I Introduction: the Old Charitable Order and the Promise of Good Government 1

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

I Introduction: the Old Charitable Order and the Promise of Good Government 1 Notes I Introduction: The Old Charitable Order and the Promise of Good Government 1. L. A. Muratori, Trattato della carità cristiana e altri scritti sulla carità, P. G. Nonis, ed. (Rome, 1961), p. 687. 2. Ibid., pp. 3, 19–20, 690. 3. Ibid., intro. pp. 61–2. See also B. Geremek, La pietà a la forca: Storia della miseria e della carità in Europa (Bari, 1986), intro. 4. On the failure of Victor Amadeus II’s attempts in 1716 and 1717 to reform poor relief through state intervention, see S. Cavallo, Charity and Power in Early Modern Italy: Benefactors and their Motives in Turin, 1541–1789 (Cambridge, 1995), ch.5, esp. pp. 182–96. Cavallo seeks to debunk the myth of this Savoyard king as Italy’s Louis XIV. 5. See D. Carpanetto and G. Ricuperati, L’Italia del settecento: Crisi, trasformazioni, lumi (Rome and Bari, 1986), intro. 6. J. P. Trevelyan, A Short History of the Italian People: From the Barbarian Invasions to the Present Day (4th edn, London, 1956), p. 291; S. Woolf, A History of Italy, 1700–1860: The Social Constraints of Political Change (1979; reprinted London and New York, 1991), pp. 130–5 on Leopold and 125–30 on Joseph II of Lombardy; D. Carpanetto and G. Ricuperati, L’Italia del settecento, ch. 15. 7. F. Venturi, Italy and the Enlightenment: Studies in a Cosmopolitan Century, ed. S. Woolf, trans. S. Corsi (London, 1972), p. 20 et passim. 8. F. Nitti, L’assistenza pubblica in Italia: L’azione della chiesa a l’azione dello stato (Trani, 1892), p. 10. 9. On medieval ideas about charity and their revival in Catholic Counter- Reformation culture, see B. Pullan, ‘Catholics and the Poor in Early Modern Europe’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, vol. 26 (London, 1976), pp. 15–34, 27–31. 10. S. Woolf, The Poor in Western Europe in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries (London and New York, 1986), intro, esp. pp. 26–7. 11. F. Nitti, L’assistenza pubblica in Italia, p. 13. 12. L. Ricci, Riforma degl’istituti pii della città di Modena (Modena, 1787), cited in S. Woolf, The Poor in Western Europe in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries, ch. 3, p. 77. 13. S. Cavallo, Charity and Power in Early Modern Italy, ch. 6; and, by the same author, see ‘Conceptions of Poverty and Poor Relief in Turin in the Second Half of the Eighteenth Century’, in Domestic Strategies: Work and Family in France and Italy, 1600–1800, ed. S. J. Woolf (Cambridge, 1991), pp. 148–99. On the opening c.1759 of Milan’s workhouse, see also, G. Ferri Piccaluga, ‘La riforma della pub- blica assistenza sotto il governo di Maria Teresa: l’architetto Francesco Croce e la costruzione dell’Albergo dei Poveri nella città di Milano’, in Timore e carità: I poveri nell’Italia moderna, Atti del convegno ‘Pauperismo e assistenza negli antichi stati italiani’ (Cremona, 28–30 marzo 1980), ed. G. Politi, M. Rosa and F. Della Peruta (Cremona, 1982), pp. 225–35. 303 304 Italy’s Social Revolution 14. See C. Jones, Charity and Bienfaisance: The Treatment of the Poor in the Montpellier Region, 1740–1815 (Cambridge, 1982), p. 161 for a discussion of similar ideas and developments in France. 15. The literature on just how discriminating and selective medieval and early modern Church charity in Italy actually could be is vast. For references, see B. Pullan, Rich and Poor in Renaissance Venice: The Social Institutions of a Catholic State, to 1620 (Oxford, 1971). 16. A. Cherubini, Storia della previdenza sociale in Italia, 1860–1960 (Rome, 1977), pp. 11–13. 