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Runmed March 2001 Bulletin
No. 325 MARCH Bulletin 2001 RUNNYMEDE’S QUARTERLY Challenge and Change Since the release of our Commission’s report, The Future of Multi-Ethnic Britain, Runnymede has been living in interesting times. Substantial and ongoing media coverage – from the enlivening to the repellent – has fueled the debate.Though the press has focused on some issues at the expense of others, numerous events organised to broaden the discussion continue to explore the Report’s substantial content, and international interest has been awakened. At such a moment, it is a great external organisations wishing to on cultural diversity in the honour for me to be taking over the arrange events. workplace, Moving on up? Racial Michelynn Directorship of Runnymede.The 3. A National Conference to Equality and the Corporate Agenda, a Laflèche, Director of the challenges for the next three years mark the first anniversary of the Study of FTSE-100 Companies,in Runnymede Trust are a stimulus for me and our Report’s launch is being arranged for collaboration with Schneider~Ross. exceptional team, and I am facing the final quarter of 2001, in which This publication continues to be in them with enthusiasm and optimism. we will review the responses to the high demand and follow-up work to Runnymede’s work programme Report over its first year. A new that programme is now in already reflects the key issues and element will be introduced at this development for launching in 2001. recommendations raised in the stage – how to move the debate Another key programme for Future of Multi-Ethnic Britain Report, beyond the United Kingdom to the Runnymede is our coverage of for which a full dissemination level of the European Union. -
Cancel Culture: Posthuman Hauntologies in Digital Rhetoric and the Latent Values of Virtual Community Networks
CANCEL CULTURE: POSTHUMAN HAUNTOLOGIES IN DIGITAL RHETORIC AND THE LATENT VALUES OF VIRTUAL COMMUNITY NETWORKS By Austin Michael Hooks Heather Palmer Rik Hunter Associate Professor of English Associate Professor of English (Chair) (Committee Member) Matthew Guy Associate Professor of English (Committee Member) CANCEL CULTURE: POSTHUMAN HAUNTOLOGIES IN DIGITAL RHETORIC AND THE LATENT VALUES OF VIRTUAL COMMUNITY NETWORKS By Austin Michael Hooks A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of the University of Tennessee at Chattanooga in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements of the Degree of Master of English The University of Tennessee at Chattanooga Chattanooga, Tennessee August 2020 ii Copyright © 2020 By Austin Michael Hooks All Rights Reserved iii ABSTRACT This study explores how modern epideictic practices enact latent community values by analyzing modern call-out culture, a form of public shaming that aims to hold individuals responsible for perceived politically incorrect behavior via social media, and cancel culture, a boycott of such behavior and a variant of call-out culture. As a result, this thesis is mainly concerned with the capacity of words, iterated within the archive of social media, to haunt us— both culturally and informatically. Through hauntology, this study hopes to understand a modern discourse community that is bound by an epideictic framework that specializes in the deconstruction of the individual’s ethos via the constant demonization and incitement of past, current, and possible social media expressions. The primary goal of this study is to understand how these practices function within a capitalistic framework and mirror the performativity of capital by reducing affective human interactions to that of a transaction. -
Broadcast Bulletin Issue Number 59
* Ofcom broadcast bulletin Issue number 59 2 May 2006 Ofcom broadcast bulletin 59 2 May 2006 Contents Introduction 3 Standards cases In Breach 4 Resolved 8 Not in Breach 13 Fairness and Privacy cases Upheld in Part 16 Other programmes not in breach/outside remit 33 2 Ofcom broadcast bulletin 59 2 May 2006 Introduction Ofcom’s Broadcasting Code took effect on 25 July 2005 (with the exception of Rule 10.17 which came into effect on 1 July 2005). This Code is used to assess the compliance of all programmes broadcast on or after 25 July 2005. The Broadcasting Code can be found at http://www.ofcom.org.uk/tv/ifi/codes/bcode/ The Rules on the Amount and Distribution of Advertising (RADA) apply to advertising issues within Ofcom’s remit from 25 July 2005. The Rules can be found at http://www.ofcom.org.uk/tv/ifi/codes/advertising/#content The Communications Act 2003 allowed for the codes of the legacy regulators to remain in force until such time as Ofcom developed its own Code. While Ofcom has now published its Broadcasting Code, the following legacy Codes apply to content broadcast before 25 July 2005. • Advertising and Sponsorship Code (Radio Authority) • News & Current Affairs Code and Programme Code (Radio Authority) • Code on Standards (Broadcasting Standards Commission) • Code on Fairness and Privacy (Broadcasting Standards Commission) • Programme Code (Independent Television Commission) • Programme Sponsorship Code (Independent Television Commission) • Rules on the Amount and Distribution of Advertising From time to time adjudications relating to advertising content may appear in the bulletin in relation to areas of advertising regulation which remain with Ofcom (including the application of statutory sanctions by Ofcom). -
