DOCSLIB.ORG

Representations of Youth Revolt in Cameroon

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Representations of Youth Revolt in Cameroon View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Stellenbosch University SUNScholar Repository Rebellion as a Lifestyle: Representations of Youth Revolt in Cameroon Serge Ntamack Thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (International Studies) at Stellenbosch University Supervisor: Professor Ian Taylor Faculty of Arts and Social Science Department of Political science December 2010 i Declaration By submitting this thesis electronically, I declare that the entirety of the work contained therein is my own, original work, that I am the owner of the copyright thereof (unless to the extent explicitly otherwise stated) and that I have not previously in its entirety or in part submitted it for obtaining any qualification. Date: 15 June 2010…………………………….. Copyright © 2010 Stellenbosch University All rights reserved ii Abstract This research has used a critical discourse analysis approach encompassing postcolonial theory and theory of media effects in order to investigate the influence of political discourse in the media upon youth’s violence in Cameroon. As a result it has been found that the use of private violence by young people in urban cities has become ordinary. Such an attitude reflects among other some aspects of youth’s lifestyle designed to cope with the hardship of their social status and to resist the elite’s dominance. While no counter-narrative has been found in the independent publications about the portrayal of youth’s violence as criminal by the state-owned press, the young people nevertheless have produced through a street culture a narrative deconstructing the political discourse in the media and highlighting their grievances in a more or less violent tone. Thus the use of private violence during the riot in February 2008, is far from an isolated (re)action of angry young people , it obeys the very practicality of their existence and the political turmoil it might cause is incidental to the way of life in which it is embedded. iii Opsomming Die navorsing het ‘n kritiese diskoers analise-benadering gebruik wat ‘n post- koloniale teorie en ‘n teorie van media-effekte insluit om sodoende die invloed van politieke diskoers in die media op jeuggeweld in Kameroen, te ondersoek. Daar is gevolglik gevind dat die gebruik van private geweld deur jongmense in stedelike gebiede normaal geword het. So ‘n houding reflekteer onder andere sommige aspekte van die jeug se leefstyl wat ontwerp is om die ontbering van hul sosiale status te hanteer en ook die elite se dominasie te weerstaan. Ofskoon geen teen-narratief sover gevind is in die onafhanklike publikasies oor die uitbeelding van jeuggeweld as krimineel en die publikasies van die staatsbeheerde pers wat die jeug uitbeeld met min agentskap nie, het jongmense wel ‘n teen-narratief geskep deur ‘n straat-kultuur. Hierdie teen-narratief dekonstruktueer die politieke diskoers in die media en onderstreep hul griewe in ‘n geweldadige toon. Dus die gebruik van private geweld gedurende die onluste in Februarie 2008, wat nie as ‘n geïsoleerde (re)aksie van woedende jongmense gesien kan word nie, is getrou aan die wese van hulle bestaan en die politieke onrus wat dit moontlik mag veroorsaak, is bykomstig tot die leefstyl waarin dit vasgelê is.” iv Acknowledgments • To those who lend me His strength to express my ideas • To those who always will nourish my ideas • To all those who die pour rien because of their ideas • To my beloved dad, Onesime Esseba and my great friend, Peter Hanbury v TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction....................................................................................1 Chapter 1. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK...............................3 1.1 CRITICAL DISCOURSE ANALYSIS THEORY.......................................3 1.2 POSTCOLONIAL THEORY.......................................................................6 1.3 FRAMING AS A THEORY OF MEDIA EFFECTS...................................9 1.4 THE ROLE OF MEDIA IN FRAMING PUBLIC/PRIVATE VIOLENCE AS NEWS..................................................................................................13 Chapter 2. CAPTURING SOME LOGICS OF THE CAMEROONIAN POSTCOLONY.................................................16 2.1 COLONIAL TRAJECTORY OF CAMEROON.......................................16 2.2 AHIDJO’S LEGACY.................................................................................18 2.2.1 On politics..................................................................................................18 2.2.2 On economics.............................................................................................20 2.3 FROM BIYA TO AHIDJO: DISCONTINUITY AND CONTINUITY OF THE NEOPATRIMONIAL REGIME.........................................................................21 2.3.1 Leadership transition..................................................................................21 2.3.2 Economics reforms.....................................................................................23 2.3.3 New economic landscape...........................................................................26 2.3.4 Political Reforms........................................................................................29 2.3.5 Reconfiguration of the ruling elite, consolidation of status quo, and popular disenchantment................................................................................................32 2.3.6 Experiencing the so called ‘ civil society’ in Cameroon............................38 Chapter 3. NEGATION OF MARTYRDOM, SEDUCTION OF ILLEGALITY, PRESENTATION AND REPRESENTATION OF REBELS’ SUBJECTIVITIES.........................................................44 