17. Of course, if you were to take a very long-term view of welfare state-building, then you could plausibly argue that this process began in the sixteenth century, when Italian municipal governments attempted to gain control of Church charitable institutions for poor relief. See S. Cavallo, Charity and Power, ch. 1, esp. p. 15, for a discussion of debates about the late medieval period. Though used indiscriminately by some, the term ‘welfare state’, however, can only meaningfully be applied to the later modern period because it presup- poses the existence of a whole complex set of institutions, policies, and laws, under a guiding central administrative state, which simply did not exist in earlier societies. 18. For a discussion of this concept in a different context, see O. Chadwick, The Secularization of the European Mind in the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge, 1990). 19. The quote is from J. A. Davis, Conflict and Control: Law and Order in Nineteenth- Century Italy (Basingstoke and London, 1988), p. 19; ch. 1 analyses autocratic reformism; D. Carpanetto and G. Ricuperati, L’Italia nel settecento, ch. 21 on the crisis of the old regime. 20. Considerably more is known about the repression of pauperism than about forms of relief targeted at the deserving poor (infants, the aged, the infirm): see, for example, E. Bressan, Povertà e assistenza in Lombardia nell’età napoleonica (Milan, Rome, and Bari, 1985), ch. 1; and S. Woolf, ‘Charité, pauvreté et struc- ture des ménages a Florence au début du xixe siècle’, Annales économies sociétés civilisations, 39:1 (Jan–Feb, 1984), pp. 355–82, which provides a very detailed picture of poverty and its relief from 1808 to 1814. 21. On the ‘administrative revolution’ enacted by Napoleonic prefects in Bologna, see S. C. Hughes, Crime, Disorder and the Risorgimento: The Politics of Policing in Bologna (Cambridge, 1994), p. 19; and see J. A. Davis, Conflict and Control, pp. 22–3 on the ‘profound and irreversible’ impact of Napoleonic administrative reforms on Italy. 22. D. Maldini, ‘Il Dépôt de Mendicité del Dipartimento del Po: Analisi di una struttura assistenziale nel Piemonte napoleonico’ Timore e carità, pp. 331–45. 23. S. C. Hughes, Crime, Disorder and the Risorgimento, intro. and ch. 1. 24. Literally translated as ‘pious works’, opere pie were all those institutions of ‘piety, religion, and public utility’ which had been founded through Christian charity and private benefaction. Over the course of centuries, thousands of these charities arose. 25. G. Farrell-Vinay, Povertà e politica nell’ottocento: Le opere pie nello stato liberale (Turin, 1997), pp. 96–7. 26. M. Piccialuti Caprioli, ‘Il “sistema della beneficienza pubblica” nel Piemonte pre- unitario’, in Timore e carità, pp. 477–87, 477. 27. See S. Wolf, ‘Problems in the history of pauperism in Italy, 1800–15’ in Timore e carità, pp. 317–29 and in The Poor in Western Europe in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries, pp. 128–45, esp. 134–36; see also ‘The Treatment of the Poor in Napoleonic Tuscany, 1808–14’ in ibid., pp. 76–117. Notes and References 305 28. G. Da Molin, ‘Les enfants abandonnés dans les villes italiennes aux xviiie et xixe siècles’, Annales de démographie historique (Paris, 1983), pp. 103–23, 103. 29. V. Hunecke, I trovatelli di Milano: Bambini esposti e famiglie espositrici dal xvii al xix secolo (Bologna, 1989), pp. 36, 38. 30. G. Da Molin, ‘Les enfants abandonnés’, p. 114; and see her L’Infanzia abbando- nata in Italia in età moderna: Aspetti demografici di un problema sociale (Bari, 1981), pp. 115–218. 31. L. Dodi Osnaghi, ‘Ruote e infanzia abbandonata a Milano nella prima metà dell’ottocento’, in Timore e carità, pp. 426–35, 429. 32. M. Livi Bacci and M. Breschi, ‘Italian Fertility: An Historical Account’, Journal of Family History, 15:4 (1990), pp. 385–408, 394; see also, M. Aymard and G. Delille, ‘La démographie historique en Italie: Une discipline en mutation’, Annales de démographie historique (Paris, 1977), pp. 447–61, esp. 458–61. 