THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY SPECIAL NUMBER JULY 1959

Social Anthropology And the Study of Historical Societies A M Shah

In this article I will first discuss in brief the relation between Social Anthropology and Ethnology, and how modern social anthropologists regard the latter as a kind of conjectural or pseudo-history. I will then show how the ethnological approach has obstructed the growth of scientific study of Indian his­ tory and sociology. Finally, I will discuss how social anthropology can help the study of local history and thus contribute to a comprehensive understanding of Indian history.

I and law, of family, language and recast and re-presented in the be­ SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY em­ State, and of society itself. A com­ ginning of twentieth century by a erged as a separate discipline in mon theory regarding the origin few writers such as Westermarck the last quarter of the nineteenth and development of family, for in­ and Hobhouse. It also influence- century. Before this period, it stance, was that there was first ed Marx and Engels. The latter formed a part of Ethnology (the promiscuity everywhere, then there wrote 'The Origin of Family, Pri­ study of peoples). The new disci­ was matriliny and matriarchy, vate Property and the State' al­ pline of Social Anthropology was and finally there was patriarchy most entirely on the basis of Mor­ gan, Bachofen, Lubbock and McLen­ conceived of as a branch of Socio­ and monogamy. Religion was nan. The influence of evolutionary logy which studied primitive socie­ believed to have developed from anthropology is also seen in the ties. Sociology was regarded, first­ magic, science from theology, mo­ writings of that eminent archaeo­ ly, as the discipline which studied notheism from animism, property logist, Gordon Childe. modern, civilized societies and from communism, and contract from their problems, and secondly, as status. Diffusion of Cultures theoretical science of human socie­ The evolutionary anthropologists In the middle of the nineteenth ty. This distinction between Socio­ thought they were writing the 'his­ century there developed a school, logy and Social Anthropology is tory' of human society. This is usually called "diffusionist", which however beginning to disappear evident in the titles of their books, considered the aim of anthropology nowadays. such as Adam Ferguson's 'An Essay was to trace the movement and The commercial and colonial ex­ on the History of Civil Society', mixture of peoples and the diffusion pansion of Europe, which began in H S Maine's 'Early History of In­ of cultures. The diffusionists cri­ the sixteenth century, had led to a stitutions', Tylor's 'Researches into ticized the evolutionists, because great increase in the knowledge the Early History of Mankind', and once it was shown that a social about peoples inhabiting the various McLennan's 'Studies In Ancient institution was borrowed from ano­ parts of the world. Prom the History'. The history written by ther society due to some historical seventeenth century onwards, an­ evolutionary anthropologists was, accident, it could hardly be consi­ thropological writers cited primitive however, conjectural history based dered as a stage in an inevitable societies in support of their argu­ on circumstantial evidence, and unilinear evolution. The diffusion- not critical history based on docu­ ments about the theory of human ists were, however, quite often as ments and monuments. Primitive progress of evolution. Various so­ conjectural as the evolutionists in tribes have had no tradition of cieties in the world were first com­ their 'historical' reconstructions. writing, and there was therefore no pared and then arranged on a scale, They often failed to take account means of knowing the nature of showing the emergence of man from of the possibility of independent their past social institutions. On savagery to civilization. Primitive development of culture. Secondly, the other hand, the knowledge Societies in Africa, America, Ocea­ the evidence for their historical about the earliest stages of the nia, etc, were supposed to represent reconstructions usually consisted of history of mankind was confined racial and linguistic affinities and the earliest stages in the evolution almost entirely to the items of ma­ of what were called culture paral­ of human society. The earliest terial culture discovered by the lels. ancestors of the civilized peoples prehistoric archaeologists. Only were supposed to be similar to the because the material culture of pre­ The whole concept of race as newly-discovered savages, historic man was similar to that of based upon