What Prof. TIH Pius Would Be Remembered for As Director of CBCHS Prof Tih Pius’ Unmatched Legacy at Helm of CBCHS and President of the Caucus: Dr
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Cameroon CAMEROON SUMMARY Cameroon Is a Bicameral Parliamentary Republic with Two Levels of Government, National and Local (Regions and Councils)
COUNTRY PROFILE 2019 THE LOCAL GOVERNMENT SYSTEM IN cameroon CAMEROON SUMMARY Cameroon is a bicameral parliamentary republic with two levels of government, national and local (regions and councils). There is constitutional provision for local government, as well as for an intermediary higher territorial tier (regions), although this has yet to be implemented. The main laws governing local government are Law No. 2004/17 on the Orientation of Decentralization, Law No. 2004/18 on Rules Applicable to Councils, and Law No. 2004/19 on Rules Applicable to Regions. The Ministry of Decentralization and Local Government is responsible for government policy on territorial administration and local government. There are 374 local government councils, consisting of 360 municipal councils and 14 city councils. There are also 45 district sub-divisions within the cities. Local councils are empowered to levy taxes and charges including direct council taxes, cattle tax and licences. The most important mechanism for revenue-sharing is the Additional Council Taxes levy on national taxation, of which 70% goes to the councils. All councils have similar responsibilities and powers for service delivery with the exception of the sub-divisional councils, which have a modified set of powers. Council responsibility for service delivery includes utilities, town planning, health, social services and primary education. 1. NATIONAL GOVERNMENT Q Decree 1987/1366: City Council of Douala Cameroon is a unitary republic with a Q Law 2009/019 on the Local Fiscal System 10.1a bicameral parliament. The head of Q Law 2012/001 on the Electoral Code, state is the president, who is directly as amended by Law 2012/017. -
Voting for the Devil You Know: Understanding Electoral Behavior in Authoritarian Regimes
VOTING FOR THE DEVIL YOU KNOW: UNDERSTANDING ELECTORAL BEHAVIOR IN AUTHORITARIAN REGIMES A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Cornell University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Natalie Wenzell Letsa August 2017 © Natalie Wenzell Letsa 2017 VOTING FOR THE DEVIL YOU KNOW: UNDERSTANDING ELECTORAL BEHVAIOR IN AUTHORITARIAN REGIMES Natalie Wenzell Letsa, Ph. D. Cornell University 2017 In countries where elections are not free or fair, and one political party consistently dominates elections, why do citizens bother to vote? If voting cannot substantively affect the balance of power, why do millions of citizens continue to vote in these elections? Until now, most answers to this question have used macro-level spending and demographic data to argue that people vote because they expect a material reward, such as patronage or a direct transfer via vote-buying. This dissertation argues, however, that autocratic regimes have social and political cleavages that give rise to variation in partisanship, which in turn create different non-economic motivations for voting behavior. Citizens with higher levels of socioeconomic status have the resources to engage more actively in politics, and are thus more likely to associate with political parties, while citizens with lower levels of socioeconomic status are more likely to be nonpartisans. Partisans, however, are further split by their political proclivities; those that support the regime are more likely to be ruling party partisans, while partisans who mistrust the regime are more likely to support opposition parties. In turn, these three groups of citizens have different expressive and social reasons for voting. -
Cyb Template 2012
Cameroon regions. At the border of the northern Sahel giraffes and antelopes, also abounds in region lies Lake Chad and the Chad basin; monkeys – screaming red and green monkeys further south the land forms a sloping plain, and mandrills – and lions and leopards. There rising to the Mandara Mountains. The central are gorillas in the great tracts of hardwood region extends from the Benue (Bénoué) rainforest in the south and east. Some 38 River to the Sanaga River, with a plateau in mammal species and 21 bird species are the north. This region includes the Adamaoua thought to be endangered (2014). plateau which separates the agricultural Main towns: Yaoundé (capital, in Centre south from the pastoral north. In the west, Region, pop. 1.81m in 2010), Douala the land is mountainous, with a double chain (principal port, in Coastal Region, 2.13m), of volcanic peaks, rising to a height of 4,095 Garoua (North Region, 573,700), Bamenda metres at Mount Cameroon. This is the (North-West, 546,400), Maroua (Far North, highest and wettest peak in western Africa. 436,700), Bafoussam (West, 383,200), The fourth region, to the south, extends from Ngaoundéré (Adamaoua, 314,100), Bertoua the Sanaga River to the southern border, (East, 297,200), Loum (Coastal, 249,100), comprising a coastal plain and forested Kumbo (North-West, 222,600), Edéa plateau. There is a complicated system of (Coastal, 209,600), Mbouda (West, 188,200), drainage. Several rivers flow westwards: the Kumba (South-West, 180,000), Foumban KEY FACTS Benue River which rises in the Mandara (West, 171,600), Dschang (West, 149,300), Joined Commonwealth: 1995 Mountains and later joins the River Niger, and Nkongsamba (Coastal, 131,100), Ebolowa Population: 22,254,000 (2013) the Sanaga and Nyong rivers which flow into (South, 129,600), Kousséri (contiguous with the Gulf of Guinea. -