'Cancel Culture' Doesn't Stifle Debate, but It Does Challenge the Old Order Billy Bragg
'Cancel culture' doesn't stifle debate, but it does challenge the old order Billy Bragg Speech is only free when everyone has a voice – that’s why young people are angry Outside Broadcasting House in London, the BBC has erected a statue to one of its former employees, George Orwell. The author leans forward, hand on hip, as if to make a telling point. Carved into the wall beside him is a quote from the preface of Animal Farm: “If liberty means anything at all, it means the right to tell people what they do not want to hear.” It’s a snappy slogan that fits neatly into a tweet, but whenever I walk past this effigy of the English writer that I most admire, it makes me cringe. Surely the author of Nineteen Eighty-Four would understand that people don’t want to hear that 2+2=5? For Orwell’s quote is not a defence of liberty; it’s a demand for licence, and has become a foundational slogan for those who wilfully misconstrue one for the other. Over the past decade, the right to make inflammatory statements has become a hot button issue for the reactionary right, who have constructed tropes such as political correctness and virtue signalling to enable them to police the limits of social change while portraying themselves as victims of an organised assault on liberty itself. The latest creation in their war against accountability is “cancel culture”, an ill-defined notion that takes in corporate moves to recognise structural racism, the toppling of statues, social media bullying, public shaming and other diverse attempts to challenge the status quo. -
Revue Française De Civilisation Britannique, XV-4 | 2010 All ‘Kens’ to All Men
Revue Française de Civilisation Britannique French Journal of British Studies XV-4 | 2010 Présentations, re-présentations, représentations All ‘Kens’ to all Men. Ken the Chameleon: reinvention and representation, from the GLC to the GLA À chacun son « Ken ». Ken le caméléon: réinvention et représentation, du Greater London Council à la Greater London Authority Timothy Whitton Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/rfcb/6151 ISSN: 2429-4373 Publisher CRECIB - Centre de recherche et d'études en civilisation britannique Printed version Date of publication: 1 June 2010 ISSN: 0248-9015 Electronic reference Timothy Whitton, “All ‘Kens’ to all Men. Ken the Chameleon: reinvention and representation, from the GLC to the GLA”, Revue Française de Civilisation Britannique [Online], XV-4 | 2010, Online since 01 June 2010, connection on 07 January 2021. URL: http://journals.openedition.org/rfcb/6151 This text was automatically generated on 7 January 2021. Revue française de civilisation britannique est mis à disposition selon les termes de la licence Creative Commons Attribution - Pas d'Utilisation Commerciale - Pas de Modification 4.0 International. All ‘Kens’ to all Men. Ken the Chameleon: reinvention and representation, fro... 1 All ‘Kens’ to all Men. Ken the Chameleon: reinvention and representation, from the GLC to the GLA À chacun son « Ken ». Ken le caméléon: réinvention et représentation, du Greater London Council à la Greater London Authority Timothy Whitton 1 Ken Livingstone’s last two official biographies speak volumes about the sort of politician he comes across as being. John Carvel’s title1 is slightly ambiguous and can be interpreted in a variety of ways: Turn Again Livingstone suggests that the one time leader of the Greater London Council (GLC) and twice elected mayor of London shows great skill in steering himself out of any tight corners he gets trapped in. -
Culture Wars in the UK: How the Public Understand the Debate
Culture wars in the UK: how the public understand the debate Bobby Duffy, Kirstie Hewlett, George Murkin, Rebecca Benson, Rachel Hesketh, Ben Page, Gideon Skinner and Glenn Gottfried May 2021 Culture wars in the UK How media discussion of “culture wars” has exploded There has been an explosion in UK media Number of articles mentioning “culture wars” in UK newspapers, by those referencing the UK or other countries coverage of culture wars in recent years Articles referencing UK Articles not referencing UK US presidential election There has been a huge surge in media coverage mentioning “culture wars” in recent years, with 808 articles published in 600 UK newspapers talking about culture wars anywhere in the world in 2020 – up from 106 in 2015. Even more strikingly, the number of articles focusing on the 500 existence or nature of culture wars in the UK has gone from just 21 in 2015 to 534 in 2020. When the term first appeared in UK newspapers, most articles related to culture wars in the US – and the influence 400 of the US continued to be visible in the 2000s, with spikes in the number of reports mentioning culture wars following the American presidential election cycle. 300 Since the mid-2000s, the idea of UK specific culture wars began to gain some attention. And since 2016, coverage of No. of articles the UK culture wars has taken off – surpassing the number 200 of references to other countries in 2019 and becoming a term that has entered the journalistic vernacular to describe a wide range of cultural divides in the UK. -