33. L. Dodi Osnaghi, ‘Ruote e infanzia abbandonata’, p. 429. 34. M. Barbagli, ‘Marriage and the Family in the Early Nineteenth Century’, in Society and Politics in the Age of the Risorgimento: Essays in Honour of Denis Mack Smith, ed. J. A. Davis and P. Ginsborg (Cambridge, 1991), pp. 92–127, 123. 35. M. Piccialuti Caprioli, ‘Il “sistema della beneficienza pubblica”’, p. 482. 36. D. Laven, ‘Austria’s Italian Policy Reconsidered: Revolution and Reform in Restoration Italy’, Modern Italy, 1:3 (Autumn, 1997), pp. 3–33, 18. At the time of writing, Napoleon’s Legacy: Problems of Government in Restoration Europe, ed. L. Riall and D. Laven has not yet been published. 37. G. Farrell-Vinay, Povertà e politica nell’ottocento, pp. 98–100. 38. F. Della Peruta, ‘Per la storia della società lombarda nell’età della restau- razione’, Studi storici, 2 (1975), pp. 305–39, 337–8; S. J. Woolf, The Italian Risorgimento (London, 1969), pp. 29–30. 39. S. Woolf, ‘The Poor and How to Relieve Them: The Restoration Debate on Poverty in Italy and Europe’, Society and Politics in the Age of the Risorgimento, pp. 49–91, 65. 40. M. Piccialuti Caprioli, ‘Il “sistema della beneficienza pubblica”’, pp. 483–4. 41. P. Ungari, Storia del diritto di famiglia in Italia (Bologna, 1974), p. 136. 42. G. Farrell-Vinay, Povertà e politica nell’ottocento, pp. 37–8. 43. M. Piccialuti Caprioli, 478–9. 44. J. P. Trevelyan, A Short History of the Italian People, pp. 334–5. 45. From an article in Nuova antologia that appeared in January 1890; cited in F. Della Peruta, ‘Le opere pie dall’unità alla legge Crispi’, Il Risorgimento, 2–3 (1991), pp. 173–213, 183. 46. In his L’assistenza pubblica (p. 14), Nitti used the term ‘shadowy forest that no one wants to enter’; see also F. S. Nitti, ‘Poor Relief in Italy’, Economic Review, 2:1 (January, 1892), pp. 1–24. 1 Reform and the Risorgimento 1. The details are from W. R. Thayer, The Life and Times of Cavour, vol.
Recommended publications
  • Redalyc.MASONERÍA Y FASCISMO EN ITALIA: UNA RELACIÓN AMBIGUA (1922-1943)
    Diálogos - Revista do Departamento de História e do Programa de Pós-Graduação em História ISSN: 1415-9945 [email protected] Universidade Estadual de Maringá Brasil Savarino, Franco MASONERÍA Y FASCISMO EN ITALIA: UNA RELACIÓN AMBIGUA (1922-1943) Diálogos - Revista do Departamento de História e do Programa de Pós-Graduação em História, vol. 13, núm. 1, 2009, pp. 167-184 Universidade Estadual de Maringá Maringá, Brasil Disponible en: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=305526877009 Cómo citar el artículo Número completo Sistema de Información Científica Más información del artículo Red de Revistas Científicas de América Latina, el Caribe, España y Portugal Página de la revista en redalyc.org Proyecto académico sin fines de lucro, desarrollado bajo la iniciativa de acceso abierto Diálogos, DHI/PPH/UEM, v. 13, n. 1 p. 167-184, 2009. MASONERÍA Y FASCISMO EN ITALIA: UNA RELACIÓN AMBIGUA (1922-1943) * Franco Savarino** Resumen. La formación de un régimen autoritario en Italia en 1922 (desde 1925 dictadura totalitaria), causó un enfrentamiento con la masonería. Inicialmente varias logias apoyaron la llegada al poder de Mussolini, y entre los fascistas había muchos masones. Sin embargo, existía una fuerte corriente antimasónica heredada del nacionalismo, que compartía personalmente el Jefe de los «camisas negras» y varios líderes importantes del nuevo régimen. La masonería fue primero prohibida en las filas del Partido y luego (1925) proscrita. Aquí me propongo indagar sobre los motivos que llevaron a este enfrentamiento y el significado de la oposición masonería-fascismo, frente al programa fascista de alianza con fuerzas liberales, acercamiento a la Iglesia católica y formación de una nueva «religión política» incompatible con la tradición masónica.
