Hungary by Balázs Áron Kovács
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Fundamental Law of Hungary (As in Force on 29 June 2018) This Document Has Been Produced for Informational Purposes Only
The Fundamental Law of Hungary (as in force on 29 June 2018) This document has been produced for informational purposes only. THE FUNDAMENTAL LAW OF HUNGARY English translation of the consolidated version of the Fundamental Law of Hungary incorporating: - the First Amendment to the Fundamental Law, - the Second Amendment to the Fundamental Law, - the Third Amendment to the Fundamental Law, - the Fourth Amendment to the Fundamental Law, - the Fifth Amendment to the Fundamental Law, - the Sixth Amendment to the Fundamental Law, - the Seventh Amendment to the Fundamental Law, as in force on 29 June 2018 Ministry of Justice 2017 (contact: [email protected]) 1 The Fundamental Law of Hungary (as in force on 29 June 2018) This document has been produced for informational purposes only. The Fundamental Law of Hungary (25 April 2011) God bless the Hungarians NATIONAL AVOWAL WE, THE MEMBERS OF THE HUNGARIAN NATION, at the beginning of the new millennium, with a sense of responsibility for every Hungarian, hereby proclaim the following: We are proud that our king Saint Stephen built the Hungarian State on solid ground and made our country a part of Christian Europe one thousand years ago. We are proud of our forebears who fought for the survival, freedom and independence of our country. We are proud of the outstanding intellectual achievements of the Hungarian people. We are proud that our nation has over the centuries defended Europe in a series of struggles and enriched Europe’s common values with its talent and diligence. We recognise the role of Christianity in preserving nationhood. -
The Electorate, 1990-1998 by Gergely Karácsony and Gábor Tóka
1 The Electorate, 1990-1998 by Gergely Karácsony and Gábor Tóka Published in Hungary: Government and Politics 1848-2000, ed. by Mária Ormos and Béla K. Király. Highland Lakes, NJ: Atlantic Research and Publications, Inc. and Boulder, CO: Social Science Monographs, pp. 495-518. In this chapter we review the voters' behavior in the parliamentary elections of 1990, 1994, and 1998.1 As the reader will recall, these were not the only competitive elections in Hungarian history in which a large majority of citizens could vote. However, unlike, for instance, the elections of 1920, 1938, 1945 or 1947, the electoral contests of the 1990's took place in a political context characterized by widespread consensus on fundamental democratic values among the relevant political parties. For the first time ever, no relevant political player was intimidated or barred from participating in the elections, and citizens could reasonably expect both that the votes were to be counted fairly and that the democratic game was to continue indefinitely after the election. The lawful revolution of 1988-1990 produced an unexpectedly stable institutional framework. The rules regarding executive-legislative relations, the checks and balances provided in the constitution, the electoral system, and the number and name of the major party alternatives remained largely unchanged throughout the 1990s. Despite disagreements about various details of the institutional framework, every relevant political camp retained a basic loyalty to the rules of the game as defined in the process of democratic transition. This comprehensive elite consensus was manufactured at a price, though, which introduced a large dose of unpredictability into the new political system. -
Hungary Covering the Period of January to December 2020
ANNUAL REVIEW OF THE HUMAN RIGHTS SITUATION OF LESBIAN, GAY, BISEXUAL, TRANS, AND INTERSEX PEOPLE IN HUNGARY COVERING THE PERIOD OF JANUARY TO DECEMBER 2020 Hungary ACCESS TO GOODS AND SERVICES EDUCATION In December, the Equal Treatment Authority (ETA) found that On 15 December, parliament amended the Fundamental Law a hotel discriminated when refusing to host an event of a local to further entrench the anti-trans framework by establishing NGO that organised Pécs Pride. children’s “right” to identify with their birth sex, to be ‘protected’ from interventions to change it, and to be educated according to Christian values. ASYLUM On 16 July, the European Court of Human Rights ruled in the Gergely Gulyás, Minister of the Prime Minister said educators Rana v. Hungary case that an Iranian trans refugee had the who use ‘Wonderland is for Everyone’ (see Bias-motivated right to legal gender recognition. The government paid the speech and violence) may face criminal charges. Two local compensation, but the man’s documents have still not been governments banned the book in kindergartens, and a third one changed. banned LGBTQ propaganda in all institutions. BIAS-MOTIVATED SPEECH AND VIOLENCE EMPLOYMENT In August, PM Viktor Orbán called on neighbouring governments Háttér Society prepared a detailed practical guide to help to stand up for Christian values, warning against Western employers navigate difficulties arising from the ban of legal efforts to “experiment with a godless cosmos, rainbow families, gender recognition in an employment context. migration and open societies”. A coalition of NGOs issued a guide for employers on the COVID-19 Several local governments raised the rainbow flag during the pandemic’s impact on vulnerable employees, including LGBTQI Pride Festival, some of which were forcibly removed or burned by people. -