CPIN Template 2018
Country Policy and Information Note Cameroon: Anglophones Version 1.0 March 2020 Preface Purpose This note provides country of origin information (COI) and analysis of COI for use by Home Office decision makers handling particular types of protection and human rights claims (as set out in the Introduction section). It is not intended to be an exhaustive survey of a particular subject or theme. It is split into two main sections: (1) analysis and assessment of COI and other evidence; and (2) COI. These are explained in more detail below. Assessment This section analyses the evidence relevant to this note – i.e. the COI section; refugee/human rights laws and policies; and applicable caselaw – by describing this and its inter-relationships, and provides an assessment of, in general, whether one or more of the following applies: • A person is reasonably likely to face a real risk of persecution or serious harm • The general humanitarian situation is so severe as to breach Article 15(b) of European Council Directive 2004/83/EC (the Qualification Directive) / Article 3 of the European Convention on Human Rights as transposed in paragraph 339C and 339CA(iii) of the Immigration Rules • The security situation presents a real risk to a civilian’s life or person such that it would breach Article 15(c) of the Qualification Directive as transposed in paragraph 339C and 339CA(iv) of the Immigration Rules • A person is able to obtain protection from the state (or quasi state bodies) • A person is reasonably able to relocate within a country or territory • A claim is likely to justify granting asylum, humanitarian protection or other form of leave, and • If a claim is refused, it is likely or unlikely to be certifiable as ‘clearly unfounded’ under section 94 of the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002. -
The Anglophone Problem in Cameroon
The Journal of Modern African Studies, , (), pp. –. Printed in the United Kingdom # Cambridge University Press The Anglophone Problem in Cameroon by PIET KONINGS and FRANCIS B. NYAMNJOH* Tpolitical agenda in Cameroon has become increasingly dominated by what is known as the ‘anglophone problem’, which poses a major challenge to the efforts of the post-colonial state to forge national unity and integration, and has led to the reintroduction of forceful arguments and actions in favour of ‘federalism’ or even ‘secession’. The root of this problem may be traced back to when the political e! lites of two territories with different colonial legacies – one French and the other British – agreed on the formation of a federal " state. Contrary to expectations, this did not provide for the equal partnership of both parties, let alone for the preservation of the cultural heritage and identity of each, but turned out to be merely a transitory phase to the total integration of the anglophone region into a strongly centralised, unitary state. Gradually, this created an anglophone consciousness: the feeling of being ‘marginalised’, ‘exploited’, and ‘assimilated’ by the francophone-dominated state, and even by the francophone population as a whole. It was not until the political liberalisation process in the early s that some members of the English-speaking e! lite started openly to protest against the supposed subordinate position of the anglophones and to lay claims for self-determination and autonomy. Whereas the most important organisations initially called for a return to the federal state, the persistent refusal of the Government headed by President Paul Biya to discuss any related constitutional reforms forced some to adopt a secessionist stand. -
Issn 2320-9186 65
GSJ: Volume 9, Issue 4, April 2021 ISSN 2320-9186 65 GSJ: Volume 9, Issue 4, April 2021, Online: ISSN 2320-9186 www.globalscientificjournal.com Premature Democracy: The Root Cause Of Lack Of Political Participation In Cameroon By Christian Nwufor Fuh [email protected] Abstract The paper sets out to investigate premature democracy and identity politics as the foundation of disorder in Cameroon. This study explores survey approach with the use of primary and secondary sources. The finding revealed that Cameroon has witnessed a fail democracy in both micro and macro states of Cameroon. The faraway democracy has contributed to endemic poverty, corruption and political intimidation which discouraged youth’s participation in election. The hindrance has given emergence to survival of fittest as young people engaged in feymanism and presently digital scamming. The study further found out that, the miscarriage democracy has equally facilitated bushfalling phenomenon which has tarnished the image of Cameroon home and abroad. The paper recommends that, the type of democracy suitable for multi ethnicity state like Cameroon is consociational democracy. Secondly the government of Cameroon should empower the youths by giving more opportunities for youths in position of leadership, voting age should be reduce to 18 years and appointee should not be more than 10 years in office. Key Words: Cameroon, Premature Democracy, Politics, Participation GSJ© 2021 www.globalscientificjournal.com GSJ: Volume 9, Issue 4, April 2021 ISSN 2320-9186 66 Introduction The turn of 1960 was seen as the beginning of glorious years for Africans as African states witnessed independence but was soon trap in the web of civil and military unrest, largely provoked by premature democracy and ethnicity politics. -