skeletal measurements, hair-colour, skin pigmentation, co­ Evolutionary Anthropology primitive tribes, the prehistoric archaeologists conjectured that the lour of eyes, etc is now regarded Thanks to the theory of evolu­ social institutions of the former as of doubtful validity, in view of tion, the discovery of the origin must also have been like those of the great advances made in the and development of social institu­ the latter. Evolutionary anthropo­ science of Genetics. The linguistic tions was the dominant interest in logists often disagreed among them­ and cultural classifications, how­ the researches of the anthropolo­ selves about their historical recon­ ever, if carefully used, may supple­ gists of eighteenth and nineteenth structions, but they ail followed the ment the work of the archaeolo­ century. There were theories of same method of conjectural history. gist. They may suggest hypotheses origin of everything in society, of which may be confirmed by the dis­ totemism and exogamy, of religion Evolutionary anthropology was covery of documents and monu- 953 SPECIAL NUMBER JULY 1959 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY

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ments. A historical probability over the country. The theory is all preferred the analytic method to may thus be turned into a certain­ right so far as it goes, but it does the ethnological one. In the Intro­ ty. By and large, however, diffu- not tell us how unity and diversity duction to that book he clearly men­ sionist anthropology has provided are expressed in the social life of tions his doubts regarding the ques­ at best probabilities, and at the the people at the present day. The tion of the Aryan origin, and worst, wild guesses. Rivers' study of this empirical reality is quotes Malinowski, a functionalist, 'History of Melanesian Society' and obstructed by the ethnological ap­ to support his rejection of hypothe­ Elliot Smith's 'Ancient Egyptians' proach. tical history (though in the body of are monuments to the uncritical Another ethnological theory that the book we do find some ethnolo­ use of the idea of diffusion. has greatly obstructed the growth gical interpretations). In his recent Structure-Function of scientific study of Indian society book 'Marriage and Family in India' (Bombay, 1958), however we find There is also another point: evo­ is the imaginary division of Indian a reversal to ethnology. He writes lutionists and diffusionists endea­ culture into Aryan and Dravidian. in the Introduction, "Ethnological voured not only to reconstruct the Historians, archaeologists, linguists, analysis of culture is the basic need history of social institutions but Indologists, Orientalists, Sociolo­ of Indian sociology. Ethnological also to 'explain' them in terms of gists, anthropologists and ethnolo­ analysis has been criticized by Ma­ such history. This tendency to ex­ gists, have all accepted this dicho­ linowski and his school, but, to our plain social institutions by their tomy and interpreted almost every mind at least, the quarrel between hypothetical past was strongly cri­ aspect of Indian society in terms the two schools has not much of ticized by the anthropologists of of it. The result is that the theory substance in it." In the first book the "structure function" school— is no longer confined to the learned, Malinowski is quoted to support the and most modern anthropologists but has become current even among analytic method, and in the second, belong to this school. One of the schoolboys and laymen, and is also his criticism of the ethnological ap­ fundamental propositions in func­ unfortunately a guiding factor in proach is dismissed as of no sub­ tionalist anthropology is that the certain political movements in the stance ! Dr Kapadia now tries to first step toward understanding a country. Wrong academic theory support his viewpoint by quoting society is to find interrelations has thus become a part of the dy­ Rivers' study of Melanesian society, among its various parts, just as a namics of caste system. which is, as I have already stated, physiologist understands the func­ Ethnological Approach to Caste a monument of conjectural history. tioning of a human body by study­ The ethnological approach has ing the interrelations among its guided the study of caste system in It is no wonder that Dr Kapadia's various parts. India for about a century. All the book contains a number of patent The history of a society, where well-known students of caste, be­ arguments of evolutionary and dif­ It is known for certain and In some longing to the older generation, fusionist anthropology. Only a detail, does help one in understand­ such as