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Anna Marie Smith a SYMPTOMOLOGY of an AUTHORITARIAN DISCOURSE

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Anna Marie Smith a SYMPTOMOLOGY of an AUTHORITARIAN DISCOURSE new formations NUMBER 10 SPRING 1990 Anna Marie Smith A SYMPTOMOLOGY OF AN AUTHORITARIAN DISCOURSE THE PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES ON THE PROHIBITION OF THE PROMOTION OF HOMOSEXUALITY Section 28 of the Local Government Act 1987-8 Prohibition on promoting homosexuality by teaching or publishing material 28—(1) The following subsection shall be inserted after section 2 of the Local Government Act 1986 (prohibition of political publicity) - 2A - (1) A local authority shall not - (a) intentionally promote homosexuality or publish material with the intention of promoting homosexuality; (b) promote the teaching in any maintained school of the acceptability of homosexuality as a pretended family relationship. (2) Nothing in subsection (1) above shall be taken to prohibit the doing of anything for the purpose of treating or preventing the spread of disease. (3) In any proceedings in connection with the application of this section a court shall draw such inferences as to the intention of the local authority as may reasonably be drawn from the evidence before it. (4) In subsection (l)(b) above 'maintained school' means - (a) in England and Wales, a county school, voluntary school, nursery school or special school, within the meaning of the Education Act 1944; and (b) in Scotland, a public school, nursery school or special school, within the meaning of the Education (Scotland) Act 1980. (2) This section shall come into force at the end of the period of two months beginning with the day on which this Act is passed. Section 28 of the Local Government Act 1987-8, which passed into British law on 9 March 1988, first appeared in the context of a private member's Bill introduced in the House of Lords by Lord Halsbury on 12 December 1986. According to the original wording of this first Bill, local authorities were to be prohibited from giving 'financial or other assistance to any person for the 41 purpose of publishing or promoting homosexuality'. During its Third Reading in the House of Lords, the Bill was amended, such that the teaching of the acceptability of homosexuality as a 'pretended family relationship' would also be prohibited. In the Commons, it passed through Second Reading and received unanimous support at the Committee stage. Like most private members' Bills, however, this first Bill failed to progress beyond the Committee stage; its significance was more symbolic than juridical. The Bill was none the less effective in preparing the way for the anti-gay elements in the subsequent 1987 Conservative Party election campaign. One official party poster featured four books with the titles Young, Gay and Proud, Police Out of School, Black Lesbian in White America, and Playbook For Children About Sex. The main text of the poster stated 'Labour's idea of a good education for your children'. : The play of racial and sexual images in this poster was by no means incidental; as Stuart Hall notes, the construction of the equivalence, Labour = 'excessive' local government = high rates = 'loony Left' = permissiveness = radical blackness, gayness, feminism = erosion of the entire social order, was central to the 1987 campaign.2 In the new session of the House, a local government Bill was introduced which aimed to force local authorities to award works contracts only through competitive tendering and to dismantle all their contract compliance schemes relating to the employment of minorities. The 'free market' was to replace interventions by local bodies. As the forty-fourth piece of legislation on local government introduced since 1979, the Local Government Bill 1987-8 on one level simply constituted yet another attack on the autonomy of the local authorities, one more attempt to reduce them to de-politicized service delivery points. At the Committee stage, however, a version of Lord Halsbury's Bill to prohibit local authorities from promoting homosexuality was added as a new clause. The motion to make the clause stand as part of the Bill passed at that sitting without a vote, although the Opposition could have insisted on a division. Clause 28 received disproportionate consideration throughout the subse­ quent debates in the House and the Lords. In the Lords, amendments to the Clause were passed, most notably the amendment which prohibited the 'intentional' promotion of homosexuality. These amendments were accepted by the House and the entire Bill received Royal Assent on 9 March 1988. Section 28 came into effect two months later. From its introduction to the final division, discussion of this particular clause accounted for approximately 26 per cent of the debates on the entire Bill.3 Clause 28 was therefore a late addition to an anti-local government, anti­ union, anti-black, and anti-feminist Bill. The unique location of this legislation on homosexuality in a local government Act is not accidental. Local authorities had to a limited extent become a counterweight to central government in the