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Japan's National Security in 2013 CHAPTER 11 CHAPTER 11 Japan’s National Security in 2013 Yusuke Ishihara Introduction The year 2013 was full of news about Japan’s national security. One of the primary reasons is that the current coalition Government formed by the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and the new Komeito party, which inaugurated in December 2012, engaged in a remarkable number of new policy initiatives, some of which visit the long-standing principles of Japan’s national security. Surely the limited volume of this paper is far from sufficient to discuss each and every one of the major policies. By necessity, this paper chooses to be selective by focusing its analytical light upon the following three key policy moves that have already had or may potentially have a real impact upon Japan’s defense policy in the short and long run. The first section of the paper analyzes how two security issues in Northeast Asia, one with North Korea and China as well as Japan’s defense policy efforts on these two fronts, are discussed in Japan’s latest capstone defense policy document or the National Defense Program Guidelines (the 2013 NDPG) released in December 2013. Japan is increasingly aware of North Korea becoming an existing clear and present danger while it maintains a more nuanced perception about rising China. With regard to the latter, the 2013 NDPG updates the existing two key concepts of the gray-zone as well as the dynamic defense in dealing with the China challenges against the backdrop of which Japan is now engaged in restructuring of the Self-Defense Force (SDF), as well as refurbishing the institutional infrastructure of the alliance defense cooperation. The second section deals with the two key items in the current Government’s long term efforts to strengthen the foundation of Japan’s national security. One of them is a reform of the national security organization and some long-standing principles such as the Constitutional interpretation and three principles on arms export. The other set of the efforts is the widely known “Abenomics,” which is a long term attempt to restore the strength of Japanese economic dynamism. Even though Abenomics is first and foremost an economic policy, it cannot be dismissed that it has important 124 Security Outlook of the Asia Pacific Countries and Its Implications for the Defense Sector political and strategic implications. In light of these long term policies, it is clear that the security challenges that the current Government is working on exist not just externally, but also within Japan itself. Lastly, the third section looks at Japan’s efforts to both expand the horizon of global diplomatic outreach as well as deepen more traditional ties with the countries in the Asia-Pacific region. The Government’s continuing priority upon enhancing relations with the Asia Pacific countries also directs the ways in which the defense diplomacy is conducted and prioritized. 1. Dynamic Joint Defense Force The Liberal Democratic Party (LDP)-Komeito coalition Government released the new National Defense Program Guidelines (the 2013 NDPG) on the 17th December 2013.1 This is the fifth version of the NDPG, a capstone document which articulates Japan’s strategic outlook and the long term direction of its Defense policy, as well as the roles, structure, and activities of the Self Defense Force. Quickly after coming back in power, the LDP-Komeito Government made a cabinet decision to freeze the previous version of NDPG, or the 2010 NDPG crafted under the former Government led by Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ). Comparison of these two documents helps highlight the key features of the 2013 NDPG. (1) Continuing Developments of North Korea’s Missile and Nuclear Capabilities Although the observers’ attention often focuses almost exclusively on how Japan is responding to China’s growing assertiveness in East China Sea and the wider Western Pacific, the only country that is categorized as an existing threat in Japan’s defense documents is North Korea. In fact, while the previous NDPG described the North Korea’s missile and nuclear challenges only as grave concerns, the new 2013 NDPG characterizes North Korea, for the first time in the history of NDPGs, as a grave and present “threat” to the security of Japan itself. The 2013 NDPG points out that the increasing sophistication and range of North Korea’s ballistic missile capability has now entered “a new stage,” while noting that North Korea possibly has achieved the miniaturization of its nuclear capability. 