The Science Fiction Culture War Of
KREITER, MICHAEL P., Ph.D., May 2021 SOCIOLOGY "THERE WILL BE NO RECONCILIATION": THE SCIENCE FICTION CULTURE WAR OF WHITE SUPREMACIST PUPPIES (170 PP.) Dissertation Advisor: Tiffany Taylor By analyzing the discourse of Sad Puppies and Rabid Puppies, this research shows how an ideology of white supremacy is emerging from the contradictions inherent in colorblind racism. The Sad Puppies are a group of Science Fiction and Fantasy (SFF) fans and writers that formed in online spaces to actively challenge the recent trend in SFF genres of being more inclusive and increasing the diversity of writers and characters. They adhere to the abstract liberalism frame of colorblind racism that asserts that there is no systemic inequality, and that outcomes (like earning literary awards) are the result of individual effort and nothing more. To this end, they see efforts to increase diversity as antithetical to the abstract liberalism frame, as a form of unjust “affirmative action,” which hurts writers like white men precisely because they cannot claim to be “victims.” They employ a variety of discursive strategies to legitimize this political viewpoint, while simultaneously delegitimizing opposing viewpoints that they lump into one all- encompassing group they call “Social Justice Warriors” (SJWs). The success of writers like N. K. Jemisin, the first Black author to win the Hugo Award for Best Novel, can be used by colorblind frames to point to the legitimacy of the ostensibly meritocratic colorblind system. Yet, at the same time, colorblind ideology is simply a justification for the existing racial hierarchy, and Black success is a direct challenge to this hierarchy. -
Canceled: Positionality and Authenticity in Country Music's
Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports 2021 #Canceled: Positionality and Authenticity in Country Music’s Cancel Culture Gabriella Saporito [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd Part of the Ethnomusicology Commons, Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender Studies Commons, Musicology Commons, Other Feminist, Gender, and Sexuality Studies Commons, and the Social Media Commons Recommended Citation Saporito, Gabriella, "#Canceled: Positionality and Authenticity in Country Music’s Cancel Culture" (2021). Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports. 8074. https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd/8074 This Thesis is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by the The Research Repository @ WVU with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Thesis in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you must obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This Thesis has been accepted for inclusion in WVU Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports collection by an authorized administrator of The Research Repository @ WVU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. #Canceled: Positionality and Authenticity in Country Music’s Cancel Culture Gabriella Saporito Thesis submitted to the College of Creative Arts at West Virginia University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Musicology Travis D. Stimeling, Ph.D., Chair Jennifer Walker, Ph.D. Matthew Heap, Ph.D. -
London's Turning the 'London Effect' Threatens to Undermine Labour's Performance at the Next Election
London's Turning The 'London effect' threatens to undermine Labour's performance at the next election. Chris Hamnett argues that it is mainly caused by the vast demographic changes that have taken place in the capital over the last 20 years. Desirable residence: Gentrification changes the political structure of the capital he May 1990 local govern- and Westminster may reflect satisfac- of 1983. In the 1987 general election, for ment elections saw major tion with the lowest poll taxes in Britain example, Labour's vote rose by only gains for Labour across the (£148 and £195 respectively), combined 1.7% in London compared to 3.2% country. There was a national with a fear that Labour control might nationally and Labour lost the inner- Tswing of 11% to Labour compared with lead to an increase. The Tory gains in London constituencies of Fulham and the 1987 general election. But in London Brent and Ealing are partly explicable Battersea following the previous losses the gains were much less - 4% to 5%. in terms of previous Labour policies. of Woolwich, Dulwich, Greenwich and Not only did the Tories strengthen their Labour raised domestic rates by 63% in Bermondsey. control of the flagship boroughs of Ealing in 1987 and staggered from one It has been common to blame the Lon- Westminster and Wandsworth, they political crisis to another in Brent. don 'Loony Left' for this sequence of also wrested control of Ealing from La- But the low swing to Labour in London defeats and there is no doubt that the bour and gained large numbers of seats was not just a feature of the 1990 elec- image of the Left in London has gen- in the inner boroughs of Hammersmith tions. -
