US-Ukraine Relations in the Post-Soviet Era
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Euromaidan Newsletter # 6 CIVIC SECTOR of EUROMAIDAN
CIVIC SECTOR OF EUROMAIDAN GRASSROOTS MOVEMENT EuroMaidan Newsletter # 6 Rise up, Ukraine! Protestors seize state administration buildings all over Ukraine January 25 and 26, 2014 . People all over Ukraine began http://goo.gl/hSnIGA taking over the Oblast (Region) Local State Businessmen of Crimea formed the initiative “For January January 2014 Administration buildings. In Western regions the State Crimea without Dictatorship” and announced their 8 2 Administrations have recognized the authority of the support for Maidan. Read more (in Russian) at - People’s Council created at Maidan in Kyiv. http://goo.gl/3o65u2 Protestors were blocked in their attempts to seize the January 26. Multiple journalists were injured in government buildings in Dnipropetrovsk, Zaporizhzhya, Zaporizhya on Jan. 26 as police cleaned out the square Chernihiv, and Kherson oblasts, while the Sumy and where about 10,000 protesters were trying to seize the #6. 24 Cherkasy districts were occupied for only a short time. oblast government's state administration building. Read In the East – in Zaporizhia, Dnipropetrovsk, Odesa, more details at http://goo.gl/LsaQSO Kharkiv - mass demonstrations are still being held near In Dnipropetrovsk the attempt to seize the state local administrations. See the map for details. Massive administration building was thwarted by police and hired repressions, tortures and arrests have been reported in thugs (“titushki”). In clashes with titushki people were these cities. Watch videos from the seizure of the state beaten, and journalists shot with traumatic weapons. administrations in Rivne, Khmelnytskyi, and Sumy at Watch video at http://goo.gl/E9q6MW Map of NEWSLETTER Ukraine showing: regions where oblast state administration s have been seized by citizens; mass rallies; and attempts at administration building seizure. -
Fascism, Russia, and Ukraine by Timothy Snyder | the New York Review of Books Page 1 of 8
Fascism, Russia, and Ukraine by Timothy Snyder | The New York Review of Books Page 1 of 8 Font Size: A A A March 20, 2014 Issue Fascism, Russia, and Ukraine Timothy Snyder This article will appear in the coming March 20, 2014 issue of The New York Review. Valery Sharifulin/ITAR-TASS/Corbis The opposition leader Vitali Klitschko attending a protest rally in Maidan square, Kiev, December 16, 2013 The students were the first to protest against the regime of President Viktor Yanukovych on the Maidan, the central square in Kiev, last November. These were the Ukrainians with the most to lose, the young people who unreflectively thought of themselves as Europeans and who wished for themselves a life, and a Ukrainian homeland, that were European. Many of them were politically on the left, some of them radically so. After years of negotiation and months of promises, their government, under President Yanukovych, had at the last moment failed to sign a major trade agreement with the European Union. When the riot police came and beat the students in late November, a new group, the Afghan veterans, came to the Maidan. These men of middle age, former soldiers and officers of the Red Army, many of them bearing the scars of battlefield wounds, came to protect “their children,” as they put it. They didn’t mean their own sons and http://www.nybooks.com/articles/archives/2014/mar/20/fascism-russia-and-ukraine/?... 20/02/2014 Fascism, Russia, and Ukraine by Timothy Snyder | The New York Review of Books Page 2 of 8 daughters: they meant the best of the youth, the pride and future of the country. -
Ukrainian Civil Society from the Orange Revolution to Euromaidan: Striving for a New Social Contract
In: IFSH (ed.), OSCE Yearbook 2014, Baden-Baden 2015, pp. 219-235. Iryna Solonenko Ukrainian Civil Society from the Orange Revolution to Euromaidan: Striving for a New Social Contract This is the Maidan generation: too young to be burdened by the experi- ence of the Soviet Union, old enough to remember the failure of the Orange Revolution, they don’t want their children to be standing again on the Maidan 15 years from now. Sylvie Kauffmann, The New York Times, April 20141 Introduction Ukrainian civil society became a topic of major interest with the start of the Euromaidan protests in November 2013. It has acquired an additional dimen- sion since then, as civil society has pushed