1 The summary in English of the 2013 NDPG is available at http://www.kantei.go.jp/foreign/96_abe/documents/ 2013/__icsFiles/afieldfile/2013/12/17/NDPG(Summary).pdf Japan’s National Security in 2013 125 Such growing threat perceptions about North Korea are the reflection of recent developments. On the 12th of December 2012, North Korea conducted what it called a “satellite launch,” another de facto ballistic missile launch test demonstrating the significant development of North Korea’s missile technologies.2 Apparently the test was “successfully” conducted as all the three components fell into the planned maritime zones with the first propulsion component dropping into the Yellow Sea, the second into the water to the west of Cheju Island (South Korea), and the third into the water to the east of Luzon Island (the Philippines), and some kind of object which has been actually brought into the orbit around the earth (unlike the claim by North Korea that this object does not dispatch any communication signal, hence does not appear to be functioning as a working satellite.) The Japanese Ministry of Defense assesses that if the technologies proven in this testing are applied to the ballistic missile development, the range of such capabilities may go beyond 10,000 km (on the assumption that the weight of the warhead is less than a ton) which can, if operable, reach San Francisco and Los Angeles. Also the same technological improvements can be used to further sophisticate the existing missiles of a shorter range missile such as the Nodong missiles, whose range covers a large part of Japanese territory. And with the third nuclear test conducted in February 2013, the Ministry of Defense goes as far as to claim now that it cannot be denied that there exists the possibility of North Korea successfully miniaturizing its nuclear explosion devices and turning them into warheads. In light of the growing nuclear and missile threats from the Peninsula, the 2013 NDPG incorporates the decision of expanding the missile defense capable Aegis destroyer fleet from the current planned target of six to eight, while reaffirming the essentiality of the U.S. extended deterrence of which its nuclear deterrence is central. (2) Towards a Dynamic Joint Defense Force One of the central tenets of the 2010 NDPG was its focus on the risks arising from the so-called “gray-zone area,” a key concept to describe the challenges facing Japan in relations, particularly with a rising China.3 The concept reflected Japan’s judgment that, while China was not immediately intending to conduct arms attacks to change 2 MOD’s understanding of the so-called satellite launch in December 2012 is available at http://www.mod.go.jp/ j/approach/defense/bmd/20130125.html 3 The Government of Japan, National Defense Program Guidelines for the period beyond FY2011, Ministry of Defense, http://www.mofa.go.jp/policy/security/pdfs/h23_ndpg_en.pdf (accessed on 18 January 2014) 126 Security Outlook of the Asia Pacific Countries and Its Implications for the Defense Sector the international status quo in its favor, it was rather pursuing what is described in various terms such as salami-slicing tactics or an “opportunistic creeping expansion” strategy which uses coercive means short of arms attacks for the purpose of establishing a new fait accompli, and probing the threshold of opponents’ responses. Such gray-zone challenges had already been seen at the time of the 2010 NDPG as Chinese maritime enforcement ships were not just increasing their activities in the nearby waters around Japan, but also intruding into Japanese contiguous and territorial waters in 2008 while their aircraft and naval vessels were both increasing their activities as well as expanding the areas of operations. In light of these emerging gray-zone challenges, the 2010 NDPG envisioned the Dynamic Defense Force with an aim to increase the Self Defense Force (SDF)’s activities, particularly the ISR operations in the area around the Southwest Island chains so that there was no window of opportunity for China’s attempt to gradually erode the status quo. Also with the undeniable risks of escalation in mind, the Dynamic Defense Force concept intended to develop a defense force which could respond in swift, seamless, and sustainable manners in accordance to escalatory developments of the situation. It is in this context that the 2010 NDPG also highlighted the importance of the island defense as an increasingly important mission for the Self Defense Force. Against this backdrop, the 2010 NDPG incorporated various policy initiatives including a new installation of a Ground Self Defense Force’s base where previously there was no SDF presence in the island chain, relocating one additional air squadron to the Okinawa area, and expanding the submarine force from 16 to 22 in number. Straight to the conclusion, the newly released 2013 NDPG is not a fundamental departure from the 2010 NDPG. Rather it is important to note that the current NDPG builds on the conceptual as well as programmatic groundwork done by its predecessor document by introducing the following two elements. The first of them was updates of the gray-zone concept reflecting upon the recent development of Chinese maritime and air activities.
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