Bertram David Wolfe Papers
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Mason Williams
City of Ambition: Franklin Roosevelt, Fiorello La Guardia, and the Making of New Deal New York Mason Williams Submitted in partial fulfillment of the Requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2012 © 2012 Mason Williams All Rights Reserved Abstract City of Ambition: Franklin Roosevelt, Fiorello La Guardia, and the Making of New Deal New York Mason Williams This dissertation offers a new account of New York City’s politics and government in the 1930s and 1940s. Focusing on the development of the functions and capacities of the municipal state, it examines three sets of interrelated political changes: the triumph of “municipal reform” over the institutions and practices of the Tammany Hall political machine and its outer-borough counterparts; the incorporation of hundreds of thousands of new voters into the electorate and into urban political life more broadly; and the development of an ambitious and capacious public sector—what Joshua Freeman has recently described as a “social democratic polity.” It places these developments within the context of the national New Deal, showing how national officials, responding to the limitations of the American central state, utilized the planning and operational capacities of local governments to meet their own imperatives; and how national initiatives fed back into subnational politics, redrawing the bounds of what was possible in local government as well as altering the strength and orientation of local political organizations. The dissertation thus seeks not only to provide a more robust account of this crucial passage in the political history of America’s largest city, but also to shed new light on the history of the national New Deal—in particular, its relation to the urban social reform movements of the Progressive Era, the long-term effects of short-lived programs such as work relief and price control, and the roles of federalism and localism in New Deal statecraft. -
The Russian Revolutions: the Impact and Limitations of Western Influence
Dickinson College Dickinson Scholar Faculty and Staff Publications By Year Faculty and Staff Publications 2003 The Russian Revolutions: The Impact and Limitations of Western Influence Karl D. Qualls Dickinson College Follow this and additional works at: https://scholar.dickinson.edu/faculty_publications Part of the European History Commons Recommended Citation Qualls, Karl D., "The Russian Revolutions: The Impact and Limitations of Western Influence" (2003). Dickinson College Faculty Publications. Paper 8. https://scholar.dickinson.edu/faculty_publications/8 This article is brought to you for free and open access by Dickinson Scholar. It has been accepted for inclusion by an authorized administrator. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Karl D. Qualls The Russian Revolutions: The Impact and Limitations of Western Influence After the collapse of the Soviet Union, historians have again turned their attention to the birth of the first Communist state in hopes of understanding the place of the Soviet period in the longer sweep of Russian history. Was the USSR an aberration from or a consequence of Russian culture? Did the Soviet Union represent a retreat from westernizing trends in Russian history, or was the Bolshevik revolution a product of westernization? These are vexing questions that generate a great deal of debate. Some have argued that in the late nineteenth century Russia was developing a middle class, representative institutions, and an industrial economy that, while although not as advanced as those in Western Europe, were indications of potential movement in the direction of more open government, rule of law, free market capitalism. Only the Bolsheviks, influenced by an ideology imported, paradoxically, from the West, interrupted this path of Russian political and economic westernization. -
Revolution in Real Time: the Russian Provisional Government, 1917
ODUMUNC 2020 Crisis Brief Revolution in Real Time: The Russian Provisional Government, 1917 ODU Model United Nations Society Introduction seventy-four years later. The legacy of the Russian Revolution continues to be keenly felt The Russian Revolution began on 8 March 1917 to this day. with a series of public protests in Petrograd, then the Winter Capital of Russia. These protests But could it have gone differently? Historians lasted for eight days and eventually resulted in emphasize the contingency of events. Although the collapse of the Russian monarchy, the rule of history often seems inventible afterwards, it Tsar Nicholas II. The number of killed and always was anything but certain. Changes in injured in clashes with the police and policy choices, in the outcome of events, government troops in the initial uprising in different players and different accidents, lead to Petrograd is estimated around 1,300 people. surprising outcomes. Something like the Russian Revolution was extremely likely in 1917—the The collapse of the Romanov dynasty ushered a Romanov Dynasty was unable to cope with the tumultuous and violent series of events, enormous stresses facing the country—but the culminating in the Bolshevik Party’s seizure of revolution itself could have ended very control in November 1917 and creation of the differently. Soviet Union. The revolution saw some of the most dramatic and dangerous political events the Major questions surround the Provisional world has ever known. It would affect much Government that struggled to manage the chaos more than Russia and the ethnic republics Russia after the Tsar’s abdication. -