3.1 THE MEANING OF REBELLING...........................................................44 3.2 THE STATIST PRODUCTION OF HISTORY AND THOSE WHO ‘DIE POUR RIEN’: SOME IMPLICATIONS FOR PUBLIC COGNITION....48 3.3 SURVIVING IN THE POSTCOLONY: REBELLING AS A LIFESTYLE ....................................................................................................................55 3.4 THE RISE OF PRIVATE VIOLENCE.....................................................63 vi Chapter 4. JOURNALISM IN CAMEROON: A FIELD BOUND BY THE RISK OF DEATH............................................................69 4.1 THE LEGAL STRUCTURE OF PRESS FREEDOM...............................69 4.2 ECONOMY OF JOURNALISTIC PRACTICE........................................75 4.3 CONTRASTING REPRESENTATIONS OF THE FEBRUARY’S EVENT IN CAMEROONIAN NEWSPAPERS........................................85 4.4 THE WORK OF THE POLITICAL DISCOURSE IN CAMEROONIAN MEDIA : CONSTRUCTING A MEANING OF YOUTH IN RELATION TO VIOLENCE................................................................................................95 4.5 REPRODUCTION OF THE DOMINANT REPRESENTATION OF YOUTH....................................................................................................102 Chapter 5. THE PRACTICE OF REBELLION AS A LIFESTYLE.................................................108 5.1 IN SEARCH FOR A NARRATIVE : YOUTH, VIOLENCE AND MBOA RAP........................................................................................................116 5.2 THE STYLE OF YOUTH VIOLENCE ……………………………….. LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES Table 2.1 Ethnic groups in Cameroon.........................................................................17 Figure 1.1 A process model of Framing research........................................................11 Figure 2.2 Economic dependency ratio (EDR) of the population of Cameroon, 1976, 1987 and 1998..............................................................................................................27 Figure 3.3 Age structure of the population in Cameroon, 1976, 1987 and 1998.........46 Figure 3.4 Schooling rate of Children from 6-14 years in Cameroon, 1976, 1987 and 1998.......................................................................................................................55 Figure 3.5 Ratio of Population of 12-24 to population 25-59 in Kenya, Nigeria, Senegal, Cameroon and Pakistan.................................................................................64 Figure 4. 6 Percentage readerships among the ten largest publications ( newspapers and magazine) in Cameroon.......................................................................................79 Figure 4.6 Number of Journalism training Institutes in Cameroon.........................81 vii BIBLIOGRAPHY.........................................................................121 DISCOGRAPHY...........................................................................134 APPENDIX...................................................................................134 Front page of Cameroon tribune No 90445243, 25th February, 2008......................135 Front page of Le quotidien mutation, No2100, 25th February, 2008.......................136 8 INTRODUCTION During the first half of 2010, International Crisis Group published two reports concerning the current political situation in Cameroon. The first report titled Cameroon: Fragile State? in Africa Report No 160, uncovers some points of political instability and suggests how to tackle them. In the light of this report it appears that the country shows a pattern of apparent stability followed by violent crisis. In this regard International Crisis Group (2010) argues that: For long periods, problems have been masked but not dealt with, and consequent
Load more

Recommended publications
  • HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDERS on the FRONT LINE Debut A5.Qxp 04/04/2005 12:04 Page 2 Debut A5.Qxp 04/04/2005 12:04 Page 3
    debut_a5.qxp 04/04/2005 12:04 Page 1 HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDERS ON THE FRONT LINE debut_a5.qxp 04/04/2005 12:04 Page 2 debut_a5.qxp 04/04/2005 12:04 Page 3 Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders / FIDH and OMCT Human Rights Defenders on the Front Line Annual Report 2004 Foreword by Lida Yusupova debut_a5.qxp 04/04/2005 12:04 Page 4 Drafting, editing and co-ordination : Catherine François, Julia Littmann, Juliane Falloux and Antoine Bernard (FIDH) Delphine Reculeau, Mariana Duarte, Anne-Laurence Lacroix and Eric Sottas (OMCT) The Observatory thanks Marjane Satrapi, comic strip author and illustrator of the annual report cover, for her constant and precious support. The Observatory thanks all partner organisations of FIDH and OMCT, as well as the teams of these organisations. Distribution : this report is published in English, Spanish and French versions. The World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT) and the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) authorise the free reproduction of extracts of this text on condition that the source is credited and that a copy of the publication containing the text is sent to the respective International Secretariats. FIDH – International Federation for Human Rights 17, passage de la Main d'Or – 75 011 Paris – France Tel.: + 33 (0) 1 43 55 25 18 – Fax: + 33 (0) 1 43 55 18 80 [email protected] / www.fidh.org OMCT – World Organisation Against Torture 8, rue du Vieux-Billard – Case postale 21 – 1211 Geneva 8 – Switzerland Tel.: + 41 22 809 49 39 – Fax: + 41 22 809 49 29 [email protected] / www.omct.org debut_a5.qxp 04/04/2005 12:04 Page 5 FOREWORD UNITED AGAINST HORROR by Lida Yusupova Human rights defenders in Chechnya have to work in an extremely difficult environment.