    [Show full text]
  • Ruling Elites.Indb
    António Costa Pinto is a professor Dictators do not rule alone, and a governing elite stratum is always ANTÓNIO COSTA PINTO After the so-called ‘third wave’ of de- of politics and contemporary Euro- formed below them. This book explores an underdeveloped area in the study ANTÓNIO COSTA PINTO mocratisation at the end of the 20th pean history at the Institute of Social of fascism: the structure of power. The old and rich tradition of elite studies Edited by century had significantly increased the Sciences, University of Lisbon. He has can tell us much about the structure and operation of political power in the number of democracies in the world, been a visiting professor at Stanford dictatorships associated with fascism, whether through the characterisation of the survival of many dictatorships has University (1993) Georgetown Uni- had an important impact. Taking as the modes of political elite recruitment, or by the type of leadership, and the versity (2004), a senior associate mem- starting point the dictatorships that ber at St Antony’s College, Oxford relative power of the political institutions in the new dictatorial system. emerged since the beginning of the University (1995) and a senior visiting Analyzing four dictatorships associated with fascism (Fascist Italy, Nazi 20th century, but mainly those that fellow at Princeton University (1996) Germany, Salazar’s Portugal and Franco’s Spain), the book investigates the were institutionalised after 1945, the and at the University of California, dictator-cabinet-single party triad from
    [Show full text]
  • The Power of Images in the Age of Mussolini
    University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2013 The Power of Images in the Age of Mussolini Valentina Follo University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the History Commons, and the History of Art, Architecture, and Archaeology Commons Recommended Citation Follo, Valentina, "The Power of Images in the Age of Mussolini" (2013). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 858. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/858 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/858 For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Power of Images in the Age of Mussolini Abstract The year 1937 marked the bimillenary of the birth of Augustus. With characteristic pomp and vigor, Benito Mussolini undertook numerous initiatives keyed to the occasion, including the opening of the Mostra Augustea della Romanità , the restoration of the Ara Pacis , and the reconstruction of Piazza Augusto Imperatore. New excavation campaigns were inaugurated at Augustan sites throughout the peninsula, while the state issued a series of commemorative stamps and medallions focused on ancient Rome. In the same year, Mussolini inaugurated an impressive square named Forum Imperii, situated within the Foro Mussolini - known today as the Foro Italico, in celebration of the first anniversary of his Ethiopian conquest. The Forum Imperii's decorative program included large-scale black and white figural mosaics flanked by rows of marble blocks; each of these featured inscriptions boasting about key events in the regime's history. This work examines the iconography of the Forum Imperii's mosaic decorative program and situates these visual statements into a broader discourse that encompasses the panorama of images that circulated in abundance throughout Italy and its colonies.