Ghurye, Hutton, Irawati few instances may be given here. ing the society. The knowledge Karve and D N Majumdar, have an In the discussion of Khasa kinship, of history, however, is never a sub­ ethnological bias. And it seems there is a well-known generalisation stitute for the knowledge of socie­ they are not in a mood to budge of evolutionary anthropology, "La­ ty as a functioning system. Evo­ an Inch from their old approach. xity in sex is associated with matri- lutionist and diffusionist anthropo­ When Professor Ghurye changed locality, and regulated sex with logists were doubly at fault; firstly, the title of his book from 'Caste patrilocality and patriarchal family they tried to understand society and Race' to 'Caste and Class', and organization." This is followed by solely in terms of history, and se­ also dropped the chapter "Race a question about Khasa kinship, condly, their history was conjectu­ and Caste" in the second edition, "Can it be that the original matri- ral. As a result of the recognition one was led to hope that he had locality, sex laxity and perhaps of this viewpoint, the discipline of become less ethnological. In the matriliny of the Khasas have come functionalist anthropologists was latest edition of the book, however, to be replaced by polyandrous sex considered as Social Anthropology, the chapter "Race and Caste" is life, patrilocality and patriarchal and that of evolutionist and diffu­ reinstated, which shows the revival family organization?" (p 70). Simi­ sionist anthropologists as Ethnology. of Professor Ghurye's interest in larly, we are told about the Nayars old-fashioned racial classifications of Malabar, "Nair marriage had no II based on inadequate data. In the legal or religious basis. There was The ethnological approach influ­ same way, Professor D N Majumdar no agreement between the contract­ enced, and unfortunately continues has repeated in his paper "Caste ing parties, and there was no law to influence, the study of Indian and Race" in 'Ghurye Felicitations of divorce or customary conven­ society. One of the fundamental Volume' (ed K M Kapadia, Bombay, tion to regulate divorce. Such problems in Indian Sociology is 1955) what he had written previous­ sexual relations dissociated from that of understanding the unity ly in his book 'Races and Cultures economic relations and social sanc­ and diversity of India. This pro- of India' (Lucknow, 1944). Dr tion, represent the most primitive blem is usually explained away by Karve's ethnological bias is evident sexual organization" (p 82). And a simple ethnological theory: India even in her recent papers on caste about the Todas, "In short, mar­ is diverse because it is a deep net in 'The Economic Weekly' (see riage is superimposed on the origi­ into which various races and peo­ particularly the article "What Is nal condition of unregulated sex ples have drifted and been caught, Caste?—Caste As Extended Kin" in life, but it. has not evolved so far and there is unity because the cul­ the Annual Number, January, 1958). as to impose the sexual ethics of a tural characteristics of one of the In his first book 'Hindu Kinship' monogamous patrilineal communi­ races, the Aryans, have spread all (Bombay, 1947) Dr K M Kapadia ty" (p 91). 955 SPECIAL NUMBER JULY 1959 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY

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Ethnology via Marx and Engels different characteristics might ac­ kingship in a state of war or of .Professor D D Kosambi's 'An tually be forming an organic whole. perfect harmony. Even such a Introduction to the Study of Indian But that apart, the distinction bet­ careful scholar as Dr U N Ghosal History' (Bombay, 1950) is another ween the two types of characteris­ cannot help speculating on "the recent attempt to revive the ethno­ tics is usually made on the basis of true origin" of Vedic monarchy; he logical approach. Kosambi claims the notions of what is 'civilized' or traces it "in the military and other that he is putting forth "a modern 'advanced' and what Is 'primitive' necessities of the people during the approach to the study of Indian or 'tribal'. Frequently, the Aryans Indo-Iranian or even earlier times" history" (p vii). In so far as the themselves are also described as ('A History of Hindu Public Life', book emphasises the need for a having tribal organization. Indo- Calcutta. 