    [Show full text]
  • The Anglophone Problem in Cameroon
    The Journal of Modern African Studies, , (), pp. –. Printed in the United Kingdom # Cambridge University Press The Anglophone Problem in Cameroon by PIET KONINGS and FRANCIS B. NYAMNJOH* Tpolitical agenda in Cameroon has become increasingly dominated by what is known as the ‘anglophone problem’, which poses a major challenge to the efforts of the post-colonial state to forge national unity and integration, and has led to the reintroduction of forceful arguments and actions in favour of ‘federalism’ or even ‘secession’. The root of this problem may be traced back to when the political e! lites of two territories with different colonial legacies – one French and the other British – agreed on the formation of a federal " state. Contrary to expectations, this did not provide for the equal partnership of both parties, let alone for the preservation of the cultural heritage and identity of each, but turned out to be merely a transitory phase to the total integration of the anglophone region into a strongly centralised, unitary state. Gradually, this created an anglophone consciousness: the feeling of being ‘marginalised’, ‘exploited’, and ‘assimilated’ by the francophone-dominated state, and even by the francophone population as a whole. It was not until the political liberalisation process in the early s that some members of the English-speaking e! lite started openly to protest against the supposed subordinate position of the anglophones and to lay claims for self-determination and autonomy. Whereas the most important organisations initially called for a return to the federal state, the persistent refusal of the Government headed by President Paul Biya to discuss any related constitutional reforms forced some to adopt a secessionist stand.
    [Show full text]
  • Ayuk-Mbi-Elisabeth-L
    An Open Access Journal from The Law Brigade (Publishing) Group 1 THE LEGITIMATION OF POLITICAL AUTHORITY AND INSTITUTIONS BY ETHNIC ASSOCIATIONS IN THE ADAMAWA REGION OF CAMEROON Written by Ayuk Mbi Elisabeth 4th Year Research Student In Phd, Faculty Of Law And Political Science, University Of Ngoundere Cameroon In the 1990s, sub-Saharan African states got engaged in a decompression process with some long expected effects such as competitive elections, freedom of speech, and the development of individual and collective rights such as freedom of association for a better expression of citizenship. This liberalization did not only come along with the expected effects as it equally produced some perverse effects. This atmosphere favored the liberation of public space and the involvement of new actors in the political arena manifested through the appearance of diverse social movements (Monga, 1994, Kenmogne, 2002, Oyono and Temple 2003). One of such movements is the ‘Association’. In Cameroon, under the prism of the civil society, there is a wide range of associations and these associations vary from the religious to ethnic passing through community development associations with others mutating into pressure groups and political parties. Seen as representations of their different local communities (Gausset 2005), ethno-community associations have gradually imposed themselves in the political field to the extent of maintaining a stable and almost formal relationship with state authorities and institutions. While a number of authors see this existing relationship between the state and ethnic groups as an investment and a return on investment (Moluh, 2005, Posner 2005), others think that it is a one sided Instrumentalization from political entrepreneurs (Hogan and Feeney, 2013).