    [Show full text]
  • Lo Stato Fascista
    Lo Stato fascista 29/11/1922-25/07/1943 La fase statutaria 1922-1924 Mussolini tiene il “discorso del bivacco” Camera dei Deputati 16 novembre 1922 http://it.wikisource.org/wiki/Italia_- _16_novembre_1922,_Discorso_del_bivacco Primo governo Mussolini - Governo di coalizione sostenuto da ampia maggioranza: il governo ha chiesto e ottenuto la fiducia , con 306 voti favorevoli (fra cui i liberali Bonomi, Giolitti, Orlando, Salandra; i popolari De Gasperi, Gronchi) e 116 contrari - Ministeri affidati a: liberali fascisti [Giustizia, Finanze, Interno, Esteri] nazionalisti popolari comandanti forze armata (Diaz, Thaon di Revel) 1922-1924: governo e legislatura Legislatura XXVI [eletta nel 1921; PNF rappresentato con 35 deputati; Nazionalista con 10]: - Mussolini è presidente del Consiglio dei Ministri; - il governo ottiene i pieni poteri dalla Camera; - riforma elettorale [Legge Acerbo]; - importante riforma scolastica [Gentile]; La Legislatura si chiude con lo scioglimento della Camera e le elezioni politiche regolate dalla nuova legge elettorale. Pieni poteri (3/12/22) Relazione di maggioranza: Salandra; Relazione di minoranza: Matteotti Legge 3/12/22: «il Governo del Re ha, fino al 31 dicembre 1923, facoltà di emanare disposizioni aventi vigore di legge». Durata dei pieni poteri: 1 anno Mandato: - riordino del sistema tributario; - risanamento del bilancio; - snellimento dell’amministrazione. Riorganizzazione del PNF (1923) Obiettivo: normalizzare e consolidare il PNF - istituzione del Gran Consiglio del Fascismo , organo direttivo del partito che deve svolgere anche funzioni di collegamento fra partito e governo (gennaio 23) - espansione del PNF con l’assorbimento del Partito nazionalista (marzo 23) - accorpamento delle squadre in una Milizia volontaria per la sicurezza nazionale . Riforma elettorale 1923 Legge 18/11/1923, n.
    [Show full text]
  • La Guerra È Perduta Ma Mussolini Temporeggia, Mentre Il Re E Gli Industriali Si Defilano Nazionalsocialista
    30 commenti giovedì 25 luglio 2002 Enrico Manera tazione scomposta. Di lì in poi si susse- guivano le riunioni in cui si affacciava, più o meno chiaramente, l’ipotesi di pro- el tardo pomeriggio del 24 lu- porre a Mussolini di «mettersi da parte». glio 1943 si apre la lunga riunio- Mentre Roma subiva un pesante Nne del Gran Consiglio del fasci- bombardamento, Mussolini incontrava smo protrattasi fino a notte fonda, che Hitler a Feltre, il 19 luglio. L'intenzione decreta la caduta di Benito Mussolini. È del duce di convincere l’alleato tedesco a un crollo impietoso, l’atto definitivo di sciogliere il patto di alleanza per condur- un sistema di potere durato vent’anni le re l’Italia fuori dal conflitto, non veniva cui fondamenta, pregne del sangue degli nemmeno prospettata. Il Führer, deciso oppositori, della violenza delle guerre co- a mantenere fino all’ultimo la sua linea loniali, della vergo- politico-militare, gna delle leggi raz- si impegnava a in- ziali e del sostegno viare in Italia altre dei poteri forti, truppe: una minac- hanno incomincia- cia - appena velata to a sgretolarsi da - di occupazione. tempo, dall’inter- A questo pun- no. to, allo stallo del- Dalla fine del l’iniziativa di Mus- 1942 le condizioni solini si contrappo- della popolazione ne l’azione cospira- erano state messe toria dei gerarchi. a dura prova dalla Il 22 luglio Dino guerra e dai bom- Grandi, presidente bardamenti; svaria- della Camera dei ti segnali indicava- fasci e delle corpo- no che la rottura razioni, incontra di un legame di fi- Mussolini e gli pro- ducia con il regi- spetta i contenuti me si era ormai dell’ordine del completamente giorno che segnerà consumata.