The Political Context of Eu Accession in Hungary
European Programme November 2002 THE POLITICAL CONTEXT OF EU ACCESSION IN HUNGARY Agnes Batory Introduction For the second time since the adoption of the Maastricht Treaty – seen by many as a watershed in the history of European integration – the European Union (EU) is set to expand. Unlike in 1995, when the group joining the Union consisted of wealthy, established liberal democracies, ten of the current applicants are post-communist countries which recently completed, or are still in various stages of completing, democratic transitions and large-scale economic reconstruction. It is envisaged that the candidates furthest ahead will become members in time for their citizens to participate in the next elections to the European Parliament due in June 2004. The challenge the absorption of the central and east European countries represents for the Union has triggered a need for internal institutional reform and new thinking among the policy-makers of the existing member states. However, despite the imminence of the ‘changeover’ to a considerably larger and more heterogeneous Union, the domestic profiles of the accession countries have remained relatively little known from the west European perspective. In particular, the implications of enlargement in terms of the attitudes and preferences of the new (or soon to be) players are still, to a great extent, unclear. How will they view their rights and obligations as EU members? How committed will they be to the implementation of the acquis communautaire? In what way will they fill formal rules with practical content? BRIEFING PAPER 2 THE POLITICAL CONTEXT OF EU ACCESSION IN HUNGARY Naturally, the answers to these questions can only government under the premiership of Miklós Németh be tentative at this stage. -
Codebook Indiveu – Party Preferences
Codebook InDivEU – party preferences European University Institute, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies December 2020 Introduction The “InDivEU – party preferences” dataset provides data on the positions of more than 400 parties from 28 countries1 on questions of (differentiated) European integration. The dataset comprises a selection of party positions taken from two existing datasets: (1) The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File contains party positions for three rounds of European Parliament elections (2009, 2014, and 2019). Party positions were determined in an iterative process of party self-placement and expert judgement. For more information: https://cadmus.eui.eu/handle/1814/65944 (2) The Chapel Hill Expert Survey The Chapel Hill Expert Survey contains party positions for the national elections most closely corresponding the European Parliament elections of 2009, 2014, 2019. Party positions were determined by expert judgement. For more information: https://www.chesdata.eu/ Three additional party positions, related to DI-specific questions, are included in the dataset. These positions were determined by experts involved in the 2019 edition of euandi after the elections took place. The inclusion of party positions in the “InDivEU – party preferences” is limited to the following issues: - General questions about the EU - Questions about EU policy - Questions about differentiated integration - Questions about party ideology 1 This includes all 27 member states of the European Union in 2020, plus the United Kingdom. How to Cite When using the ‘InDivEU – Party Preferences’ dataset, please cite all of the following three articles: 1. Reiljan, Andres, Frederico Ferreira da Silva, Lorenzo Cicchi, Diego Garzia, Alexander H. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
Explaining Irredentism: the Case of Hungary and Its Transborder Minorities in Romania and Slovakia