1945, p 9). We find both history of the Indian society as a logists have usually derived these the patriarchal and the war theory whole, it is indeed a good antidote notions of 'primitive' or 'tribal' even in 'The Vedic Age', which is to the usual history—of kings, from older anthropology. Similarly, one of a series of books promising queens, ministers, and generals. But they use several terms and con­ to provide a modern history of Kosambi's approach is by no means cepts, such as totemism, animism, India (Bharatiya Itihas Samiti's a modern or correct one. It is no­ taboo, clan and lineage, in the same 'History and Culture of the Indian thing but an application of evolu­ way as did the older anthropolo­ People', Vol I, Ed Majumdar and tionary anthropology of eighteenth gists. Pusalkar, London, 1952, p 352). and nineteenth century to Indian In the works on ancient Indian Origin of Vedic Religion history via Marx and Engels. Ko­ polity, considerable attention is sambi himself states, "what has to given to the problem of the origin One of the preoccupations in the be done is to take stock of later of the ancient Indian State, and studies of Vedic religion is a search studies under Marx's direct inspira­ this problem is usually discussed for its origin, and this search is tion by his colleague Engels, on within the general framework of usually based on the general theo­ the nature and decay of tribal orga­ evolutionary anthropology. Dr A S ries of the origin of religion for­ nization. These, applied to modern Altekar begins the chapter "Origin mulated by anthropologists and discoveries in the field, will give us and Types of the State" in 'State sociologists, .such as Frazer, Tylor, new results" (p 13). It has been and Government in Ancient India' Spencer. Durkheim and Codrington. pointed out above that Engels de­ (Delhi, 1958) with the statement: It is noteworthy that one of the rived his ideas on tribal organiza­ "The modern speculation (on the trenchant criticisms against the tion from contemporary anthropo­ origin of the State) is largely in­ search for the origin of religion has logists who were all evolutionists. fluenced by the scientific method come from that great Indologist, Kosambi also repeats the same old and the theory of evolution, and A B Keith (see his Religion and argument about the relation bet­ seeks to fortify its conclusions by Philosophy of the Veda and Upa- ween archaeology and ethnography, such analogies as can be drawn nishads', Harvard Oriental Series, "To work back from the houses, from the known condition of socie­ Vol 31, Cambridge, Mass, 1925, grave-goods, tools, and utensils ties which are more or less in an Chapt 4). Still, however, in 'The found by the archaeologist to the uncivilized condition at the present Vedic Age' (op cit) we find crude former productive relations, usually time." And then Dr Altekar piles evolutionist statements about the relations between classes and groups, up evidence to show that, "as far origin of Vedic religion. For inst­ needs a study of ethnography. The as the Indo-European communities ance: "We find in the Rigveda principle has been used by modern are concerned, the institution of thoughts, beliefs, and practices that archaeologists, who utilize studies patriarchal joint family seems to one would associate with the most of modern but still primitive Afri­ have been the germ out of which primitive grades of society and with can or Australian tribes to evaluate State was gradually evolved" (p 34). an unsophisticated age." "Their hymns reflect in places that primitive finds in Europe" (p 7 ) Naturally, Similarly, the long chapter on the attitude of mind which looks upon this method leads Kosambi to make evolution of kingship among the all nature as a living presence, or such conjectural statements as: Indo-Aryans in N N Law's 'Ancient an aggregate of animated entities" "Certain types of joint burial would Indian Polity' (Oxford, 1921) is bas­ (p 360). "Although Rigvedic my­ indicate whether the society was ed on the ideas borrowed mainly thology is not as primitive as some predominantly matriarchal, patri­ from Spencer, Frazer, Maine and scholars once believed it to be, in archal, in transition from the for­ the end of all the discussion is to no other literary monument of the mer to the latter, or in the pre-cian reject all evolutionary theories ex­ world do we come across this pri­ stage preceding both"' (p 7) and cept that of the author's, viz, the mitive phase of the evolution of reli­ "The vast majority of country-side theory of the origin of kingship in patriarchal family. Pramathnath gious beliefs which reveals to us gods are still daubed with a red Banerjea also subscribes to the the very process of personification pigment that is palpable substitute same view in 'Public Administration by which natural phenomena deve­ for long-vanished blood sacrifices" in Ancient India' (London, 1916, p loped into gods" (p 361). (p 8). All this shows nothing but 38). rank ignorance of modern anthro­ Older anthropology also influen­ pology. Other Indologists, such as D R ced the attempts to find the origin Ethnology in Indology Bhandarkar ('Some Aspects of An­ of Indian village community and of In Vedic studies, an attempt is cient Hindu Polity', Benares, 1929, joint family. It would indeed be always made to disentangle Aryan pp 129-168) and K P Jayaswal very useful to review the whole of characteristics from the non-Aryan (Hindu Polity', Calcutta, 1924, Indological literature from the view­ or pre-Aryan. It is doubtful to Part II, pp 4-6), followed the social point of modern social anthropology. what extent this attempt itself is contract theories of Hobbes and At the present moment, however, justifiable, because the supposedly Locke, and traced the origin of the discussion of methods and con- 957 SPECIAL NUMBER JULY 1959 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY

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cepts seems to be a taboo among on social life we would find the Gujarat. Among the records we are moat Indologists, and among moat names of several castes, but from studying, there are genealogical and of those sociologists and anthropo­ the discussion on marriage It would other records kept by the Barots, logists who have their moorings In appear as though a single kinship a caste of professional bards and Indology. As long as this situa­ system prevailed in all the castes. genealogists. We have given an tion prevails they will continue to Regarding law, we are not told idea of the nature of these records use concepts and methods which whether it was observed by all sec­ in a paper "The Vahivancha Barots they consider to be modern but tions of society. The treatment of of Gujarat: A Caste of Genealogists which are actually out-of-date. the subject of position of women is and Mythographers" in Traditional always partial; it is forgotten that India: Structure and Change' (Mil­ III divorce and remarriage of women ton Singer, Ed, Philadelphia, 1958). It has already been remarked that are common among the lower castes. We are also studying the records social anthropologists regard the The problem of life in the villages of the Revenue and Topographical history of a society as relevant to and of the relation of villages with Survey of Ahmedabad and Kaira its understanding, where history IN the larger society, is dismissed with Districts conducted in 1820-26 AD. known for certain and in some de­ a facile assumption that villages These records lie neglected in taluka tail, To know a society's past gives were little republics with self-suffi­ offices. They are voluminous, and one a deeper understanding of the cient economy, and that they neither only a superficial idea of their con­ nature of its social life at the pre­ influenced nor were they influenced tents can be given here. sent time. Some social anthropolo­ by what happened in the larger so­ gists even consider social anthropo­ ciety. Facile all-India statements Jarif Books in Gujarat logy as a branch of historical scho­ are made about food and drink, For every village and town there larship, the only difference being dress and toilette, amusements and is a bulky book called Jarif no that social anthropologists make games, beliefs and superstitions, Chopdo written in Gujarati (Jarif fleld-studies while historians depend customs and manners, and estimate land survey, chopdo = book). A upon documents and monuments. of character. We find little aware­ Jarif book contains the following Even this distinction is now being ness of the fact that Indian society kinds of information: blurred. It applied only so long as was always divided into numerous (1)A census giving the follow­ anthropologists studied primitive groups, some of which differed wide­ ing details for each family: name of societies which had no recorded ly from one another. the head of the family, the number history. With the extension of the of men, women and servants in the field of social anthropology to coun­ Records Neglected by Historians family, and the number of houses, tries with a long and recorded past, Historians might retort that there livestock, ploughs, carts and wells such as India, Japan, China and are not enough data to study the owned by the family. The names Arabia, anthropologists feel more kind of problems social anthropo­ of heads of families are listed ac­ and more the relevance of history logists are interested in. This is, cording to caste and religion, so to anthropological studies. They however, not entirely true as far that we get figures of population, also feel that their monographs as the more recent periods of Indian livestock, ploughs, etc for each caste on tribal societies