    [Show full text]
  • 2 Corporatism and Italian Fascism Goffredo
    Authoritarianism and Corporatism in Europe and Latin America What drove the horizontal spread of authoritarianism and corporatism between Europe and Latin America in the 20th century? What processes of transnational diffusion were in motion and from where to where? In what type of ‘critical junctures’ were they adopted and why did corporatism largely transcend the cultural background of its origins? What was the role of intellectual-politicians in the process? This book will tackle these issues by adopting a transnational and comparative research design encompassing a wide range of countries. António Costa Pinto is Research Professor at the Institute of Social Sciences, University of Lisbon. His research interests include fascism and authoritar- ianism, political elites and democratization. He is the author of The Nature of Fascism Revisited (2012), and he co-edited Rethinking Fascism and Dictator- ship in Europe (2014) and Corporatism and Fascism. The Corporatist Wave in Europe (2017). Federico Finchelstein is Professor of history at the New School for Social Research, New York. He is the author of several books on fascism, populism, the Holocaust and Jewish history in Europe and Latin America, including Transatlantic Fascism (2010), The Ideological Origins of the Dirty War (2014) and From Fascism to Populism in History (2017). Routledge Studies in Modern History For more information about this series, please visit: https://www.routledge. com/history/series/MODHIST 38 The Institution of International Order From the League of Nations to the United Nations Edited by Simon Jackson and Alanna O’Malley 39 The Limits of Westernization American and East Asian Intellectuals Create Modernity, 1860–1960 Jon Thares Davidann 40 Liberalism in Pre-revolutionary Russia State, Nation, Empire Susanna Rabow-Edling 41 Informal Alliance The Bilderberg Group and Transatlantic Relations during the Cold War, 1952–1968 Thomas W.
    [Show full text]
  • American Sympathizers with Italian Fascism A
    The Machine Has a Soul: American Sympathizers with Italian Fascism A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History By Catherine Susan Mary Hull, M.A. Washington, DC December 12, 2017 Copyright 2018 by Catherine Susan Mary Hull All Rights Reserved ii THE MACHINE HAS A SOUL: AMERICAN SYMPATHIZERS WITH ITALIAN FASCISM Catherine Susan Mary Hull, M.A. Thesis Advisor: Michael Kazin, Ph.D. ABSTRACT Americans across the political and cultural spectrum sympathized with Italian fascism in the interwar years. This dissertation demonstrates that American fascist sympathizers believed that Italy was coping better with the challenges of modernity than the United States. Fascist sympathizers argued that fascist squads revived older values of service and honor, even as Mussolini kept pace with a fast-moving society. They claimed that the corporate state was an up-to-date form of government, which protected Italians from the worst effects of the global depression. And, as the fascist state became increasingly totalitarian, they represented Italy as a place where men and women could transcend the grit and grind of modern life to find inner peace. American fascist sympathizers had various goals when they invoked Italy’s apparent successes in managing the challenges of modernity. First, they aimed to expose faults in their own society: the numbing effects of standardization; the erosion of higher ideals; the failure of government to protect Americans from the ravages of industrialization. Second, they suggested solutions to the United States’ problems: the reform of government to promote expertise in policymaking; and measures to create jobs and support the return to a simpler life.
    [Show full text]
  • Bacchus Among the Blackshirts: Wine Making, Consumerism and Identity in Fascist Italy, 1919–1937
    Contemporary European History (2020), 29, 394–415 doi:10.1017/S0960777319000377 ARTICLE Bacchus among the Blackshirts: Wine Making, Consumerism and Identity in Fascist Italy, 1919–1937 Brian J Griffith University of California, Los Angeles, Los Angeles, California, 90095-1473, USA [email protected] This article explores the way in which wine came to be viewed as a quintessentially ‘Italian’ beverage among Italy’s middle- and upper-class households during fascism’s twenty years in power. Due to signifi- cant increases in wine consumption among the labouring classes during the years immediately following the First World War, wine, as a general category of beverage, had become closely associated within the minds of many bourgeois and wealthy consumers with the country’s popular taverns and saloons, alco- holism and physical and moral ‘degeneration.’ In response, fascist Italy’s typical wine growers, merchants and industrialists worked feverishly to rehabilitate the beverage’s downtrodden reputation via a series of wide-ranging public relations and collective marketing campaigns during the 1920s and 1930s. By pro- moting the beverage’s hygienic and alimentary qualities, as well as systematically intertwining the moder- ate consumption of the peninsula’s standardised wines with the dictatorship’s nationalisation and popular mobilisation programmes, this article will show, the Industrial Wine Lobby successfully re-established ‘wine’s honour’ and, simultaneously, recontextualised the country’s typical wines as Italy’s wholesome, family-friendly, ‘national beverage’. In November 1933 an extraordinary paperback appeared on the shelves of Italy’s bookstores and news- paper kiosks. Titled The Art of Drinking (L’arte di bere), Umberto Notari’s ‘fictional essay on econom- ics’ addressed the origins of, as well as proposed various solutions to, what many contemporaries considered to be the country’s burgeoning ‘wine crisis’.
