Cameroon a Transition in Crisis
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Corruption in Cameroon
Corruption in Cameroon CORRUPTION IN CAMEROON - 1 - Corruption in Cameroon © Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Cameronn Tél: 22 21 29 96 / 22 21 52 92 - Fax: 22 21 52 74 E-mail : [email protected] Printed by : SAAGRAPH ISBN 2-911208-20-X - 2 - Corruption in Cameroon CO-ORDINATED BY Pierre TITI NWEL Corruption in Cameroon Study Realised by : GERDDES-Cameroon Published by : FRIEDRICH-EBERT -STIFTUNG Translated from French by : M. Diom Richard Senior Translator - MINDIC June 1999 - 3 - Corruption in Cameroon - 4 - Corruption in Cameroon PREFACE The need to talk about corruption in Cameroon was and remains very crucial. But let it be said that the existence of corruption within a society is not specific to Cameroon alone. In principle, corruption is a scourge which has existed since human beings started organising themselves into communities, indicating that corruption exists in countries in the World over. What generally differs from country to country is its dimensions, its intensity and most important, the way the Government and the Society at large deal with the problem so as to reduce or eliminate it. At the time GERDDES-CAMEROON contacted the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung for a support to carry out a study on corruption at the beginning of 1998, nobody could imagine that some months later, a German-based-Non Governmental Organisation (NGO), Transparency International, would render public a Report on 85 corrupt countries, and Cameroon would top the list, followed by Paraguay and Honduras. - 5 - Corruption in Cameroon Already at that time in Cameroon, there was a general outcry as to the intensity of the manifestation of corruption at virtually all levels of the society. -
Country Review Report of Cameroon
Country Review Report of Cameroon Review by the Republic of Angola and the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia of the implementation by Cameroon of articles 15 – 42 of Chapter III. “Criminalization and law enforcement” and articles 44 – 50 of Chapter IV. “International cooperation” of the United Nations Convention against Corruption for the review cycle 2010 - 2015 Page 1 of 142 I. Introduction 1. The Conference of the States Parties to the United Nations Convention against Corruption was established pursuant to article 63 of the Convention to, inter alia, promote and review the implementation of the Convention. 2. In accordance with article 63, paragraph 7, of the Convention, the Conference established at its third session, held in Doha from 9 to 13 November 2009, the Mechanism for the Review of Implementation of the Convention. The Mechanism was established also pursuant to article 4, paragraph 1, of the Convention, which states that States parties shall carry out their obligations under the Convention in a manner consistent with the principles of sovereign equality and territorial integrity of States and of non-intervention in the domestic affairs of other States. 3. The Review Mechanism is an intergovernmental process whose overall goal is to assist States parties in implementing the Convention. 4. The review process is based on the terms of reference of the Review Mechanism. II. Process 5. The following review of the implementation by Cameroon of the Convention is based on the completed response to the comprehensive self-assessment checklist received from Cameroon, supplementary information provided in accordance with paragraph 27 of the terms of reference of the Review Mechanism and the outcome of the constructive dialogue between the governmental experts from Cameroon, Angola and the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, by means of telephone conferences, and e-mail exchanges and involving: Angola Dr. -
Cameroon CAMEROON SUMMARY Cameroon Is a Bicameral Parliamentary Republic with Two Levels of Government, National and Local (Regions and Councils)
COUNTRY PROFILE 2019 THE LOCAL GOVERNMENT SYSTEM IN cameroon CAMEROON SUMMARY Cameroon is a bicameral parliamentary republic with two levels of government, national and local (regions and councils). There is constitutional provision for local government, as well as for an intermediary higher territorial tier (regions), although this has yet to be implemented. The main laws governing local government are Law No. 2004/17 on the Orientation of Decentralization, Law No. 2004/18 on Rules Applicable to Councils, and Law No. 2004/19 on Rules Applicable to Regions. The Ministry of Decentralization and Local Government is responsible for government policy on territorial administration and local government. There are 374 local government councils, consisting of 360 municipal councils and 14 city councils. There are also 45 district sub-divisions within the cities. Local councils are empowered to levy taxes and charges including direct council taxes, cattle tax and licences. The most important mechanism for revenue-sharing is the Additional Council Taxes levy on national taxation, of which 70% goes to the councils. All councils have similar responsibilities and powers for service delivery with the exception of the sub-divisional councils, which have a modified set of powers. Council responsibility for service delivery includes utilities, town planning, health, social services and primary education. 1. NATIONAL GOVERNMENT Q Decree 1987/1366: City Council of Douala Cameroon is a unitary republic with a Q Law 2009/019 on the Local Fiscal System 10.1a bicameral parliament. The head of Q Law 2012/001 on the Electoral Code, state is the president, who is directly as amended by Law 2012/017. -