for reforms following the ap- pointment of the new government in February 2014, while also providing as- sistance to the army and voluntary battalions fighting in the east of the coun- try and to civilian victims of the war. In the face of the weakness of the Ukrainian state, which is still suffering from a lack of political will, poor governance, corruption, military weakness, and dysfunctional law enforce- ment – many of those being in part Viktor Yanukovych’s legacies – civil so- ciety and voluntary activism have become a driver of reform and an import- ant mobilization factor in the face of external aggression. This contribution examines the transformation of Ukrainian civil society during the period between the 2004 Orange Revolution and the present day. Why this period? The Orange Revolution and the Euromaidan protests are landmarks in Ukraine’s post-independence state-building and democratiza- tion process, and analysis of the transformation of Ukrainian civil society during this period offers interesting findings.2 Following a brief portrait of Ukrainian civil society and its evolution, the contribution examines the rela- tionships between civil society and three other actors: the state, the broader society, and external actors involved in supporting and developing civil soci- ety in Ukraine. -
Humanitarian Response in Ukraine Enhancing Enhancing Coordination in Coordination in Humanitarian Humanitarian Settings Settings
DIASPORA ORGANIZATIONS AND THEIR HUMANITARIAN RESPONSE IN UKRAINE ENHANCING ENHANCING COORDINATION IN COORDINATION IN HUMANITARIAN HUMANITARIAN SETTINGS SETTINGS ACKNOW- LEDGEMENTS The DEMAC and Owl RE research team would like to thank the members of diaspora communities in Ukraine and across the world, as well as the represen- tatives of donors, UN agencies, NGOs, government officials, and other actors who dedicated their time providing information and sharing their valuable knowledge and experiences. This study is made possible by the generous support of the American people through the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). The contents are the responsibility of Danish Refugee Council on behalf of DEMAC and do not necessarily reflect the views of USAID or the United States Government. Published June 2021 2 3 ENHANCING ENHANCING COORDINATION IN COORDINATION IN HUMANITARIAN HUMANITARIAN SETTINGS SETTINGS ABOUT DEMAC WHY The mission of DEMAC is two-fold: DIASPORA? 1) to enable inclusive coordination and collaboration among diaspora organizations providing humanitarian assistance, and across diaspora organizations and institutional humanitarian actors Work with diasporas has shown that diaspora organizations are multi-sectoral, fast responding actors who work transnationally, including in countries facing humanitarian crises. Having a 2) to facilitate higher levels of engagement and visibility for diaspora organizations connection and understanding of their country of origin or heritage plays a vital role in humanitari- in the humanitarian system an assistance where diaspora organizations often are part of the first response in the aftermath of a disaster. The objective is to contribute to transforming the humanitarian ecosystem by laying the groundwork for a deeper understanding of diasporas as humanitarian actor groups with They are also key actors when it comes to raising the alarm in times of crisis. -
Ukraine's Political Crisis and U.S. Policy Issues
Order Code RL32691 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Ukraine’s Political Crisis and U.S. Policy Issues Updated February 1, 2005 Steven Woehrel Specialist in European Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Ukraine’s Political Crisis and U.S. Policy Issues Summary In 2004, many observers believed that Ukraine was at a key period in its transition that could shape its geopolitical orientation for years to come, in part due to presidential elections held on October 31, November 21, and December 26, 2004. In their view, Ukraine could move closer to integration in Euro-Atlantic institutions, real democracy and the rule of law, and a genuine free market economy, or it could move toward a Russian sphere of influence with “managed democracy” and an oligarchic economy. For the past decade, Ukraine’s political scene had been dominated by President Leonid Kuchma and the oligarchic “clans” (regionally based groups of powerful politicians and businessmen) that have supported him. The oligarchs