    [Show full text]
  • La Política Exterior Fascista Del Peso Determinante Durante El Cargo Como Ministro De Dino Grandi (1929-1932)
    Rev. Reflexiones 94 (1): 169-183, ISSN: 1021-1209 / 2015 LA POLÍTICA EXTERIOR FASCISTA DEL PESO DETERMINANTE DURANTE EL CARGO COMO MINISTRO DE DINO GRANDI (1929-1932) FASCIST FOREIGN POLICY OF THE DECISIVE WEIGHT DURING THE CABINET OF DINO GRANDI (1929-1932) Chiara d’Auria* [email protected] Fecha de recepción: 24 agosto 2014 - Fecha de aceptación: 23 noviembre 2014 Resumen Describiendo la evolución de la línea diplomática Italiana desde 1929 hasta 1932, la Autora brinda un marco exhaustivo de la situación Europea desde los primeros años del posguerra hasta el surgir de las primeras tensiones sucesivas a la crisis de Wall Street. La línea que Dino Grandi le dio a las relaciones internacionales durante su mando en el Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores marcó un momento clave de la historia fascista Italiana y de sus relaciones con Europa, la cual se encontraba al borde de un nuevo conflicto mundial. La teoría histórica descrita se basa no solamente en el conocimiento de las principales corrientes historiográficas sobre el tema pero también en una profundizada reflexión sobre las dinámicas políticas internacionales relacionadas con la estrategia diplomática del “duce” y sus consecuencia sobre Italia, Europa y sobre la decisiones coloniales del régimen en años sucesivos. Palabras clave: política exterior fascista-peso determinante-Dino Grandi-primeros años del posguerra-Mussolini Abstract By describing Italy’s diplomatic alignment from 1929 to 1932, the author offers a comprehensive des- cription of the European framework in the early postwar period, leading into the first tensions after the Wall Street crisis. Dino Grandi’s foreign policy during his time as Minister marked a turning point in the history of fascism in Italy and in its relations with Europe, which was on the brink of a new global con- flict.
    [Show full text]
  • Mussolini and Italy Additional Case Study for Authoritarian and Single-Party States Author and Series Editor: Allan Todd
    History for the IB Diploma Mussolini and Italy Additional case study for Authoritarian and Single-Party States Author and series editor: Allan Todd Cambridge University Press’s mission is to advance learning, knowledge and research worldwide. Our IB Diploma resources aim to: • encourage learners to explore concepts, ideas and topics that have local and global significance • help students develop a positive attitude to learning in preparation for higher education • assist students in approaching complex questions, applying critical-thinking skills and forming reasoned answers. Contents Mussolini and Italy: Introduction 2 Unit 1 Origins and rise, 1900–22 3 How did the historical context of Italy before 1919 contribute to Mussolini’s rise to power? 4 What were the key stages in Mussolini’s rise to power in the period 1919–22? 9 Why was Mussolini successful in his bid for power? 13 Unit 2 Ideology and the nature of the state 18 What role did ideology play in Mussolini’s rise to power? 18 To what extent was Mussolini a fascist? 23 What was the nature of Italy’s fascist state? 25 Unit 3 Establishment and consolidation of Mussolini’s rule 32 How did Mussolini establish his power in the period 1922–24? 32 What measures were taken after 1924 to further consolidate Mussolini’s power? 38 What other methods did Mussolini use to consolidate his power? 40 Unit 4 Domestic policies and their impact 48 What were the main features of Mussolini’s economic policies? 49 How successful were Mussolini’s economic policies? 51 What were the main social policies in Mussolini’s fascist Italy? 53 What were Mussolini’s policies towards women, ethnic and other minorities, and religion? 55 What impact did fascist rule have on education, young people and the arts? 59 Exam practice 63 Paper 1 exam practice 63 Paper 2 exam practice 68 Further information and acknowledgements 75 © Cambridge University Press 2011 Mussolini and Italy Introduction In October 1922, Benito Mussolini became prime minister of Italy.