late 1970s and early 1980s. In some cases, such as that of the Greater London Council (GLC), local governments became the sites of new leftist coalitions, in which the demands of feminists, black activists, and lesbians and gays were granted an unprecedented degree of legitimacy. However, instead of recognizing the democratic character of these modest advances in the 42 NEW FORMATIONS representation of popular demands at the local level, the Thatcher government responded with the abolition of the GLC, the redefinition of progressive policy changes as the will of un-British pressure groups, and the demonization of elected local councillors as the tyrannical 'loony Left'. The abolition of the GLC was fully in line with the centralist project of Thatcherite 'parliamentarism',4 which aims to reduce the political terrain to two spheres, the enterprising individual and her family on the one hand, and central government on the other. No interruption in the simple relation between these two spheres is tolerated. What must be underlined, however, is that the organization of consent for centralization, through the equation of local government autonomy with the illegitimate subversion of the social order, was not a natural phenomenon. It was achieved through complex discursive initiatives, one of which was the strategic invention of a crisis around the promotion of homosexuality. The Clause 28 discourse on homosexuality was not an irrational product of prejudice, that is to say, a 'homophobia', but was instead a coherent deployment of highly charged images, a strategic 'anti-gayness'. THE EVIDENCE GAME What were these discursive initiatives which created the appearance of a crisis around the promotion of homosexuality? In what follows, I shall examine the discourse of the supporters5 of Clause 28, with specific emphasis on the parliamentary debates. I shall attempt to show that this discourse can be usefully considered as a complex ensemble of strategies. The most salient strategy in this discourse is organized around truth claims and the provision of 'evidence' to substantiate these claims. The supporters were able to set into motion a self-reinforcing circulation of their truth claims, such that each claim became situated in what could be called an 'evidence game'. The problem with this evidence game is that it is extremely seductive; when truth-claiming is located on a site in which uncertainties and anxieties have become concentrated, we can become seduced by the game's play of truths and counter-truths. Although we may think that we are resisting the original truth- claiming by providing counter-evidence, we may actually be reinforcing the game itself. For example, the arguments of the supporters of the clause were based first and foremost on the proposition that a campaign to 'promote homosexuality' by local authorities did exist and that its subversive effects were devastating. Several speakers, such as Dame Jill Knight, specialized in the provision of 'evidence' in a complex circulation of mythical figures. A wide variety of texts was cited, ranging from GLC policy statements, to children's sex education materials produced wholly independently of local authorities, to a political manifesto written by a non-governmental gay and lesbian group. These disparate texts were listed as if they were equivalent, as if they were but the few of the many, and were invariably misattributed, misquoted, discussed out of context, and quoted selectively. At one point, Knight quotes a passage from a sex education text, which she incorrectly claims to have been 'promulgated SYMPTOMOLOGY OF AN AUTHORITARIAN DISCOURSE 43 by a local council'; she then directly proceeds to situate her 'evidence' by quoting passages from a radical critique of the family by the Gay Liberation Front written in 1971.6 The argument is presented as if it were self- explanatory; any effort to place homosexuality on an equal plane with heterosexuality is seen to constitute a subversive 'promotion', because behind even the most apparently harmless tolerance of homosexuality lies a deep conspiracy to undermine the entire social order of the nation. 'Promotion' can be 'proven' in this context merely by referring to discourses in which homosexuality is included as a legitimate element; the citation of exact cases of the actual and explicit promotion of homosexual acts to minors is unnecessary. Early speakers in the debates make several fallacious charges. It is claimed that lesbian and gay books were displayed in two Lambeth play centres, that the book Young, Gay and Proud was recommended for children by the Inner London Authority and stocked by a Haringey library, and that the text Jenny Lives with Eric and Martin was stocked at an ILEA teacher centre and its publisher grant-aided by the GLC. These fallacies then become self- perpetuating: later speakers cite the same 'evidence' as if its legitimacy and significance were already well known. In the final debates, simply citing the names of five local authorities, Camden, Haringey, Lambeth, Brent, and Ealing, is deemed sufficient to evoke the figure of the 'promoter' of homosexuality.
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