger ships, a larger proportion of smaller ships, and a new third tier of large unmanned vehicles (UVs). On June 17, 2021, the Navy released a long-range Navy shipbuilding document that presents the Biden Administration’s emerging successor to the 355-ship force-level goal. The document calls for a Navy with a more distributed fleet architecture, including 321 to 372 manned ships and 77 to 140 large UVs. A September 2021 Congressional Budget Office (CBO) report estimates that the fleet envisioned in the document would cost an average of between $25.3 billion and $32.7 billion per year in constant FY2021 dollars to procure.
    [Show full text]
  • E42 Mark Blyth & David Kertzer Mixdown
    Brown University Watson Institute | E42_Mark Blyth & David Kertzer_mixdown [MUSIC PLAYING] MARK BLYTH: Hello, and welcome to a special edition of Trending Globally. My name is Mark Blyth. Today, I'm interviewing David Kertzer. David is the former provost here at Brown University. But perhaps more importantly, he knows more about Italy than practically anybody else we can find. Given that the elections have just happened in Italy and produced yet another kind of populist shock, we thought is was a good idea to bring him in and have a chat. Good afternoon, David. DAVID KERTZER: Thanks for having me, Mark. MARK BLYTH: OK, so let's try and put this in context for people. Italy's kicked off. Now, we could talk about what's happening right now today, but to try and get some context on this, I want to take us back a little bit. This is not the first time the Italian political system-- indeed the whole Italian state-- has kind of blown up. I want to go back to 1994. That's the last time things really disintegrated. Start there, and then walk forward, so then we can talk more meaningfully about the election. So I'm going to invite you to just take us back to 1994. Tell us about what was going on-- the post-war political compact, and then [BLOWS RASPBERRY] the whole thing fell apart. DAVID KERTZER: Well, right after World War II, of course, it was a new political system-- the end of the monarchy. There is a republic. The Christian Democratic Party, very closely allied with the Catholic Church, basically dominated Italian politics for decades.
    [Show full text]
  • Community, Place, and Cultural Battles: Associational Life in Central Italy, 1945-1968
    Community, Place, and Cultural Battles: Associational Life in Central Italy, 1945-1968 Laura J. Hornbake Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2013 2013 Laura J. Hornbake This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 Unported License. ABSTRACT Community, Place, and Cultural Battles: Associational Life in Central Italy, 1945-1968 Laura J. Hornbake This dissertation is an exploration of associational life in central Italy, an examination of organizations that were central to the everyday experience of tens of thousands of Italians at a time when social, economic and geographical transformations were upending their everyday lives, 1945-1968. This dissertation examines facets of these transformations: the changing shape of cities, increasing mobility of people, technological changes that made possible new media and new cultural forms, from the perspective of local associations. The many lively groups, the cultural circles and case del popolo of central Italy were critical sites where members encountered new ideas, navigated social change, and experimented with alternative cultures. At the same time, these organizations themselves were being transformed from unitary centers that expressed the broad solidarity of the anti-fascist Resistance to loose federations of fragmentary single-interest groups. They were tangles of intertwined politics, culture, and community, important sites in culture
    [Show full text]