    [Show full text]
  • The Politics of Neoliberal Reforms in Africa: State and Civil Society in Cameroon Konings, P.J.J
    The politics of neoliberal reforms in Africa: State and civil society in Cameroon Konings, P.J.J. Citation Konings, P. J. J. (2011). The politics of neoliberal reforms in Africa: State and civil society in Cameroon. Leiden: African Studies Centre and Langaa Publishers. Retrieved from https://hdl.handle.net/1887/22175 Version: Not Applicable (or Unknown) License: Leiden University Non-exclusive license Downloaded from: https://hdl.handle.net/1887/22175 Note: To cite this publication please use the final published version (if applicable). The Politics of Neoliberal Reforms in Africa Langaa & African Studies Centre The Politics of Neoliberal Reforms in Africa State and Civil Society in Cameroon Piet Konings Langaa Research and Publishing Common Initiative Group PO Box 902 Mankon Bamenda North West Region Cameroon Phone +237 33 07 34 69 / 33 36 14 02 [email protected] http://www.langaa-rpcig.net www.africanbookscollective.com/publishers/langaa-rpcig African Studies Centre P.O. Box 9555 2300 RB Leiden The Netherlands [email protected] http://www.ascleiden.nl ISBN: © Langaa & African Studies Centre, 2011 Contents Acknowledgements ...................................................................................ix List of Tables .........................................................................................xi Abbreviations....................................................................................... xiii Map of the Republic of Cameroon ...................................................... xvi 1 Contesting Neoliberal Reforms
    [Show full text]
  • Amnesty International Report 2020/21
    AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL Amnesty International is a movement of 10 million people which mobilizes the humanity in everyone and campaigns for change so we can all enjoy our human rights. Our vision is of a world where those in power keep their promises, respect international law and are held to account. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and individual donations. We believe that acting in solidarity and compassion with people everywhere can change our societies for the better. Amnesty International is impartial. We take no position on issues of sovereignty, territorial disputes or international political or legal arrangements that might be adopted to implement the right to self- determination. This report is organized according to the countries we monitored during the year. In general, they are independent states that are accountable for the human rights situation on their territory. First published in 2021 by Except where otherwise noted, This report documents Amnesty Amnesty International Ltd content in this document is International’s work and Peter Benenson House, licensed under a concerns through 2020. 1, Easton Street, CreativeCommons (attribution, The absence of an entry in this London WC1X 0DW non-commercial, no derivatives, report on a particular country or United Kingdom international 4.0) licence. territory does not imply that no https://creativecommons.org/ © Amnesty International 2021 human rights violations of licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode concern to Amnesty International Index: POL 10/3202/2021 For more information please visit have taken place there during ISBN: 978-0-86210-501-3 the permissions page on our the year.
    [Show full text]
  • AFR 17/04/93 Distr: UA/SC
    EXTERNAL (for general distribution) AI Index: AFR 17/04/93 Distr: UA/SC UA 100/93 Fear of torture/Legal concern/Medical concern 6 April 1993 CAMEROON:Some 150 members and supporters of opposition political parties including: Dr Victorin François Hameni Bieleu, president of the Union des forces démocratiques du Cameroun (UFDC), Union of Democratic Forces of Cameroon Dr André Kekuine, Secretary General of the UFDC Amnesty International is concerned about the safety of some 150 members and supporters of opposition political parties who have been held incommunicado since their arrests on 31 March and 1 April 1993. On 31 March 1993, during a regular weekly meeting, the headquarters in Yaoundé of the Union des forces démocratiques du Cameroun (UFDC), Union of Democratic Forces of Cameroon, were raided by officers of the gendarmerie and the Brigade Mixte Mobile, the security police. About 100 people, including the UFDC's president, Dr Victorin François Hameni Bieleu, and its secretary general, Dr André Kekuine, were arrested. Dr Hameni Bieleu and others were reported to have been beaten at the time of their arrest. The following day, 1 April 1993, a further 50 supporters of opposition parties, including the Social Democratic Front (SDF), were reported to have been arrested in Yaoundé. No reason for their detention was given and they are not known to have been charged with any offence. They are held in the barracks of the Presidential Guard (caserne de la Garde présidentielle) at Ekounou, a few kilometres from Yaoundé, which is not a regular place of detention. They were denied food and water until 2 April 1993 and have not been allowed any visits from family or lawyers.