Voting for the Devil You Know: Understanding Electoral Behavior in Authoritarian Regimes
VOTING FOR THE DEVIL YOU KNOW: UNDERSTANDING ELECTORAL BEHAVIOR IN AUTHORITARIAN REGIMES A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Cornell University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Natalie Wenzell Letsa August 2017 © Natalie Wenzell Letsa 2017 VOTING FOR THE DEVIL YOU KNOW: UNDERSTANDING ELECTORAL BEHVAIOR IN AUTHORITARIAN REGIMES Natalie Wenzell Letsa, Ph. D. Cornell University 2017 In countries where elections are not free or fair, and one political party consistently dominates elections, why do citizens bother to vote? If voting cannot substantively affect the balance of power, why do millions of citizens continue to vote in these elections? Until now, most answers to this question have used macro-level spending and demographic data to argue that people vote because they expect a material reward, such as patronage or a direct transfer via vote-buying. This dissertation argues, however, that autocratic regimes have social and political cleavages that give rise to variation in partisanship, which in turn create different non-economic motivations for voting behavior. Citizens with higher levels of socioeconomic status have the resources to engage more actively in politics, and are thus more likely to associate with political parties, while citizens with lower levels of socioeconomic status are more likely to be nonpartisans. Partisans, however, are further split by their political proclivities; those that support the regime are more likely to be ruling party partisans, while partisans who mistrust the regime are more likely to support opposition parties. In turn, these three groups of citizens have different expressive and social reasons for voting. -
Cameroon Assessment
Cameroon COUNTRY REPORT October 2003 Country Information & Policy Unit IMMIGRATION & NATIONALITY DIRECTORATE HOME OFFICE, UNITED KINGDOM Cameroon October 2003 CONTENTS 1. Scope of document 1.1 - 1.4 2. Geography 2.1 - 2.5 3. Economy 3.1 – 3.2 4. History 4.1 – 4.25 Summary of events since independence (1960) 4.1 – 4.22 - Paul Biya Presidency (1982 - Present) 4.5 – 4.12 - Elections (1996-1997) 4.13 – 4.18 - Elections (2002) 4.19 – 4.22 The Bakassi Issue 4.23 – 4.25 5. State Structures 5.1 – 5.39 The Constitution 5.1 – 5.8 - Citizenship and Nationality 5.3 – 5.8 Political System 5.9 – 5.12 - Relationship with Neighbouring Countries 5.12 Judiciary 5.13 – 5.17 Legal Rights/Detention 5.18 – 5.21 - Death Penalty 5.21 Internal Security 5.22 Prisons and Prison Conditions 5.23 – 5.28 Military Service 5.29 – 5.30 - Conscientious Objectors and Deserters 5.30 Medical Services 5.31 – 5.37 - HIV/AIDS 5.32 – 5.34 - Tuberculosis 5.35 - Mental Health 5.36 - People with disabilities 5.37 The Education System 5.37 – 5.39 Cameroon October 2003 6. HUMAN RIGHTS 6.A HUMAN RIGHTS ISSUES 6.1 – 6.59 Overview 6.1 – 6.13 - Arrest and Arbitrary Detention 6.3 – 6.4 - Torture and other Inhumane or Degrading Treatment 6.5 – 6.7 - Disappearances 6.8 - Arbitrary or unlawful killings 6.9 –6.10 - Arbitrary Interference with Privacy 6.11 - 6.12 - Security Forces – Human Rights Training 6.13 Freedom of Speech and the Media 6.14 – 6.25 - Journalists 6.22 – 6.25 Freedom of Religion 6.26 – 6.31 - The Practice of Witchcraft 6.31 Freedom of Assembly and Political Association 6.32 -
“These Killings Can Be Stopped” RIGHTS Government and Separatist Groups Abuses in Cameroon’S WATCH Anglophone Regions
HUMAN “These Killings Can Be Stopped” RIGHTS Government and Separatist Groups Abuses in Cameroon’s WATCH Anglophone Regions “These Killings Can Be Stopped” Abuses by Government and Separatist Groups in Cameroon’s Anglophone Regions Copyright © 2018 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-1-6231-36352 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people worldwide. We scrupulously investigate abuses, expose the facts widely, and pressure those with power to respect rights and secure justice. Human Rights Watch is an independent, international organization that works as part of a vibrant movement to uphold human dignity and advance the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Sydney, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org JULY 2018 ISBN: 978-1-6231-36352 “These Killings Can Be Stopped” Abuses by Government and Separatist Groups in Cameroon’s Anglophone Regions Map .................................................................................................................................... i Summary ........................................................................................................................... 1 Recommendations ............................................................................................................. -
Cyb Template 2012
