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" Friends Abroad: Transnational Cooperation and Women's Organizations in Early Twentieth Century Chile." Julie M

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Seton Hall University eRepository @ Seton Hall Theses Spring 5-2011 " Friends Abroad: Transnational Cooperation and Women's Organizations in Early Twentieth Century Chile." Julie M. Porterfield Seton Hall University Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.shu.edu/theses Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Porterfield, Julie M., "" Friends Abroad: Transnational Cooperation and Women's Organizations in Early Twentieth Century Chile."" (2011). Theses. 2. https://scholarship.shu.edu/theses/2 "Friends Abroad: Transnational Cooperation and Women's Organizations in Early Twentieth Century Chile" By: Julie M. Porterfield Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in History at Seton Hall University May 2011 Advisors: Kirsten Schultz, Ph.D Vanessa May, Ph.D Committee Members: Derqot Quinn, Ph.D Table of Contents Introduction ...............................................................................................1 La Liga de Damas Chilenas. Catholic Feminism. & Social Preservation. 1912-1917.............................................................................................................................. 7 El Movimiento Pro-Emancipacion de Las Mujeres de Chile. Progressive Feminism. and Social Change. 1935.1941 ..............................................................................26 Conclusions ................................................................................................43 Bibliography ...........................................................................................-36 Julie M. Porterfield 1 Introduction: In November of 1940, the Second Congress of El 1Movimiento Pro-Emancipation de Las Mujeres de Chile, or the Movement for the Empancipation of Chilean Women, included an obligatory course entitled "Global Women's Movements," in which the "political consequences of the feminine vote in the diverse countries in which it has been established" was taught by one of the organization's co-founders, Marta ~er~ara.'The appearance of this course was indicative of the international approach taken, by women's movements in Chile over the previous forty years. The first half of the twentieth century was a time of social change and frequent shifts in political power in Chile. As a result, Chilean women's movements during this time varied along with the changes in population and political climate that took place over the first fifty years of the twentieth century. However, one thing remained the same. The Chilean women who organized themselves, whether it be for social preservation or social change, looked beyond the domestic sphere of Chile for support and education regarding their causes. Chilean women's movements recognized that there was an international element to the causes they supported, and they sought to harness the support of other women worldwide to further their platforms. International relationships allowed Chilean women's groups to transcend national, social and political structures. Chile is sometimes characterized as a frontrunner in the enfranchisement of women in Latin America. Chilean women of means were some of the first women in Latin America to be admitted to institutions of higher education or sent abroad for higher edu~ation.~However, political enfranchisement for Chilean women came much later than educational opportunities. Julie M. Porterfield Until, 1934 the women of Chile were excluded from participating in any elections. In that year, 1934, women were given the right to vote in municipal elections.' Finally, in 1949, Chilean women were granted full ~uffrage.~Advanced educational opportunities were not as meaningful when even highly educated women were prohibited from taking part in the country's political, intellectual culture. So, educated women found their own ways to contribute to Chile's political discourse. The result was the formation of various women's clubs and organizations that solicited membership based on shared social and political beliefs. For instance, Dofia Amalia Errazuriz de Subercaseaux, the founder of La Liga de Damas Chilenas, and the co-founders of El Movimiento Pro-Emancipation de Las Mzljeres de Chile, Marta Vergara, Graciela Mandujano, Aida Parada, and Elena Caffarena, created their organizations after completing their education at home and abroad and perceiving a certain niche for women in Chile's political discourse. Throughout the first half of the twentieth century, Chilean women's organizations advocated government policies that best suited their interests, and lobbied the government to maintain those policies, all the while never casting a vote until 1934. Women's organizations in Chile were the path to political influence for the country's women. This thesis will use the window of political participation opened by Chilean women's groups to demonstrate a common awareness among Chilean women of a transnational dimension in women's political causes. I will illustrate this trend through an historical analysis of La Liga de Dumas Chilenas and El Movimiento Pro-Emancipation de Lus Mujeres de Chile and their respective publications. Ln Lign de Danzns Chilenus was established in 1912 as a women's organization for the Catholic, elite women of Chile. The primary objective of its agenda was the preservation of the traditional gender roles of Chilean society. The second group that I will Julie M. Porterfield analyze, El Movimiento Pro-Emancipation de Las Mujeres de Chile, or MEMCh, was founded in 1935. The group advocated equal rights for Chilean women and condemned the rise of fascism abroad, and therefore, allied themselves with left-wing political coalitions. In the context of this thesis, La Liga represents a women's organization that operated in the 1910s and 1920s and identified with the political right, and MEMCh represents a group that functioned in the 1930s and 1940s and supported leftist political parties and candidates. By using organizations from different time-periods and with different political allegiances to exemplify the general tendency of Chilean women's groups to seek international support, it is possible to focus on the groups' commonalities, rather than their differences. In other words, the Liga and MECh are good indicators of an overarching phenomenon of international communication between women's groups in the first half of the twentieth century because their goals and dates of existence were different. The historiography of Chilean women's movements is polarized by the political affiliations of the groups in question in a given history. Historians have asked questions regarding the historical reason why Chilean women chose to support one side of the political spectrum or the other. In "More than Mere Pawns: Right-wing Women in Chile" and subsequent book Right-wing Women in Chile: Feminine Power and the Struggle against Allende, 1964- 1973, Margaret Power explores the reasons why some women in Chile supported the dictatorship of Pinochet. Though this seems, at least in part, anachronistic, Power aims to understand their choice by historicizing what seems like an endorsement of political violence to contemporary readers. Her analysis is based on political difference, and other authors have followed suit. Ericka Verba also pits the left against the right. In her book, Catholic Feminism and the Social Julie M. Porterfield 4 Question in Chile 1910-191 7, she analyzes the ways that La Liga de Damas Chilenas differentiated their brand of "Catholic feminism" from the progressive, or liberal, feminism of other women's groups.5 These dichotomous analyses are important to understanding the motivations of a particular women's group, but do not speak to trends in Chilean women's movements as a whole. What do these groups have in common? In "Chilean Feminists, the International Women's Movement, and Suffrage, 1915-1950," Corrine A. Pernet begins to fill the historiographical gap by pointing to a tendency among Chilean women's groups to have an international outlook. However, she organizes her analysis into two eras that are defined by the prevalence of women's organizations in Chile that supported either conservative or liberal politics. She defines an early era in the 1910s and 1920s in which women's groups were primarily supporters of conservative policies and political candidates and a later period during the 1930s and 1940s in which they advocated more liberal agendas. Thus, her argument is still framed by partisanship. It is also the tendency of the historiography of Chilean women's movements to portray a linear history of the existence of women's groups in Chile. Pernet's analysis describes a chronological shift from conservative groups to liberal ones, and therefore, implies that the women's organizations of her early period were in some way precursors to the groups that existed in her second era. Due to the historical and political context of Pernet's two eras, an organization that existed in one era may have been more or less likely to maintain a certain political orientation, but women's groups on both sides of the political spectrum existed at all times. Chilean women's groups in the 1930s and 1940s were not simply more liberal versions of women's organizations in the 19 10s and 1920s. Instead, women's organizations in Chile on both Julie M. Porterfield sides of the political spectrum developed side-by-side with their own ideological principles as a blueprint. In the case of La Liga and MEMCh, the two groups' origins and goals were entirely different,
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