Explaining irredentism: the case of Hungary and its transborder minorities in Romania and Slovakia by Julianna Christa Elisabeth Fuzesi A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of PhD in Government London School of Economics and Political Science University of London 2006 1 UMI Number: U615886 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615886 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 DECLARATION I hereby declare that the work presented in this thesis is entirely my own. Signature Date ....... 2 UNIVERSITY OF LONDON Abstract of Thesis Author (full names) ..Julianna Christa Elisabeth Fiizesi...................................................................... Title of thesis ..Explaining irredentism: the case of Hungary and its transborder minorities in Romania and Slovakia............................................................................................................................. ....................................................................................... Degree..PhD in Government............... This thesis seeks to explain irredentism by identifying the set of variables that determine its occurrence. To do so it provides the necessary definition and comparative analytical framework, both lacking so far, and thus establishes irredentism as a field of study in its own right. The thesis develops a multi-variate explanatory model that is generalisable yet succinct. -
Coalition Formation and the Regime Divide in Central Europe
Program on Central & Eastern Europe Working Paper Series #52, j\Tovember 1999 Coalition Formation and the Regime Divide in Central Europe Anna Grzymala-Busse· Weatherhead Center for International Affairs Harvard University Cambridge, lvlA 02138 Abstract The study examines the formation of coalitions in East Central Europe after the democratic transi tions of 1989. Existing explanations of coalition formations, which focus on either office-seeking and minimum wmning considerations, or on policy-seeking and spatial ideological convergence. However, they fail to account for the coalition patterns in the new democracies of East Central Europe. Instead, these parties' flrst goal is to develop clear and consistent reputations. To that end, they will form coalitions exclusively within the two camps of the regime divide: that is, amongst par ties stemming from the former communist parties, and those with roots in the former opposition to the communist regimes. The two corollaries are that defectors are punished at unusually high rates, and the communist party successors seek, rather than are sought for, coalitions. This model explains 85% of the coalitions that formed in the region after 1989. The study then examines the communist successor parties, and how their efforts illustrate these dynamics . • I would like to thank Grzegorz Ekiert, Gary King, Kenneth Shepsle, Michael Tomz, and the participants ofthe Faculty Workshop at Yale University for their helpful comments. 2 I. Introduction The patterns of coalition fonnation in East Central Europe are as diverse as they are puzzling. Since the ability to fonn stable governing coalitions is a basic precondition of effective democratic governance in multi-party parliamentary systems, several explanations have emerged of how political parties fonn such coalitions. -
On Great Hungary and the Importance of Minor Geopolitical Traditions
On Great Hungary and the importance of minor geopolitical traditions Marco Antonsich Department of Geography Loughborough University Loughborough, Leicestershire LE11 3TU United Kingdom EMAIL: [email protected] Kinga Szalkai Corvinus University of Budapest Doctoral School of International Relations 8 F ővám tér Budapest, 1093 Hungary EMAIL: [email protected] It’s a Monday morning of a hot summer day in Budapest. A well-dressed, old lady climbs the stairs of the Trolley Bus 75, in the centre of Pest. She sits besides another woman, also well-dressed, in her early forties. A polite conversation starts about the hot weather and the catastrophes that it causes. When the younger lady observes that Hungary, in general, has very favourable climate conditions, her interlocutor abruptly replies: “Yes, this is why so many nations envy us!” 1 “Why, is it because we recovered from so many tragedies and catastrophes?” “No, I mean Hungary has always been attacked because our forefather Árpád had a perfect choice with this country. This is why Hungary fought through so many centuries, and this is why many people died and Hungary got divided. This beautiful huge country, just imagine how beautiful it was! [and then] Trianon came” “Mmmmm, mmmm” “And this country is a total disaster since then! They took away what they could […]” More than ninety years have passed since the Treaty of Trianon (1920), which left Hungary with less than a third of its original territory and about 3.3 million ethnic Hungarians living in the neighbouring countries of then Romania, Czechoslovakia, and the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. -
Reducing Inequalities in the Eu Through Investment in Children's Early Years