    [Show full text]
  • HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDERS on the FRONT LINE Debut A5.Qxp 04/04/2005 12:04 Page 2 Debut A5.Qxp 04/04/2005 12:04 Page 3
    1061-FIDH 2004/COUV 24/03/05 9:02 Page 1 « The community of States has abandoned thousands of vic- 2004 tims to their tragic fate. The support of our Russian collea- OBSERVATORY FOR THE PROTECTION gues and of international NGOs is vital, and often, in taking up our cause they represent our last hope. Another source REPORT OF HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDERS L of hope [...] lies in the feeling that if a major problem were A to arise, our fate would not pass unheeded, and that our friends will rise up to defend us and continue our struggle. ANNU [...] The Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights HUMAN RIGHTS Defenders is doing a remarkable job, which is absolutely necessary in a world in which those who defend the rights that belong to everyone are exposed to danger and injus- DEFENDERS tice [...]. In the long run, such solidarity unites men and women thousands miles apart, in their daily struggle against horror, for the sake of human dignity." N LINE O THE FRONT - Lida Yusupova, Co-ordinator of Memorial in Grozny (Chechnya), Annual Report 2004 Martin Ennals Award, 2004. OMCT and The Annual Report 2004 of the Observatory for the Pro- FOREWORD BY LIDA YUSUPOVA tection of Human Rights Defenders (FIDH-OMCT) addresses FIDH Défenseure des droits humains en Tchétchénie the cases of 1,154 defenders and nearly 200 human - rights organisations, targeted by acts of repression all over the world. More than ever, defenders suffer directly from an international environment in which human rights are denied or instrumentalised for political ends.
    [Show full text]
  • Le Rapport Au Format
    LES DOCUMENTS DE TRAVAIL DU SÉNAT Série GROUPES D'AMITIÉ RAPPORT SUR LA SITUATION AU CAMEROUN ET EN NAMIBIE DÉPLACEMENT DU GROUPE D'AMITIÉ FRANCE-PAYS DE L'AFRIQUE CENTRALE DU 21 AU 31 JANVIER 1995 Ce document constitue un instrument de travail élaboré à la suite du déplacement effectué par le Groupe d'Amitié France-Pays de l'Afrique centrale. Il a un caractère informatif et ne contient aucune prise de position susceptible d'engager le Sénat. n° GA1 Juin 1995 2 COMPOSITION DE LA DÉLÉGATION M. Jean-Pierre CANTEGRIT Rat UC Français établis hors de France Président du groupe France- Afrique centrale Mme Paulette BRISEPIERRE RPR Français établis hors de France MM Germain AUTHIÉ SOC Ariège Georges BERCHET RDE Haute-Marne Jean-Paul CHAMBRIARD RI Haute-Loire Roger LISE UC Martinique La délégation était accompagnée de Mlle Dominique-Alice ROBERT, conseiller des services du Sénat, et secrétaire administratif du groupe France - Afrique centrale. SOMMAIRE INTRODUCTION 4 I/ Le Cameroun : un avenir incertain 6 A) l'attentisme politique 6 1. Un pays fragmenté 6 2. Des élections contestées 7 3. Un débat constitutionnel esquivé 8 B) la dégradation économique et sociale 10 C) récit de mission 13 1. Les autorités camerounaises 13 a) les parlementaires 13 b) le Gouvernement 16 2. Les français expatriés 19 II/ La Namibie : une indépendance prometteuse 23 A) un difficile accès à l'indépendance 25 1. Une évolution sous contrôle international 25 2. Un fragile équilibre à préserver 26 3. Le déséquilibre des forces politique en présence 27 B) une économie contrastée 28 C) une volonté de reconnaissance sur la scène internationale 30 ÉLÉMENTS DE CONCLUSION : Communiqué paru dans le Bulletin d'information du Sénat au retour de la délégation.
    [Show full text]
  • AFR 17/01/93 Distr: UA/SC 10 February
    EXTERNAL (for general distribution) AI Index: AFR 17/01/93 Distr: UA/SC 10 February 1993 Further information on EXTRA 90/92 (AFR 17/16/92, 30 October 1992) - Fear of torture/legal concern CAMEROON: John Fru Ndi, chairman of the Social Democratic Front (SDF) and about 150 SDF supporters and hundreds of others arrested in Bamenda including: Ngalla Nfor, SDF official Peter Ngufor, businessman Francis Sama, lawyer Ophelia R. Sendze (female), lawyer Justice Nyo Wakai, former President of the Supreme Court Following the lifting of the State of Emergency in North-West Province on 30 December 1992, most emergency detainees are believed to have been released. Amnesty International welcomes the releases and asks whether all State of Emergency detainees in North-West Province and opposition supporters detained in other parts of the country have all been released. Amnesty International is also calling for an independent, judicial and open investigation into reports of widespread torture or ill-treatment which resulted in at least one death in detention (see follow-up to UA 365/92 AFR 17/03/93, 10 February 1992). On 23 December 1992 the High Court in Bamenda ordered the release of over 170 emergency detainees held by the security police in Bamenda. The government challenged this decision, saying that the court did not have jurisdiction to release administrative detainees. They were transferred to detention in Yaoundé but were released on 31 December 1992 after their cases had been reviewed by the State Security Court. After massive demonstrations in Bamenda by supporters of the opposition party, the Social Democratic Front (SDF), and under increasing international pressure, the state of emergency was lifted on 30 December 1992.