Leon Trotsky Three Concepts of the Russian Revolution 1
Leon Trotsky Three Concepts of the Russian Revolution 1 The Revolution of 1905 came to be not only the “general rehearsal” of 1917 but also the laboratory in which all the fundamental groupings of Russian political life were worked out and all the tendencies and shadings inside Russian Marxism were projected. At the core of the arguments and divergences was, needless to say, the question concerning the historical nature of the Russian Revolution and its future course of development. That conflict of concepts and prognoses has no direct bearing on the biography of Stalin, who did not participate in it in his own right. The few propagandist articles he wrote on that subject are utterly devoid of theoretical interest. Scores of Bolsheviks who plied the pen popularised the same thoughts, and did it considerably better. Any critical exposition of Bolshevism’s revolutionary concepts naturally belongs in a biography of Lenin. But theories have their own fate. Although during the period of the First Revolution [1905] and subsequently, as late as 1923, at the time when the revolutionary doctrines were elaborated and applied, Stalin had no independent position whatever, a sudden change occurred in 1924, which opened an epoch of bureaucratic reaction and radical transvaluation of the past. The film of the revolution was unwound in reverse order. Old doctrines were subjected either to a new evaluation or a new interpretation. Thus, rather unexpectedly at first glance, attention was focused on the concept of “permanent revolution” as the prime source of all the fallacies of “Trotskyism”. For many years to come criticism of that concept formed the main content of all the theoretical – sit venio verbo – writings of Stalin and his collaborators. -
Frida Kahlo I Diego Rivera. Polski Kontekst
Polski kontekst I Polish context SPIS TREŚCI TABLE OF CONTENTS 9—11 7 Jacek Jaśkowiak 135—148 Helga Prignitz-Poda Prezydent Miasta Poznania I President of the City of Poznań Diego Rivera – prace I Diego Rivera – works Gdyby Frida była wśród nas… I If Frida were among us… 187—187 Helga Prignitz-Poda 19—19 Alejandro Negrín Nickolas Muray Ambasador Meksyku w Polsce I Ambassador of Mexico to Poland Frida Kahlo i Diego Rivera w Polsce: uniwersalizm kultury meksykańskiej 195—195 Ariel Zúñiga Frida Kahlo and Diego Rivera in Poland: the Universal Nature of Mexican Art O Bernice Kolko… I On Bernice Kolko… x1— 13 Anna Hryniewiecka 211—211 Dina Comisarenco Mirkin Dyrektor Centrum Kultury ZAMEK w Poznaniu I Director of ZAMEK Culture Centre in Poznań Grafiki Fanny Rabel (artystki w wieku pomiędzy sześćsetnym Frida. Czas kobiet I Frida. Time of Women i dwutysięcznym rokiem życia) I Graphic works by Fanny Rabel (artist between 600 and 2000 years of age) 17—17 Helga Prignitz-Poda Frida Kahlo i Diego Rivera. Polski kontekst. Sztuka meksykańska w wymianie kulturowej 135—224 Diego Rivera Frida Kahlo and Diego Rivera. Polish context. Mexican Art in Cultural Exchange O Fanny Rabel I About Fanny Rabel 17— 52 Elena Poniatowska 135—225 Frida Kahlo o Fanny Rabel, sierpień 1945 Frida Kahlo Frida Kahlo about Fanny Rabel, August 1945 0 53—53 Diego Rivera 227—227 Helga Prignitz-Poda Frida Kahlo i sztuka Meksyku I Frida Kahlo and Mexican Art Kolekcja prac z Wystawy sztuki meksykańskiej z 1955 roku w zbiorach Muzeum Narodowego w Warszawie I Works from the 1955 Exhibition -
Conspiracy of Peace: the Cold War, the International Peace Movement, and the Soviet Peace Campaign, 1946-1956
The London School of Economics and Political Science Conspiracy of Peace: The Cold War, the International Peace Movement, and the Soviet Peace Campaign, 1946-1956 Vladimir Dobrenko A thesis submitted to the Department of International History of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, October 2015 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 90,957 words. Statement of conjoint work I can confirm that my thesis was copy edited for conventions of language, spelling and grammar by John Clifton of www.proofreading247.co.uk/ I have followed the Chicago Manual of Style, 16th edition, for referencing. 2 Abstract This thesis deals with the Soviet Union’s Peace Campaign during the first decade of the Cold War as it sought to establish the Iron Curtain. The thesis focuses on the primary institutions engaged in the Peace Campaign: the World Peace Council and the Soviet Peace Committee. -
International Women's Day 2018
