The Foundations of Neuroanthropology

OPINION ARTICLE published: 22 February 2010 EVOLUTIONARY NEUROSCIENCE doi: 10.3389/neuro.18.005.2010 The foundations of neuroanthropology

Alvaro Machado Dias*

Neurosciência e Comportamento, Instituto de Psicologia, Universidade de São Paulo, São Paulo, Brazil *Correspondence: [email protected]

Studies of culturally-based phenomena vs. geocentric reasoning styles in tasks Such questions of interest to social within neuroscientifi c frameworks repre- requiring spatial cognition)1. anthropologists represent the real challenge sent one of the most dynamic tendencies The study of the relation between culturally- of neuroanthropology. The reason for this in contemporary cognitive science. They specifi c phenomena and brain activity has diffi culty is the same that warrants neuroan- have provided the foundations of social been named neuroanthropology (a term thropology as a potential breakthrough. neuroscience, which comprise studies on coined by E. D. Lewis, from the University of Unlike evolutionary neuroscience and other brain correlates of social cognition, abili- Melbourne) and proposes to be “the study of multidisciplinary fi elds of research where ties, and disabilities (Cacioppo, 2002), the experiential and neurobiological aspects both parts are committed to the princi- and have contributed to the consolidation of cultural activity” (Dominguez Duque et al., ples and methods of the natural sciences, of evolutionary neuroscience as a multi- 2009, p. 3). Considered within this perspec- neuroanthropology presents a diffi culty in disciplinary epistemological fi eld, which tive, it seems compelling to assume that we are bridging the gap defi ned by the different frequently involves social neuroscientifi c moving into the era of neuroanthropology interests and ‘hard problems’ established topics, considered in terms of their func- (see: Campbell and Garcia, 2009), where the within the bounds of social neuroscience tion and evolutionary basis (for an authori- tradition of studies of culturally-dependent and of social anthropology. The fi eld relies tative introduction and discussion: Platek phenomena meets the tradition of study- on the great importance that social anthro- et al., 2007). ing brain mechanisms to consolidate a new pology historically has attributed to that The new horizons that these studies epistemological fi eld. However, the thesis that which neuroscientists call contingencies, revealed now allow for neuroscientifi c this paper endorses is that the consolidation when defi ning the necessary and suffi cient approaches to topics that once were con- of neuroanthropology as a new and legiti- conditions for certain culturally-specifi c ceived to be beyond the scope of a natu- mate epistemological tradition will require phenomena to emerge. This focus auto- ralistic framework, because they remained signifi cant new efforts. matically raises related issues, and hence subordinated to contingent dimensions of The fi rst thing that is important to bear evokes ‘hard problems’ that can only be the cultural environment (e.g., embodi- in mind is that the authority of new fi elds resolved by very specifi c ‘neuroanthropo- ment; Campbell and Garcia, 2009). of research rely on the premise that they logical’ studies. Such efforts have widened the scope of introduce new lines of research, which can- In order to expose this thesis, I propose social neuroscience and raise very inter- not be perfectly characterized within the to discuss one feature in Campbell’s and esting perspectives for evolutionary neu- epistemological structure of a previously Garcia’s (2009) paper, related to the subjec- roscience, in terms of the adaptations and established fi eld of research (Kuhn, 1977). tive experience of the body (embodiment) brain circuits that appear to lie at the base Many anthropologists conduct research and its association to both cultural determi- of these phenomena, as well as suggest within natural science frameworks, such nants and to neurobiological correlates. As an incursion into a dialogue with studies as social and evolutionary neuroscience, the authors emphasize, this bodily represen- pointing in the opposite direction, which and up to this point there was no clear rea- tation makes reference to a traditional topic question the bases of certain universal cog- son to consider that these works represent of interest in social anthropology (Csordas, nitive and behavioral phenomena that are, new epistemological traditions, since these 1990), which can also be thought of in terms by and large, thought of in terms of their studies are all committed to the questions, of somatic representations in the brain. As functional basis – like Everett et al. (2005) methods, and theories that are dear to the pointed out by the authors, recent studies did in relation to universal grammar, when natural sciences. (e.g., Craig, 2009) suggest that embodiment arguing that the Pirahã language has no Hence, it follows that the emergence of involves insula activity, which in association recursion, no subordination, no numeral, neuroanthropology as a concept announc- with the anterior cingulate activity repre- and “in effect, no phrase structure” (Everett, ing something new implies that these stud- sents one of the most prominent brain cor- 2007, p. 4); and like Henrich et al. (2010) ies introduce methods and questions of relates of long term meditation, yoga, and did in their critical review of research on interest to the social sciences – especially ritual experiences, like the altered percep- “WEIRD” people (“Western, Educated, anthropology, which has been argued “to be tions induced by Ayahuasca. Industrialized, Rich and Democratic”), a philosophical holdout against ‘reduction- In principle, the combination of these which they claim to have biased several ist’ neuroscience” (Campbell and Garcia, ideas is straightforward: it is possible to generalizations about “human nature”, 2009, p. 1). include some discussion on brain corre- from perception (e.g., different stand- lates within the anthropological studies on points in relation to the Mueller-Lyer illu- 1This paper is expected to appear in Brain and Behavior embodiment in the same way that it is possi- sion) to abstract cognition (e.g., egocentric Sciences, during the year of 2010. ble to turn this into a valid discussion within