    [Show full text]
  • Pannenborg Big Men 12-10-2012
    Tilburg University Big men playing football Pannenborg, A.R.C. Publication date: 2012 Document Version Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Link to publication in Tilburg University Research Portal Citation for published version (APA): Pannenborg, A. R. C. (2012). Big men playing football: Money, politics and foul play in the African game. African Studies Centre. General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. • Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the public portal for the purpose of private study or research. • You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain • You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the public portal Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 25. sep. 2021 Big Men playing football Money, politics and foul play in the African game Proefschrift ter verkrijging van de graad van Doctor aan Tilburg University, op gezag van de Rector Magnificus, prof. dr. Ph. Eijlander, in het openbaar te verdedigen ten overstaan van een door het College voor Promoties aangewezen commissie in de aula van de Universiteit op vrijdag 12 oktober 2012 om 10.15 uur door Arnold Reinier Cornelis Pannenborg geboren op 11 september 1976 te Goes Promotiecommissie: Promotor: Prof.
    [Show full text]
  • Usages Militants Du Pidgin-English Au Cameroun : Forces Et Faiblesses D'un Prescriptivisme Identitaire
    Document generated on 09/29/2021 9:11 p.m. Arborescences Revue d'études françaises Usages militants du pidgin-english au Cameroun : forces et faiblesses d’un prescriptivisme identitaire Pandji Kawe Guy Rostand Identités linguistiques, langues identitaires : à la croisée du Article abstract prescriptivisme et du patriotisme This article proposes to examine how political and identity-related forms of Number 1, March 2011 dissent are brought about by the emergence of Pidgin English in a country with 270 local languages. While ignored and opposed by different colonial and URI: https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/1001946ar post-colonial administrations, Pidgin has rediscovered its status and value at DOI: https://doi.org/10.7202/1001946ar the beginning of the 1990s, and has since been used by various political activist groups to draw attention to the difficulties facing Cameroonian communities. Full-fledged use of the language continues to be the target of official See table of contents discrimination today, however its linguistic, economic, and sociopolitical importance is becoming more and more apparent. It has become the expression of an identity of dissent consisting mainly of Anglophones, a group Publisher(s) that Cameroonian politicians must consider in order to better govern the territory and its regions. Département d'études françaises, Université de Toronto ISSN 1925-5357 (digital) Explore this journal Cite this article Guy Rostand, P. K. (2011). Usages militants du pidgin-english au Cameroun : forces et faiblesses d’un prescriptivisme identitaire. Arborescences, (1), 0–0. https://doi.org/10.7202/1001946ar Tous droits réservés © Département d'études françaises, Université de Toronto, This document is protected by copyright law.
    [Show full text]
  • Social Democratic Front
    ANGLOPHONE UNIVERSITY STUDENTS AND ANGLOPHONE NATIONALIST STRUGGLES IN CAMEROON Piet Konings Introduction The dramatic changes that have been affecting the position of university students in African countries since the 1980s are being highlighted in an increasing number of studies (cf. Kpatinde 1991; Cruise O’Brien 1996; Lebeau 1997; Federici et al. 2000). Students in the first decades following African independence belonged to the most privileged group in the political system and were assured the desired elite status after graduation but successive generations have been faced with deteriorating living and study conditions on campuses and bleak prospects after graduating. African universities are in deep crisis nowadays (cf. Lebeau & Ogunsanya 2000; Nyamnjoh & Jua 2002). Academic standards have been falling rapidly because the universities lack the basic infrastructure needed to cope with the massive growth in the student population (Mbembe 1985; Tedga 1988; Lebeau 1997; Konings 2002) and the severe economic crisis and the implementation of Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs) are aggravating the situation further. The increasing withdrawal of state support for universities, university students and university graduates is seen in the drastic cuts in university budgets, the imposition of tuition fees and additional levies on the student population, and a virtual halt in the recruitment of new graduates into already over-sized state bureaucracies (Caffentzis 2000). Many graduates are finding themselves obliged to defer their entry into adulthood indefinitely as they are unable to achieve economic independence, to marry and start a family of their own. They are also being forced to abandon their aspirations for elite status. Given these conditions, the question to be posed is: how is the current generation of African university students reacting to their growing marginalisation? Most of the existing studies (cf.
    [Show full text]