Cameroon regions. At the border of the northern Sahel giraffes and antelopes, also abounds in region lies Lake Chad and the Chad basin; monkeys – screaming red and green monkeys further south the land forms a sloping plain, and mandrills – and lions and leopards. There rising to the Mandara Mountains. The central are gorillas in the great tracts of hardwood region extends from the Benue (Bénoué) rainforest in the south and east. Some 38 River to the Sanaga River, with a plateau in mammal species and 21 bird species are the north. This region includes the Adamaoua thought to be endangered (2014). plateau which separates the agricultural Main towns: Yaoundé (capital, in Centre south from the pastoral north. In the west, Region, pop. 1.81m in 2010), Douala the land is mountainous, with a double chain (principal port, in Coastal Region, 2.13m), of volcanic peaks, rising to a height of 4,095 Garoua (North Region, 573,700), Bamenda metres at Mount Cameroon. This is the (North-West, 546,400), Maroua (Far North, highest and wettest peak in western Africa. 436,700), Bafoussam (West, 383,200), The fourth region, to the south, extends from Ngaoundéré (Adamaoua, 314,100), Bertoua the Sanaga River to the southern border, (East, 297,200), Loum (Coastal, 249,100), comprising a coastal plain and forested Kumbo (North-West, 222,600), Edéa plateau. There is a complicated system of (Coastal, 209,600), Mbouda (West, 188,200), drainage. Several rivers flow westwards: the Kumba (South-West, 180,000), Foumban KEY FACTS Benue River which rises in the Mandara (West, 171,600), Dschang (West, 149,300), Joined Commonwealth: 1995 Mountains and later joins the River Niger, and Nkongsamba (Coastal, 131,100), Ebolowa Population: 22,254,000 (2013) the Sanaga and Nyong rivers which flow into (South, 129,600), Kousséri (contiguous with the Gulf of Guinea. -
The Anglophone Problem in Cameroon
The Journal of Modern African Studies, , (), pp. –. Printed in the United Kingdom # Cambridge University Press The Anglophone Problem in Cameroon by PIET KONINGS and FRANCIS B. NYAMNJOH* Tpolitical agenda in Cameroon has become increasingly dominated by what is known as the ‘anglophone problem’, which poses a major challenge to the efforts of the post-colonial state to forge national unity and integration, and has led to the reintroduction of forceful arguments and actions in favour of ‘federalism’ or even ‘secession’. The root of this problem may be traced back to when the political e! lites of two territories with different colonial legacies – one French and the other British – agreed on the formation of a federal " state. Contrary to expectations, this did not provide for the equal partnership of both parties, let alone for the preservation of the cultural heritage and identity of each, but turned out to be merely a transitory phase to the total integration of the anglophone region into a strongly centralised, unitary state. Gradually, this created an anglophone consciousness: the feeling of being ‘marginalised’, ‘exploited’, and ‘assimilated’ by the francophone-dominated state, and even by the francophone population as a whole. It was not until the political liberalisation process in the early s that some members of the English-speaking e! lite started openly to protest against the supposed subordinate position of the anglophones and to lay claims for self-determination and autonomy. Whereas the most important organisations initially called for a return to the federal state, the persistent refusal of the Government headed by President Paul Biya to discuss any related constitutional reforms forced some to adopt a secessionist stand. -
Issn 2320-9186 65
GSJ: Volume 9, Issue 4, April 2021 ISSN 2320-9186 65 GSJ: Volume 9, Issue 4, April 2021, Online: ISSN 2320-9186 www.globalscientificjournal.com Premature Democracy: The Root Cause Of Lack Of Political Participation In Cameroon By Christian Nwufor Fuh [email protected] Abstract The paper sets out to investigate premature democracy and identity politics as the foundation of disorder in Cameroon. This study explores survey approach with the use of primary and secondary sources. The finding revealed that Cameroon has witnessed a fail democracy in both micro and macro states of Cameroon. The faraway democracy has contributed to endemic poverty, corruption and political intimidation which discouraged youth’s participation in election. The hindrance has given emergence to survival of fittest as young people engaged in feymanism and presently digital scamming. The study further found out that, the miscarriage democracy has equally facilitated bushfalling phenomenon which has tarnished the image of Cameroon home and abroad. The paper recommends that, the type of democracy suitable for multi ethnicity state like Cameroon is consociational democracy. Secondly the government of Cameroon should empower the youths by giving more opportunities for youths in position of leadership, voting age should be reduce to 18 years and appointee should not be more than 10 years in office. Key Words: Cameroon, Premature Democracy, Politics, Participation GSJ© 2021 www.globalscientificjournal.com GSJ: Volume 9, Issue 4, April 2021 ISSN 2320-9186 66 Introduction The turn of 1960 was seen as the beginning of glorious years for Africans as African states witnessed independence but was soon trap in the web of civil and military unrest, largely provoked by premature democracy and ethnicity politics. -
Cameroon in 2010