Libros Latinos P.O. Box 1103 Redlands CA 92373 Tel: 800-645-4276 Fax: 909-335-9945 [email protected] www.libroslatinos.com Terms: All prices are net to all, and orders prepaid. Books returnable within ten days of receipt if not as described. Please order by book ID number. International Women's Day 2018 1. 10 RECOMENDACIONES PARA EL USO NO SEXISTA DEL LENGUAJE. 2a ed. México: Consejo Nacional para Prevenir la Discriminación, (CONAPRED)/Instituto Nacional de las Mujeres, (INMUJERES)/Secretaría del Trabajo y Previsión Social, (STPS), (Textos del Caracol, No. 1), 2009. Second edition. ISBN: 9786077514206. 32p., illus., glossary, bibl., wrps, tall. Paperback. New. (139619) $10.00 Ten recommendations for using non-sexist language. Includes the following sections: "Lenguaje y sexismo" and "Normatividad sobre el uso no sexista del lenguaje". Printed on glossy coated stock 2. Abréu, Dió-genes. A PESAR DEL NAUFRAGIO. VIOLENCIA DOMÉSTICA Y EL EJERCICIO DEL PODER. TESTIMONIOS DOMINICANOS DESDE NEW YORK. Santo Domingo: The Author, 2005. First edition. ISBN: 99934 33 99 3. 382p., photos, glossary, bibl., wrps. Paperback. Very Good. (99666) $45.00 Cases in domestic violence among Dominicans resident in New York based on personal testimony 3. Acevedo, Carlos. CUADERNOS DE PERFÍL BIOGRÁFICO DE MARGARITA MEARS: PRIMERA OBSTETRA QUE EJERCIÓ EN REPÚBLICA DOMINICANA ESTABLECIÓ EN PUERTO PLATA LA PRIMERA CLÍNICA DE MATERNIDAD QUE SE CONOCIÓ EN EL PAÍS Vino a reglarnos su abnegado espiritu de filantropia. Santo Domingo: Cuadernos de la Historia de Puerto Plata, 2014. First edition. 31p., photos, illus., bibl., wrps. Paperback. Fine. (177315) $10.00 A brief biography on Margarita Mears, the first woman in the Dominican Republic to become an obstetricion and founder of the first maternity clinic in the nation. -
Mainstreaming Radical Politics in Sri Lanka: the Case of JVP Post-1977
Mainstreaming Radical Politics in Sri Lanka: The case of JVP post-1977 Nirmal Ranjith Dewasiri Abstract This article provides a critical understanding of dynamics behind the roles of the People’s Liberation Front (JVP) in post-1977 Sri Lankan politics. Having suffered a severe setback in the early 1970s, the JVP transformed itself into a significant force in electoral politics that eventually brought the United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA) to power. This article explains the transformation by examining the radical political setting and mapping out the actors and various movements which allowed the JVP to emerge as a dominant player within the hegemonic political mainstream in Sri Lanka. Furthermore, it also highlights the structural changes in JVP politics and its challenges for future consolidation. Introduction The 1977 general election marked a major turning point in the history of post-colonial Sri Lanka. While the landslide victory of the United National Party (UNP) was the most important highlight of the election results, the shocking defeat for the old leftist parties was equally important. Both the victory of the UNP and the defeat of the left were symbolic. The left’s electoral defeat was soon followed by the introduction of new macro-economic policy framework under the UNP’s rule, which replaced protective economic policy framework that was endorsed by the Left.1 Ironically enough, as if to dig its own grave, the same UNP government helped People’s Liberation Front (JVP), which became a formidable threat to the smooth implementation of the new economic policies, to re-enter into the political mainstream by way of freeing its leadership from the prison. -
The Shaping of Bulgarian and Serbian National Identities, 1800S-1900S
The Shaping of Bulgarian and Serbian National Identities, 1800s-1900s February 2003 Katrin Bozeva-Abazi Department of History McGill University, Montreal A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy 1 Contents 1. Abstract/Resume 3 2. Note on Transliteration and Spelling of Names 6 3. Acknowledgments 7 4. Introduction 8 How "popular" nationalism was created 5. Chapter One 33 Peasants and intellectuals, 1830-1914 6. Chapter Two 78 The invention of the modern Balkan state: Serbia and Bulgaria, 1830-1914 7. Chapter Three 126 The Church and national indoctrination 8. Chapter Four 171 The national army 8. Chapter Five 219 Education and national indoctrination 9. Conclusions 264 10. Bibliography 273 Abstract The nation-state is now the dominant form of sovereign statehood, however, a century and a half ago the political map of Europe comprised only a handful of sovereign states, very few of them nations in the modern sense. Balkan historiography often tends to minimize the complexity of nation-building, either by referring to the national community as to a monolithic and homogenous unit, or simply by neglecting different social groups whose consciousness varied depending on region, gender and generation. Further, Bulgarian and Serbian historiography pay far more attention to the problem of "how" and "why" certain events have happened than to the emergence of national consciousness of the Balkan peoples as a complex and durable process of mental evolution. This dissertation on the concept of nationality in which most Bulgarians and Serbs were educated and socialized examines how the modern idea of nationhood was disseminated among the ordinary people and it presents the complicated process of national indoctrination carried out by various state institutions. -