are fast becom­ history are concerned. Social an­ and religious group. At the end of ing source books for modern his­ thropologists themselves have found the census, the houses are classi­ tory on account of rapid social records which have failed, unfortu­ fied according to building materials. change tribal societies are under­ nately, to attract the attention of going in all parts of the world. The historians and archivists. Professor (2) A table of births, deaths and same would happen to the studies M N Srinivas has used the records marriages for five years preceding made at present, of caste panchayats in his study of the year of the survey, (3) A land register showing the While social anthropologists are dominant caste in Mysore (see his following details for each plot of thus becoming more and more paper "The Dominant Caste in Rampura" in 'The American Anthro­ land in the village: name, area, aware of the usefulness of history pologist', Feb 1959, Vol 61, pp 1-16). boundaries, nature of soil, owner, to anthropological studies, they are Dr Bernard Cohn of Chicago Uni­ tenant, crops grown in each season, at the same time disappointed to versity is studying the relation be­ acreage and yield of each crop, faci­ find that the history books as they tween social change and legal lities for irrigation, the number of are written at present in India do change in four districts of eastern each kind of tree, and disputes re­ not help them much. This happens Uttar Pradesh from the late eight­ garding ownership, passage or irri­ because few historians in India eenth century to the present time. gation. have sociological aims in the study He has already worked on the re­ of Indian history. It is difficult to (4) A list of wells showing, for cords in the India Office Library, each well, the name of the owner, know from their books the pattern London, and at the Central Record of inter-relations between various whether the well is built with bricks, Office, Allahabad. He has also plan­ and whether equipped with irriga­ aspects of society at different peri­ ned to study the actual working ods of time. Narrating the life of tion devices, an estimate of the of courts at the present time. Dr amount of water in the well, and kings, governors and military gene­ F G Bailey has made use of pub­ rals is what is most common in an estimate of cost for repair or lished records in his study of a vil­ for constructing irrigation devices. historical works. Very little attempt lage in Orissa ('Caste and the Eco­ is made to interrelate the data nomic Frontier', Manchester, 1957). (5) A table showing the area of presented in different chapters on land under different tenures, and political history, religion, philosophy, My friend Shri R G Shroff and the amount of revenue realized by economy, literature, administration, I are using records in our study of the government from each category law, kinship, etc. In the chapter social change In villages in Central of land. 959 SPECIAL NUMBER JULY 1959 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY

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(6) A statement of rules, includ­ the general nature of agriculture, customs of marriage payment, fune­ ing the rates of revenue, for differ­ the condition of wells, bunds rary expenses, and inheritance of an ent land tenures. and canals, a history of the village, heirless person's property, among (7) A statement of the rates of immigration and emigration, bound­ different castes. A Kalambandhi taxes and ceases other than land ary disputes between villages, head- also contains a sketch map of the tax, and of hereditary dues and manship disputes, and the character village site. and social status of the headman, fines. As an example, in one village Sources of Local History there were, a plough-cess varying of big landlords, and of other vil­ according to the cultivator's caste, lage leaders. Some other sources of local his­ a hereditary fine on turbulent Raj­ Captain Cruikshank, the Super­ tory are the commercial correspond­ puts and Kolis, cesses on artisans intendent of the Survey, wrote ence and account books of local such as rope-makers and tanners, general reports on the different sub- merchants, records of caste pancha- and a wedding-cess on the lower districts (purgunnahs and tuppas) yats, caste constitutions, and caste castes, of Ahmedabad and Kaira districts, puranas. Finally, all the local re­ (8) A statement of the sources of on the basis of the above-mentioned cords have to be studied in relation miscellaneous income to government, remarks on villages. The reports with the already well-known archi­ such as income from trees, manure, of some sub-districts