Frontiers in Evolutionary Neuroscience www.frontiersin.org February 2010 | Volume 2 | Article 5 | 1 Dias The foundations of neuroanthropology

the scope of social neuroscience. However, of other communities, who partake on brain activity alone (e.g., brain correlates there is a gap between this valid conclusion in similar practices? In other words, of embodiment as a general idea) are not and the concerns that turn embodiment are there any brain signatures that can part of this new fi eld, whose two distinct into one of the ‘hard problems’ of social help to discern embodiment from one players need to partake in a thoughtful anthropology, as posed by Csordas (1990), cultural context to another? methodological dialogue in order to arrive whose interests in the matter investigate (2) Are there any qualitative or quantita- at a common goal. the specifi c experiences of evil and divine tive differences in brain dynamics in within the healing practices of the char- the trance of a spiritual leader and of a REFERENCES Cacioppo, J. (2002). Foundations in Social Neuroscience. ismatic Christians in North America, and follower? If so, can these differences be Cambridge, MA, The MIT Press. the disclosure of the elements that lead to reduced to the ones commonly found Campbell, B. C., and Garcia, J. R. (2009). the uniqueness of the phenomenon under in relation to social status within an Neuroanthropology: evolution and emo- study. According Csordas, “physiological urban environment? tional embodiment. Front. Evol. Neurosci. 1:4. explanations in terms of trance and altered (3) Do brain correlates of speaking in doi:10.3389/neuro.18.004.2009. Craig, A. D. (2009). How do you feel now? The anterior states of consciousness, or catharsis and tongues resemble those of normal insula and human awareness. Nat. Rev. Neurosci. 10, nervous-emotional discharge, do not take language? If not, what are the core 59–70. us very far unless we are willing to accept neurological differences and to what Csordas, T. (1990). Embodiment as a paradigm for trance and catharsis as ends in themselves anthropological tenets are they most anthropology. Ethos 18, 5–47. rather than as modus operandi for the work likely associated? Dominguez Duque, J. F., Turner, R., Lewis, E. D., and Egan, G. (2009). Neuroanthropology: a humanistic of culture” (Csordas, 1990; p. 32). (4) Are there differences in patterns of science for the study of the culture-brain nexus. Soc. Considering this example as one that can brain activation within mystical expe- Cogn. Affect. Neurosci. nsp024. characterize the tensions that underlie the riences among members of groups Everett, D. (2007). Cultural constraints on grammar in emergence of this new fi eld, neuroanthro- that use ritual drugs (e.g. Ayahuasca), Piraha: A reply to Nevins, Pesetsky, and Rodrigues pology has to contribute with an under- as compared to members of groups (2007). Normal, IL, Illinois State University. Available at: http://ling.auf.net/lingBuzz/000427. standing of the variables that condition that do not use them? To what extent Everett, D. L., Berlin, B., Gonçalves, M. A., Kay, P., Levinson, the phenomena in specifi c conjunctures, do differences in brain activation pro- S. C., Pawley, A., Surrallés, A., Tomasello, M., and neutralizing the caveats that were placed duced by different ritual drugs corre- Wierzbicka, A. (2005). Cultural constraints on grammar by Csordas, nearly two decades before this late with different ritual practices? and cognition in Pirahã. Curr. Anthropol. 46, 621–646. Henrich, J., Heine, S. J., and Norenzayan, A. (2010). discussion takes place. This is not to say (5) Is there a difference in the brain dyna- The weirdest people in the world? Behav. Brain Sci. that a strong multidisciplinary engagement mic between a subject using a ritual (accepted for publication). between neuroscience and anthropology is drug outside of a ritual (e.g. during a Kuhn, T. (1977). The Essential Tension. Selected Studies in not achievable. Below I present examples of brain scan experiment in a hospital) Scientifi c Tradition and Change. Chicago, University possible lines of research on embodiment and within the ritual context (e.g. the of Chicago Press. Platek, S. M., Keenan, J. P., and Shackelford, T. K. (2007). (also considered as an example) that can MRI scanner is taken to the fi eld)? Evolutionary Cognitive Neuroscience. Cambridge, meet the necessary and suffi cient conditions MIT Press. of a strong sense of multidisciplinarity that In conclusion, the development of Received: 11 December 2009; Accepted: 01 February 2010; have been described above: studies focused on the potential neuro- published online: 22 February 2010. biological differences/similarities between Citation: Front. Evol. Neurosci. (2010) 2:5. doi: (1) What exactly changes in the brain of individuals who occupy different roles 10.3389/neuro.18.005.2010 someone from a certain ethnic group in a community and also studies on the Copyright © 2010 Dias. This is an open-access article subject to an exclusive license agreement between the authors and while he engages in a mystic experience, social and biological differences/similari- the Frontiers Research Foundation, which permits unre- and to what extent does it resemble the ties between communities are part of the stricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, brain changes that occur in members scope of neuroanthropology, while studies provided the original authors and source are credited.

Frontiers in Evolutionary Neuroscience www.frontiersin.org February 2010 | Volume 2 | Article 5 | 2