chose Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych as their candidate to succeed Kuchma as President. The chief opposition candidate, former Prime Minister Viktor Yushchenko, was a pro-reform, pro-Western figure seen by many observers as a man of high personal integrity. International observers criticized the election campaign and the first and second rounds of the election as not free and fair, citing such factors as government-run media bias in favor of Yanukovych, abuse of absentee ballots, barring of opposition representatives from electoral commissions, and inaccurate voter lists. Nevertheless, Yushchenko topped the first round of the vote on October 31 by a razor-thin margin over Yanukovych. -
Threats to Russian Democracy and US-Russian Relations
After Chechnya: Threats to Russian Democracy and U.S.-Russian Relations ARIEL COHEN Introduction : All Politics Is Local , Al¡ Foreign Policy Is Domestic Half a year alter Russian tanks rolled into Chechnya, the future of Russian democracy and free markets is under threat. The internal situation in Russia bears a direct influence on Russia's relations with the outside world and the United States. While the world's leaders gather in Moscow to celebrate the victory over Nazism, Russian Foreign Minister Andrei Kozyrev is calling for the use of force to "protect" Russian co-ethnics living outside the borders of the Russian Federation. Kozyrev's declarations go beyond mere rhetoric. Russia is introducing its new 58th field army in the Northern Caucasus, in clear and conscious violation of the Conventional Forces Europe (CFE) Treaty, a centerpiece of post-Cold War European security. If Russia is not planning an agressive action either against Ukraine or its Transcaucasus neighbors, why does it need to revise upwards the CFE limitations of 164 tanks and 414 artillery systems? Why was General Alexander Lebed, a self-proclaimed restorer of the old Soviet Union and Commander of the l4th Army in Moldova, applauding Kozyrev? Chechnya became the testing ground for the new Russian policy, both foreign and domestic. The people who engineered it, the so-called Party of War in Moscow, are watching for reactions at honre and abroad to this version of the "last thrust South." The West is facing its greatest challenge since the collapse of communism: how to deal with the Russia that is emerging from under the rubble. -
Ukraine at the Crossroad in Post-Communist Europe: Policymaking and the Role of Foreign Actors Ryan Barrett [email protected]
University of Missouri, St. Louis IRL @ UMSL Dissertations UMSL Graduate Works 1-20-2018 Ukraine at the Crossroad in Post-Communist Europe: Policymaking and the Role of Foreign Actors Ryan Barrett [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://irl.umsl.edu/dissertation Part of the Comparative Politics Commons, and the International Relations Commons Recommended Citation Barrett, Ryan, "Ukraine at the Crossroad in Post-Communist Europe: Policymaking and the Role of Foreign Actors" (2018). Dissertations. 725. https://irl.umsl.edu/dissertation/725 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the UMSL Graduate Works at IRL @ UMSL. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations by an authorized administrator of IRL @ UMSL. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Ukraine at the Crossroad in Post-Communist Europe: Policymaking and the Role of Foreign Actors Ryan Barrett M.A. Political Science, The University of Missouri - Saint Louis, 2015 M.A. International Relations, Webster University, 2010 B.A. International Studies, 2006 A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate School at the The University of Missouri - Saint Louis in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Doctor Philosophy in Political Science May 2018 Advisory Committee: Joyce Mushaben, Ph.D. Jeanne Wilson, PhD. Kenny Thomas, Ph.D. David Kimball, Ph.D. Contents Introduction 1 Chapter I. Policy Formulation 30 Chapter II. Reform Initiatives 84 Chapter III. Economic Policy 122 Chapter IV. Energy Policy 169 Chapter V. Security and Defense Policy 199 Conclusion 237 Appendix 246 Bibliography 248 To the Pat Tillman Foundation for graciously sponsoring this important research Introduction: Ukraine at a Crossroads Ukraine, like many European countries, has experienced a complex history and occupies a unique geographic position that places it in a peculiar situation be- tween its liberal future and communist past; it also finds itself tugged in two opposing directions by the gravitational forces of Russia and the West. -