Cameroon in 2010
Cameroon in 2010 As in the previous year, the 2011 presidential election was the central concern for all political actors. As if already campaigning, President Paul Biya, who does not usually travel inside the country except to his home village, made an official visit to the capital of the sensitive North-West region. There, he met for the first time his longstanding rival, John Fru Ndi, chairman of the main opposition party, which was still challenging the administration of the election. During the year, the regime had to face several scandals, including one caused by the death in custody of a journalist. The economy was depressed, major infrastructure development projects continued to be stalled and oil production continued to decline. Domestic politics President Biya continued to maintain uncertainty over whether he would stand again as a candidate in the 2011 presidential election. However, two events suggested that he would: Biya, who rarely at- tends meetings with his peers, tried to gain international recognition by organising in May in Yaoundé a “high level” conference named ‘Africa 21’ to celebrate the 50th anniversary of the Independence of African former French colonies. Only three African presidents, Ali Bongo (Gabon), Blaise Compaoré (Burkina Faso) and Fradique de Menezes (São Tomé), and some international figures, such as former UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan, Chairman of the African Union Commission Jean Ping, and a number of French political leaders, including Secretary of State for Cooperation Alain Joyandet, Alain Juppé (mayor of Bordeaux) and Michel Rocard, attended the event. A similar motive was suspected for the official visit that Biya made in December to Bamenda, capital of the North-West region, where celebrations for the 50th anniversary of the Cameroonian army © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���9 | doi:��.��63/978900440�53�_004 cameroon in �0�0 �7 were the pretext for a meeting with his long-term rival, John Fru Ndi, chairman of the main opposition party, the Social Democratic Front (SDF). -
Ayuk-Mbi-Elisabeth-L
An Open Access Journal from The Law Brigade (Publishing) Group 1 THE LEGITIMATION OF POLITICAL AUTHORITY AND INSTITUTIONS BY ETHNIC ASSOCIATIONS IN THE ADAMAWA REGION OF CAMEROON Written by Ayuk Mbi Elisabeth 4th Year Research Student In Phd, Faculty Of Law And Political Science, University Of Ngoundere Cameroon In the 1990s, sub-Saharan African states got engaged in a decompression process with some long expected effects such as competitive elections, freedom of speech, and the development of individual and collective rights such as freedom of association for a better expression of citizenship. This liberalization did not only come along with the expected effects as it equally produced some perverse effects. This atmosphere favored the liberation of public space and the involvement of new actors in the political arena manifested through the appearance of diverse social movements (Monga, 1994, Kenmogne, 2002, Oyono and Temple 2003). One of such movements is the ‘Association’. In Cameroon, under the prism of the civil society, there is a wide range of associations and these associations vary from the religious to ethnic passing through community development associations with others mutating into pressure groups and political parties. Seen as representations of their different local communities (Gausset 2005), ethno-community associations have gradually imposed themselves in the political field to the extent of maintaining a stable and almost formal relationship with state authorities and institutions. While a number of authors see this existing relationship between the state and ethnic groups as an investment and a return on investment (Moluh, 2005, Posner 2005), others think that it is a one sided Instrumentalization from political entrepreneurs (Hogan and Feeney, 2013). -
Proceedingsnord of the GENERAL CONFERENCE of LOCAL COUNCILS