Religious Liberty Self-Evident Truth 8 Tough Love 14 Wall That 20 Not In
Religious Liberty Self-evident Truth 8 Tough Love 14 That Wall 20 Not in My Neighborhood 24 A Magazine of Religious Freedom Vol. 94, No. 5 ptember/October 1999 4-eimndAide)0/1) B y CELESTE PERRINO WALKER Death came with a frigid dawn and the thump of mortar fire The over the sleepy town of Prekez, Serbia. Marie Kodra, 38, fled tragedy of Kosovo with her five children as Serbs fired into the houses. Avoiding the streets that underscores were crawling with police, Mrs. Kodra led the children into the hills. Seeing a the imperative police patrol and hoping for assistance, she ran up to them waving a white of respect for scarf. 4 "I shouted, 'I am a woman with children!" she said. "I heard the offi- other faiths cer yell: 'Shoot! Kill them!' I pushed my children to the ground and an explosion and peoples. went off near where we were lying." The family moved through the night until they reached an empty basement, where they hid until dawn. Mrs. Kodra said many families in houses they passed had been too frightened to let them in, fear- ing police retaliation. "It was not until I got out of the area where there was fight- ing that I learned that my husband was dead," she said, soon afterward collapsing into the arms of friends.' + And so the stories go, chasing each other with the rapidity of the machine-gun fire that punctuates the tragic recountings. In the Celeste perrino Walker, a much-published freelance journalist and book author, writes from Rutland, Vermont. -
Background Guide, and to Issac and Stasya for Being Great Friends During Our Weird Chicago Summer
Russian Duma 1917 (DUMA) MUNUC 33 ONLINE 1 Russian Duma 1917 (DUMA) | MUNUC 33 Online TABLE OF CONTENTS ______________________________________________________ CHAIR LETTERS………………………….….………………………….……..….3 ROOM MECHANICS…………………………………………………………… 6 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM………………………….……………..…………......9 HISTORY OF THE PROBLEM………………………………………………………….16 ROSTER……………………………………………………….………………………..23 BIBLIOGRAPHY………………………………………………………..…………….. 46 2 Russian Duma 1917 (DUMA) | MUNUC 33 Online CHAIR LETTERS ____________________________________________________ My Fellow Russians, We stand today on the edge of a great crisis. Our nation has never been more divided, more war- stricken, more fearful of the future. Yet, the promise and the greatness of Russia remains undaunted. The Russian Provisional Government can and will overcome these challenges and lead our Motherland into the dawn of a new day. Out of character. To introduce myself, I’m a fourth-year Economics and History double major, currently writing a BA thesis on World War II rationing in the United States. I compete on UChicago’s travel team and I additionally am a CD for our college conference. Besides that, I am the VP of the Delta Kappa Epsilon fraternity, previously a member of an all-men a cappella group and a proud procrastinator. This letter, for example, is about a month late. We decided to run this committee for a multitude of reasons, but I personally think that Russian in 1917 represents such a critical point in history. In an unlikely way, the most autocratic regime on Earth became replaced with a socialist state. The story of this dramatic shift in government and ideology represents, to me, one of the most interesting parts of history: that sometimes facts can be stranger than fiction. -
The AFL-CIO Approaches the Vietnam War, 1947-64
LaborHistory, Vol. 42, No. 3, 2001 “NoMore Pressing Task than Organization in Southeast Asia”: TheAFL– CIO Approaches the VietnamWar, 1947– 64 EDMUNDF. WEHRLE* The Vietnam War standsas the most controversial episodein theAFL– CIO’ s four decadesof existence.The federation’s supportfor thewar dividedits membership and drovea wedgebetween organized labor andits liberal allies. By theearly 1970s, the AFL–CIO wasa weakenedand divided force, ill-prepared for adecadeof economic decline.Few, however, recognize thecomplex rootsof the federation’ s Vietnam policy. American organized labor, in fact,was involved deeplyin Vietnam well beforethe American interventionin 1965. In SoutheastAsia, it pursuedits ownseparate agenda, centeredon support for asubstantial SouthVietnamese trade unionmovement under theleadership ofnationalist Tran QuocBuu. 1 Yet,as proved tobe the case for labor throughout thepost-World War IIperiod,its plans for SouthVietnam remained very muchcontingent on its relationship with the U.S.state. This oftenstrained but necessary partnership circumscribedand ultimately crippled thefederation’ s independentplans for Vietnameselabor. Trade unionistsin SouthVietnam foundthemselves in asimilar, although more fatal, bind,seeking to act independently,yet boundto the Americans anda repressiveSouth Vietnamese state. Scholars today oftenportray post-warAmerican organized labor asa partner (usually acompliant juniorpartner) in an accordor corporate arrangement with other “functionalgroups” including thestate and business. 2 While thereis undeniabletruth