are published ves, the published collections of and licence for selling opium. in two volumes, 'Selections from the records, and literary works. Records of the Government of Bom­ Among the official archives, (9) A table of current prices or bay', No X and XI (Bombay, 1853). mention may be made here about various grains, The unpublished reports are found the records relating to female in­ among the archives in the Secre­ (10) A balance sheet of village fanticide. The British tried to stop tariat Record Office, Bombay. accounts kept by the village account­ infanticide because they considered ant. On the credit side, the most Cruikshank mentions in his re­ it an inhuman practice. On the important entries were regarding ports that the Surveyors prepared other hand, it was related with the money realized from different taxes, a map of each village, and of each social system, particularly the kin­ On the debit side, the most import­ sub-district on the basis of village ship system, of the people practising ant entries were regarding money maps. Bishop Heber, who visited it. The correspondence between offi­ sent to the government treasury, Gujarat while the Survey was go­ cials concerned with the work of and the expenditure for administra­ ing on, had seen these maps, and stopping female infanticide, and tion, for protection from thieves, commented on their accuracy between officials and people, has robbers, marauders, etc, for enter­ ('Heber's Narrative', Vol II, Lon­ been preserved in several record tainment, and for social and reli­ don, 1828, p 140). Governor Mal­ offices, and is a useful source for gious activities of the village com­ colm also thought highly of them the study of social life. A part of munity. ('Bombay Gazeteer', Vol III, 1879, these records have been published, (11) A brief account of the reve­ p 99). We have, however, not yet such as 'Suppression of Infanticide nue administration of the village, been able to locate these maps in in Kattywar', Bombay Selection year by year, from the date the vil­ any office. No XXXIV- -New Series, Part II. lage came under British administra­ 1856, and 'Repression of Female In­ Another important kind of village fanticide in Bombay Presidency', tion (i e, from 1802, 1803 or 1817, records in taluka offices in Central as the case may be) to the year in Bombay Selection No CXLVII—New Gujarat are known as Kalambandhi Series, 1875. I have found from my which the village was surveyed. It books. A Kalambandhi book is a mentions who ruled over the village work on the infanticide records in record, under different heads, of the Bombay Secretariat Record Office before the British acquired it. Then details of village organization in It shows for each year, whether the that the published records form general and administrative organi­ only a fraction of the extant records. revenue was collected through a zation in particular. For almost revenue contractor or through the every village there are three or four The records I have mentioned government officers, the amount of Kalambandhi books, each written provide information not only about revenue assessed or contracted, the in a. different year at an interval the late eighteenth and the early net amount realized, and reasons of sometimes one and sometimes nineteenth century, but about the for an increase or decrease in more than one year. Most of them earlier periods also, I may give revenue. were written before the Survey, but one instance. According to the (12) Miscellaneous information, there are several written after it. Survey records of 1820-26. Rajput such as disputes regarding village Changes were also made in the lineages in several villages in Guja­ boundaries, and the names of village kalams or heads from one year to rat held land under Wanta tenure. headman, village accountant, village another. In general, however, the Wanta land usually formed one- leaders, and district accountant. Kalambandhi books give informa­ fourth of total land in a village. The tion about rules and regulations remaining three-fourths was called Village Records for different land tenures and taxes Talpad land. Wanta land was In addition to the Jarif book, and cesses, about the modes of re­ charged a fixed quit-rent or salamI, the Surveyors also wrote remarks muneration paid to artisan and ser­ while Talpad land was charged a in English about every village. We vicing castes and to village officials regular land tax according to as­ saw two bulky volumes of such re­ and servants, about protection- sessment made by government offi­ marks among the archives in the money paid to marauders, about the cials. The records mention that the Secretariat Record Office, Bombay. management of village shrines, Wanta holders had been enjoying The remarks refer to the general about population of different caste these privileges since the time of economic condition of the village, and religious groups, and about the the Badashahs, i e, Muslim kings. 961 SPECIAL NUMBER JULY 1959 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY

Persian Chronicles proper study of these sources will social institutions. Historical data The information given by the enable us to obtain a fairly com­ are neither as accurate nor as rich Survey records is corroborated by prehensive view of village and town and detailed as the data collected the Persian chronicles Mirat-i- life during the late eighteenth and by field-anthropologists, and the Sikandari (trans Fazlullah Latifi, early nineteenth century. Such study of certain existing processes p 239) and Mirat-i-Ahmadi (Supple- knowledge will provide a solid increases our understanding of simi­ ment, trans, All and Seddon, Baroda, basis for understanding social lar processes in the past. It is 1928, pp 193-4). They mention the changes that have been occuring in necessary to add here that great same one-to-three ratio between the country since the arrival of the caution has to be exercised in such Wanta and Talpad land during the British. Moreover it will provide an a task, for otherwise history will rule of the Sultans of Gujarat (1391- insight into the earlier periods of be twisted out of all recognition. 1572) and of the Moguls (1572- history. A study of local history There is no doubt that our know­ 1757). The chronicles further in­ will provide a lively dimension to ledge of the working of historical form that the Wanta and Talpad the whole of Indian history. processes will be enhanced by this divisions were made out of the Gras It is quite certain that local his­ method". ("Village Studies and Their estates of Rajput chieftains, and the tory can be studied with insight by Significance", 'The Eastern Anthro­ holders of Gras estates were called one who has made a field-study of pologist', March-August, 1955, p Grasiyas. The Sultans of Gujarat the local area, or who has at least 227)*. seized three-fourths of each Gras a knowledge of the results of such estate as a punishment for the a study. I can do no more than Grasiyas' rebellions against the quote the words of Professor Sri- * Shri R G Shroff and I would like Sultans during the years 1411-1442 nivas in this connection: "Historians to thank the Director of Archives and in 1551. have stated that a knowledge of and Historical Monuments, Gov­ the past is helpful In the under­ ernment of Bombay, for giving It can be inferred from this evid­ standing of the present if not in us permission and facilities to ence that the ancestors of each forecasting the future. It is not, study records in the Secretariat lineage group holding a Wanta however, realized that a thorough Record Office, Bombay. We also estate in 1820-26 were holding understanding of the present frequ­ thank the officials of the Reve­ the entire village as a Gras estate ently sheds light on the past. To nue Department, Government of before the rule of the Sultans of put it in other words, the intimate Bombay, for similar help regard­ Gujarat. This inference is also knowledge which results from the ing records in taluka offices. confirmed by the Barot genealogies intensive field-survey of extant so­ Thanks are also due to Professor which always refer to the ancestors cial institutions does enable us to M N Srinivas for his comments of Wanta-holders as village chief­ interpret better, data about past on the paper. tains during the Rajput Period (789- 1300). Inscriptions, shrines and sculp­ tures in villages may also help reconstruct local history. I discov­ ered a significant epigraph from the ruins of a shrine on the outskirts of Radhvanaj, the village of my field-study. The epigraph, inscribed at the base of an image of Mahis- mardini, reads: Raja Jagdev Sam- vat Shree 1290 Shravan (Samvat 1290 - 1234 AD). The name Jag- dev also occured at about the same date in the genealogy of the Rathod Rajputs of the village. The genea­ logy also informs that Jagdev was the chieftain of Radhvanaj. He married the daughter of the Rajput chief of Matar, a neighbouring town, and received Vansar, an adjoining village, as dowry. Jagdev thus be­ came a chief of two villages. In 1820-26, the descendents of Jagdev held Wanta estates in both the vil­ lages. All this evidence further confirms the inference regarding Wanta estates mentioned earlier. Solid Basis for Study It is very probable that sources of local history exist in every part of India, though they may not be as rich as in Central Gujarat. A 962