TOWARDS A CHILD UNION! REDUCING INEQUALITIES IN THE EU THROUGH INVESTMENT IN CHILDREN’S EARLY YEARS by Christian MORABITO Michel VANDENBROECK Preface by László ANDOR Report Published in June 2020 by THE FOUNDATION FOR EUROPEAN PROGRESSIVE STUDIES (FEPS) The Foundation for European Progressive Studies (FEPS) is the think tank of the social democratic political family at EU level. Its mission is to develop innovative research, policy advice, training and debates to inspire and inform progressive politics and policies across Europe. FEPS operates as a hub for thinking to facilitate the emergence of progressive answers to the challenges that Europe faces today. Today FEPS benefits from a solid network of 68 member organisations. Among these, 43 are full members, 20 have observer status and 5 are ex-ofcio members. In addition to this network of organisations that are active in the promotion of progressive values, FEPS also has an extensive network of partners, including renowned universities, scholars, policymakers and activists. Rue Montoyer 40, B-1000 Brussels, Belgium +32 2 234 69 00 [email protected] www.feps-europe.eu @FEPS_Europe FUNDACION PABLO IGLESIAS Founded in 1977, and heir to the created in 1926, this institution works to expand the fields of political action of the progressives in Spain, looking for answers to the new political challenges. Additionally, the foundation preserves the historical archive of PSOE, the second oldest party in European social democracy. www.fpabloiglesias.es PROGRESIVA Društvo Progresiva is an association for development of advanced thought in Slovenia. It has the ambition to develop into a central platform for people that are linked to the idea of Social Democracy in Slovenia and in the near future to become a progressive "think tank". -
International Events.Qxd
Contents 5 7 14 Bilateral ....................................................................................................................................................... 3 Culture ......................................................................................................................................................... 11 Feature ......................................................................................................................................................... 21 Travel ........................................................................................................................................................... 22 Health ........................................................................................................................................................... 26 Hindi Section ............................................................................................................................................... 27 Children’s Corner ....................................................................................................................................... 28 AMRIT Vol. 5 Issue 2, October - November 2017 Bi-monthly Journal of the Embassy of India, Hungary Editor in Chief: Rahul Chhabra Editor: TPS Rawat Support team: András Havas, Anna Simon, Anita Adamecz, Eszter Berki, Jasna Omerovic, Klaudia Kovács, S.K. Khanna, Amrit is a bi-monthly journal N. Venkataraman, Vijay Khanduja published by the Embassy of India, Budapest. It is available online on the Contributors: -
The Open Society and Its Enemies: an Attack Against CEU, Academic Freedom and the Rule of Law Petra Bárd
No 2017/14, April 2017 The Open Society and Its Enemies: An attack against CEU, academic freedom and the rule of law Petra Bárd Abstract On 4 April 2017, the Hungarian Parliament adopted amendments to the country’s Act CCIV of 2011 on National Higher Education, in an attempt to force the Central European University (CEU) out of the country. The attack on CEU, based in Budapest and accredited by the Middle States Commission on Higher Education, fits into a broader picture of violated academic freedoms and an even broader one of a state in constitutional capture, in which fundamental rights in general are in jeopardy. This paper explores the controversial law, explains its biased nature targeting CEU only, provides possible reasons why the government wishes to shut down Hungary’s most prestigious university, describes how political support for the crusade against CEU was generated by the government, draws lessons to be learned and suggests desirable European responses. The paper argues that the EU’s approach of ‘keeping problem children in the family’ has proved to be dysfunctional in recent years. The argument that EU action to sanction a member state – e.g. by triggering Article 7 TEU – might have the opposite effect or be exploited by those wishing to arouse anti-EU sentiments is not convincing either. Brussels has already been blamed for a plethora of ills, and stepping out of the EU will be on Hungary’s agenda in any event once the country ceases to be a net beneficiary. The government is already paving the way for this move by fostering pro-secession sentiments.