Presidential Election in Ukraine Implications for the Ukrainian Transition Presidential Election in Ukraine Implications for the Ukrainian Transition
Helmut Kurth/Iris Kempe (Ed.) PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION IN UKRAINE IMPLICATIONS FOR THE UKRAINIAN TRANSITION PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION IN UKRAINE IMPLICATIONS FOR THE UKRAINIAN TRANSITION KIEV – 2004 The following texts are preliminary versions. Necessary corrections and updates will be undertaken once the results of the election process are final. These preliminary versions are not for quotation or citation, and may only be used with the express written consent of the authors. CONTENTS Preface ................................................................................. 5 Timm Beichelt/Rostyslav Pavlenko Presidential Election and Constitutional Reforms in Ukraine ............................................................................ 7 Olaf Hillenbrand Consensus-Building and Good Governance – a Framework for Democratic Transition ........................... 44 Oleksandr Dergachov Formation of Democratic Consensus and Good Governance ....................................................... 71 Oleksandr Sushko/Oles Lisnychuk The 2004 Presidential Campaign as a Sign of Political Evolution in Ukraine....................................... 87 Iris Kempe/Iryna Solonenko International Orientation and Foreign Support of the Presidential Elections ............................................ 107 5 Preface Long before Kiev’s Independence Square became a sea of orange, it was clear to close observers that the presidential election in 2004 would not only be extremely close and hard fought, but also decisive for the country’s future development. Discussions -
Trial Memorandum of President Trump (Without Appendix)
IN PROCEEDINGS BEFORE THE UNITED STATES SENATE TRIAL MEMORANDUM OF PRESIDENT DONALD J. TRUMP Jay Alan Sekulow Pat A. Cipollone Stuart Roth Counsel to the President Andrew Ekonomou Patrick F. Philbin Jordan Sekulow Michael M. Purpura Mark Goldfeder Devin A. DeBacker Benjamin Sisney Trent J. Benishek Eric J. Hamilton Counsel to President Donald J. Trump Office of White House Counsel January 20, 2020 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ............................................................................................................ 1 STANDARDS............................................................................................................................... 13 A. The Senate Must Decide All Questions of Law and Fact. .................................... 13 B. An Impeachable Offense Requires a Violation of Established Law that Inflicts Sufficiently Egregious Harm on the Government that It Threatens to Subvert the Constitution. .................................................................. 13 1. Text and Drafting History of the Impeachment Clause ............................ 14 2. The President’s Unique Role in Our Constitutional Structure .................. 17 3. Practice Under the Impeachment Clause .................................................. 18 C. The Senate Cannot Convict Unless It Finds that the House Managers Have Proved an Impeachable Offense Beyond a Reasonable Doubt. .................. 20 D. The Senate May Not Consider Allegations Not Charged in the Articles of Impeachment. .................................................................................................. -
Interstitio East European Review of Historical and Cultural Anthropology INTERSTITIO East European Review of Historical and Cultural Anthropology
December 2012 Volume IV Number 1-2 (7-8) Interstitio East European Review of Historical and Cultural Anthropology INTERSTITIO East European Review of Historical and Cultural Anthropology December 2012 Volume IV Number 1-2 (7-8) Contents/ Spis Treści/ Sumar: FROM THE EDITORS Virgiliu Bîrlădeanu (Chişinău, Republic of Moldova) Tomasz Pawelec (Katowice, Poland) ...................................................................................5 Studies/ Studia/ Studii RECUPERAREA MEMORIEI COLECTIVE ÎN REPUBLICA MOLDOVA: PROBLEME ŞI PERSPECTIVE Ludmila D. Cojocaru (Chişinău, Republic of Moldova) ..............................................................7 MITOLOGIILE LUI DECEMBRIE 1989. “LOCURI ALE MEMORIEI”: STATUI, CIMITIRE, MĂRTURII Mihaela Grancea (Sibiu, Romania) ....................................................................................19 THE OVERLAPPING REALMS OF MEMORY AND POLITICS IN UKRAINE, 2004-2012 Alexandr Osipian (Kramatorsk, Ukraine) ...........................................................................41 NATIONALIZING THE SOVIET MYTH: MEMORY OF WORLD WAR II IN BELARUS Aliaksei Lastouski (Minsk, Belarus) .....................................................................................63 “NORMALIZATION” VS/ OR “NORMATIVITY”: MEMORY POLITICS AND IDENTITY ISSUES IN GERMAN AND RUSSIAN DISCOURSES Andrey Makarychev (Berlin, Germany) ..................................................................................77 THE GUILT OF PRIESTHOOD. THE CASE OF A PROTESTANT PRIEST FROM TRANSYLVANIA, REFLECTED IN HIS SECURITATE -
UPDATE: Developments in the Ukraine
22 April 2014 UPDATE: Developments in the Ukraine Practice Group(s): Further to the alerts circulated on 10, 18, and 21 March 2014, below is an update on International developments in the EU and U.S. regarding sanctions. Arbitration European Regulatory/ EU Sanctions UK Regulatory On 14 April 2014, the EU Foreign Affairs Ministers identified four additional individuals as International Trade responsible for misappropriation of Ukrainian state funds and added them to the list, Global Government subject to restrictive measures in view of the situation in Ukraine. The individuals, Solutions together with the reasons for their inclusion in the list of persons subject to the restrictive measures as described in the EU legislation, are as follows: 1. Serhiy Arbuzov (d.o.b 24.03.1976, former Prime Minister of Ukraine) Person subject to investigation in Ukraine for involvement in crimes in connection with the embezzlement of Ukrainian State funds and their illegal transfer outside Ukraine. 2. Yuriy Ivanyushchenko (d.o.b 21.02.1959, Party of Regions MP.) Person subject to investigation in Ukraine for involvement in crimes in connection with the embezzlement of Ukrainian State funds and their illegal transfer outside Ukraine. 3. Oleksandr Klymenko (d.o.b 16.11.1980, former Minister of Revenues and Charges.) Person subject to investigation in Ukraine for involvement in crimes in connection with the embezzlement of Ukrainian State funds and their illegal transfer outside Ukraine. 4. Edward Stavytskyi (d.o.b 4.10.1972, former Minister of Fuel and Energy of Ukraine.) Person subject to investigation in Ukraine for involvement in crimes in connection with the embezzlement of Ukrainian State funds and their illegal transfer outside Ukraine. -
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MUDDLING ALONG: THE FIRST DECADE OF INDEPENDENT UKRAINE Taras Kuzio he aim of this article is twofold. First, to or where it is heading. Indeed, President Leonid outline a general framework for the study of Kuchma hoped that a Ukrainian scholarly conference post-Soviet Ukraine that draws on my study of in Summer 2001 would provide him with these Tdevelopments in different areas over the last decade. answers, seven years after first being elected. Ukraine became an independent state in January The national aspects of Ukraine’s path 1992 with historical baggage from empire and dependency have played the decisive role in totalitarianism. Of the 27 post-communist countries determining two further outcomes? Ukraine’s those with the lightest burdens of legacy from inherited legacy within the national domain produced empire and totalitarianism have produced a more a country lying midway between denationalized successful transition.1 Belarus and the highly nationally conscious three This baggage has shaped a path dependency in a Baltic states. This has influenced such questions as country divided into roughly three equal camps: active support for current borders, the weakness of national democrats (often mistakenly referred to as separatism, a close correlation between national “nationalists”) who form the basis of civil society, a identity and civil society and an amorphous passive center that draws upon those with an “pragmatic center,” which acts as a buffer between amorphous identity and former national communists national democrats and communists. Ukraine’s path turned oligarchs, and Ukraine’s largest political party, dependency has helped to facilitate a delegative as well as an unreformed Communist Party of Ukraine democracy where Russophones and Sovietophiles, (KPU).