Cameroon in 2010 As in the previous year, the 2011 presidential election was the central concern for all political actors. As if already campaigning, President Paul Biya, who does not usually travel inside the country except to his home village, made an official visit to the capital of the sensitive North-West region. There, he met for the first time his longstanding rival, John Fru Ndi, chairman of the main opposition party, which was still challenging the administration of the election. During the year, the regime had to face several scandals, including one caused by the death in custody of a journalist. The economy was depressed, major infrastructure development projects continued to be stalled and oil production continued to decline. Domestic politics President Biya continued to maintain uncertainty over whether he would stand again as a candidate in the 2011 presidential election. However, two events suggested that he would: Biya, who rarely at- tends meetings with his peers, tried to gain international recognition by organising in May in Yaoundé a “high level” conference named ‘Africa 21’ to celebrate the 50th anniversary of the Independence of African former French colonies. Only three African presidents, Ali Bongo (Gabon), Blaise Compaoré (Burkina Faso) and Fradique de Menezes (São Tomé), and some international figures, such as former UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan, Chairman of the African Union Commission Jean Ping, and a number of French political leaders, including Secretary of State for Cooperation Alain Joyandet, Alain Juppé (mayor of Bordeaux) and Michel Rocard, attended the event. A similar motive was suspected for the official visit that Biya made in December to Bamenda, capital of the North-West region, where celebrations for the 50th anniversary of the Cameroonian army © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���9 | doi:��.��63/978900440�53�_004 cameroon in �0�0 �7 were the pretext for a meeting with his long-term rival, John Fru Ndi, chairman of the main opposition party, the Social Democratic Front (SDF). -
Republique Du Cameroun Republic of Cameroon
NATIONAL YOUTH POLICY MINJEC CAB 2015 ii H. E. Paul BIYA President of the Republic of Cameroon, Head of State iii iv H.E Philemon YANG, Prime Minister, Head of Government Dr. BIDOUNG MKPATT, Minister of Youth Affairs and Civic Education v vi CONTENTS ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS .............................................................................. IX PREFACE ............................................................................................................................. XII INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................................... 1 1.1: Geophysical presentation of Cameroon .......................................................................... 3 1.2: Population data and the importance of the youth population in Cameroon ............... 3 1.3: Ethnic groups, Culture and Languages .......................................................................... 4 1.4: Communication and means of communication .............................................................. 4 1.5: Political and Administrative setup .................................................................................. 5 1.6.1 Evolution of the economic situation .................................................................................. 6 1.6.2: The Poverty Situation ....................................................................................................... 7 1.7: International environment .............................................................................................. -
Ayuk-Mbi-Elisabeth-L
An Open Access Journal from The Law Brigade (Publishing) Group 1 THE LEGITIMATION OF POLITICAL AUTHORITY AND INSTITUTIONS BY ETHNIC ASSOCIATIONS IN THE ADAMAWA REGION OF CAMEROON Written by Ayuk Mbi Elisabeth 4th Year Research Student In Phd, Faculty Of Law And Political Science, University Of Ngoundere Cameroon In the 1990s, sub-Saharan African states got engaged in a decompression process with some long expected effects such as competitive elections, freedom of speech, and the development of individual and collective rights such as freedom of association for a better expression of citizenship. This liberalization did not only come along with the expected effects as it equally produced some perverse effects. This atmosphere favored the liberation of public space and the involvement of new actors in the political arena manifested through the appearance of diverse social movements (Monga, 1994, Kenmogne, 2002, Oyono and Temple 2003). One of such movements is the ‘Association’. In Cameroon, under the prism of the civil society, there is a wide range of associations and these associations vary from the religious to ethnic passing through community development associations with others mutating into pressure groups and political parties. Seen as representations of their different local communities (Gausset 2005), ethno-community associations have gradually imposed themselves in the political field to the extent of maintaining a stable and almost formal relationship with state authorities and institutions. While a number of authors see this existing relationship between the state and ethnic groups as an investment and a return on investment (Moluh, 2005, Posner 2005), others think that it is a one sided Instrumentalization from political entrepreneurs (Hogan and Feeney, 2013).