REPUBLIC OF CAMEROON REPUBLIQUE DU CAMEROUN Peace - Work - Fatherland Paix - Travail - Patrie ------------------------- ------------------------- MINISTRY OF DECENTRALIZATION MINISTERE DE LA DECENTRALISATION AND LOCAL DEVELOPMENT ET DU DEVELOPPEMENT LOCAL Extrême PROCEEDINGSNord OF THE GENERAL CONFERENCE OF LOCAL COUNCILS Nord Theme: Deepening Decentralization: A New Face for Local Councils in Cameroon Adamaoua Nord-Ouest Yaounde Conference Centre, 6 and 7 February 2019 Sud- Ouest Ouest Centre Littoral Est Sud Published in July 2019 For any information on the General Conference on Local Councils - 2019 edition - or to obtain copies of this publication, please contact: Ministry of Decentralization and Local Development (MINDDEVEL) Website: www.minddevel.gov.cm Facebook: Ministère-de-la-Décentralisation-et-du-Développement-Local Twitter: @minddevelcamer.1 Reviewed by: MINDDEVEL/PRADEC-GIZ These proceedings have been published with the assistance of the German Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ) through the Deutsche Gesellschaft für internationale Zusammenarbeit (GIZ) GmbH in the framework of the Support programme for municipal development (PROMUD). GIZ does not necessarily share the opinions expressed in this publication. The Ministry of Decentralisation and Local Development (MINDDEVEL) is fully responsible for this content. Contents Contents Foreword ..............................................................................................................................................................................5 -
The Search for a Cameroonian Model of Democracy Or the Search for the Domination of the State Party: 1966-2006 Cadernos De Estudos Africanos, Núm
Cadernos de Estudos Africanos ISSN: 1645-3794 [email protected] Centro de Estudos Africanos Portugal Mokam, David The Search for a Cameroonian Model of Democracy or the Search for the Domination of the State Party: 1966-2006 Cadernos de Estudos Africanos, núm. 23, julio, 2012, pp. 1-16 Centro de Estudos Africanos Lisboa, Portugal Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=293023560004 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative Cadernos de Estudos Africanos 23 (2012) Varia e Recensões ................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................ David Mokam The Search for a Cameroonian Model of Democracy or the Search for the Domination of the State Party: 1966-2006 ................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................ Aviso O conteúdo deste website está sujeito à legislação francesa sobre a propriedade intelectual e é propriedade exclusiva do -
The Constitution and Governance in Cameroon
The Constitution and Governance in Cameroon This book provides a systematic analysis of the major structural and institutional governance mechanisms in Cameroon, critically analysing the constitutional and legislative texts on Cameroon’s semi-presidential system, the electoral system, the legislature, the judiciary, the Constitutional Council and the National Commission on Human Rights and Freedoms. The author offers an assessment of the practical application of the laws regulating constitutional institutions and how they impact on governance. To lay the groundwork for the analysis, the book examines the historical, constitutional and political context of governance in Cameroon, from independence and reunification in 1960–1961, through the adoption of the 1996 Constitution, to more recent events including the current Anglophone crisis. Offering novel insights on new institutions such as the Senate and the Constitutional Council and their contribution to the democratic advancement of Cameroon, the book also provides the first critical assessment of the legislative provisions carving out a special autonomy status for the two Anglophone regions of Cameroon and considers how far these provisions go to resolve the Anglophone Problem. This book will be of interest to scholars of public law, legal history and African politics. Laura-Stella E. Enonchong is a Senior Lecturer at De Montfort University, UK. Routledge Studies on Law in Africa Series Editor: Makau W. Mutua The Constitution and Governance in Cameroon Laura-Stella E. Enonchong The Constitution and Governance in Cameroon Laura-Stella E. Enonchong First published 2021 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2021 Laura-Stella E. -
The Politics of Neoliberal Reforms in Africa: State and Civil Society in Cameroon Konings, P.J.J
The politics of neoliberal reforms in Africa: State and civil society in Cameroon Konings, P.J.J. Citation Konings, P. J. J. (2011). The politics of neoliberal reforms in Africa: State and civil society in Cameroon. Leiden: African Studies Centre and Langaa Publishers. Retrieved from https://hdl.handle.net/1887/22175 Version: Not Applicable (or Unknown) License: Leiden University Non-exclusive license Downloaded from: https://hdl.handle.net/1887/22175 Note: To cite this publication please use the final published version (if applicable). The Politics of Neoliberal Reforms in Africa Langaa & African Studies Centre The Politics of Neoliberal Reforms in Africa State and Civil Society in Cameroon Piet Konings Langaa Research and Publishing Common Initiative Group PO Box 902 Mankon Bamenda North West Region Cameroon Phone +237 33 07 34 69 / 33 36 14 02 [email protected] http://www.langaa-rpcig.net www.africanbookscollective.com/publishers/langaa-rpcig African Studies Centre P.O. Box 9555 2300 RB Leiden The Netherlands [email protected] http://www.ascleiden.nl ISBN: © Langaa & African Studies Centre, 2011 Contents Acknowledgements ...................................................................................ix List of Tables .........................................................................................xi Abbreviations....................................................................................... xiii Map of the Republic of Cameroon ...................................................... xvi 1 Contesting Neoliberal Reforms