1 Rebels As Local Leaders?
Rebels as local leaders? The Mayoralties of Ken Livingstone and Boris Johnson Compared Ben Worthy Mark Bennister The Mayoralty of London offers a powerful electoral platform but weak powers to lead a city regarded as ‘ungovernable’ (Travers 2004). This paper adapts the criteria of Hambleton and Sweeting (2004) to look at the first two Mayors’ mandate and vision, style of leadership and policies. Ken Livingstone and Boris Johnson were both party rebels, mavericks and skilled media operators. However, their differences are key. As mayor, Livingstone had a powerful vision that translated into a set of clear policy aims while Johnson had a weaker more cautious approach shaped by his desire for higher office. Livingstone built coalitions but proved divisive whereas Johnson was remarkably popular. While Livingstone bought experience and skill, Johnson delegated detail to others. Both their mayoralties courted controversy and faced charges of corruption and cronyism. Both mayors used publicity to make up for weak powers. They also found themselves pushed by their powers towards transport and planning while struggling with deeper issues such as housing. In policy terms Livingstone pushed ahead with the radical congestion charge and a series of symbolic policies. Johnson was far more modest, championing cycling and revelling in the 2012 Olympics while avoiding difficult decisions. The two mayors used their office to negotiate but also challenge central government. Livingstone’s Mayoralty was a platform for personalised change-Johnson’s one for personal ambition. Directly Elected Mayors were introduced to provide local leadership, accountability and vision to UK local government. Beginning under New Labour and continued under the Coalition and Conservatives, directly elected mayors were offered initially by referendum, and later imposed, up and down the country beginning with London 2000 and then in 16 cities and towns including Bristol and Liverpool. -
To All Men. Ken the Chameleon: Reinvention and Representation
”All ”Kens” to all men. Ken the chameleon : reinvention and representation. From the GLC to the GLA Timothy Whitton To cite this version: Timothy Whitton. ”All ”Kens” to all men. Ken the chameleon : reinvention and representation. From the GLC to the GLA. Revue française de civilisation britannique, CRECIB - Centre de recherche et d’études en civilisation britannique, 2010, XV (4. Présentations, re-présentations, représentations), pp. 131-147. hal-01018528 HAL Id: hal-01018528 https://hal.uca.fr/hal-01018528 Submitted on 4 Jul 2014 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. 1 All “Kens” to all men. Ken the chameleon : reinvention and representation. From the GLC to the GLA Timothy WHITTON Université Blaise Pascal, Clermont-Ferrand II Ken Livingstone’s last two official biographies speak volumes about the sort of politician he comes across as being. John Carvel’s title1 is slightly ambiguous and can be interpreted in a variety of ways: Turn Again Livingstone suggests that the one time leader of the Greater London Council (GLC) and twice elected mayor of London shows great skill in steering himself out of any tight corners he gets trapped in. -
Urban/Rural Differences and the Culture War in the United States and Canada
URBAN/RURAL DIFFERENCES AND THE CULTURE WAR IN THE UNITED STATES AND CANADA By AARON A. SEGAERT, B.A., M.A. A Thesis Submitted to the School ofGraduate Studies in Partial Fulfilment ofthe Requirements for the Degree Doctor ofPhilosophy McMaster University © Copyright by Aaron A. Segaert, September 2008 DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (2008) McMaster University (Sociology) Hamilton, Ontario TITLE: Urban/Rural Differences and the Culture War in the United States and Canada AUTHOR: Aaron A. Segaert, B.A. (University of Western Ontario), M.A. (University of Western Ontario). SUPERVISOR: Professor W. Peter Archibald COMMITTEE: Professor John Fox Professor Neil McLaughlin NUMBER OF PAGES: x, 112 ii ABSTRACT Recent national elections in the United States and Canada reveal an urban/rural cleavage in vote choice. This cleavage has been overshadowed by the red state/blue state analysis in the United States and dismissed as an artifact of demographic and regional differences in Canada; however, this voting gap appears to have emerged with the increasing salience of "culture war" issues in North American politics. Sociological theory suggests that there may be an affinity between urban and rural place of residence and the progressivist and traditionalist poles ofthe culture war which may explain urban/rural differences in vote choice. In the present study, urban/rural voting differences are assessed using election surveys from the Canadian Federal and United States Presidential Elections of 2004 and using aggregate data from Canadian Federal and United States Presidential Elections since 1920. The results show that the urban/rural gap has grown to its widest point in recent elections in both countries, coinciding with the reorganization of the right wing of Canadian party politics and the domination ofthe Republican Party by social conservatives in the United States.