    [Show full text]
  • 25 Luglio 1943, De Marsico.Pdf
    Francesco Lamendola 25 luglio 1943, fu tradimento? a) De Marsico Gran Consiglio del Fascismo, notte fra il 24 e il 25 luglio 1943, due settimane dopo l’inizio dell’Operazione Husky, ossia lo sbarco angloamericano in Sicilia del 10 luglio: si votano, per appello nominale, tre distinti ordini del giorno: quello di Dino Grandi, quello di Carlo Scorza, segretario del Partito nazionale Fascista, e quello di Roberto Farinacci. Ma il primo ad essere messo ai voti è quello di Grandi, che raccoglie 19 adesioni su 28 votanti, con 7 contrari, un astenuto e un membro che esce senza aver votato (Farinacci); per cui Mussolini, ritenendo inutile far votare le altre mozioni, decide di sciogliere la seduta, non senza avere osservato: Signori, voi avete aperto la crisi del regime. I voti favorevoli, come è noto, furono, oltre a quello di Grandi, quelli di Giuseppe Bottai, Luigi Federzoni, Galeazzo Ciano, Cesare Maria De Vecchi, Alfredo De Marsico, Umberto Albini, Giacomo Acerbo, Dino Alfieri, Giovanni Marinelli, Carluccio Pareschi, Emilio De Bono, Edmondo Rossoni, Giuseppe Bastianini, Annio Bignardi, Alberto De Stefani, Luciano Gottardi, Giovanni Balella e Tullio Cianetti, che nella mattina del 26 luglio scrisse a Mussolini dichiarando di ritrattare il proprio voto, con la motivazione che non si era reso conto delle sue reali implicazioni; cosa che più tardi, al processo di Verona, gli avrebbe salvato la vita. I sette voti contrari furono quelli di Carlo Scorza, Guido Buffarini-Guidi, Enzo Galbiati, Carlo Alberto Biggini, Gaetano Polverelli, Antonio Tringali Casanova, Ettore Frattari; il voto astenuto fu quello di Giacomo Suardo. Il ventottesimo membro, Farinacci, era uscito prima della votazione.
    [Show full text]
  • Comunicato Stampa 25 Luglio 1943 Caduta Del Fascismo
    Il Presidente del Consiglio Bologna, 25 luglio 2011 COMUNICATO STAMPA 25 LUGLIO 1943 CADUTA DEL FASCISMO Il 24 luglio 1943 nel Corso del gran Consiglio del Fascismo -che per altro non si teneva dal 1939- fù presentato un O.d.G. proposto da Dino Grandi -allora Presidente della Camera- L’approvazione dell’ODG provocò la caduta legale di Benito Mussolini aprendo l'ultima fase del regime fascista, caratterizzata dalla Repubblica Sociale Italiana. L’O.D.G: ripristinò i poteri costituzionali del Re; il quale poi avrebbe tolto le deleghe del comando militare a Mussolini e le avrebbe assegnate ad altri. I 28 componenti del Gran Consiglio furono chiamati a votare per appello nominale. La votazione sull'ordine del giorno Grandi si concluse con: • 19 voti a favore (,Giuseppe Bottai, Luigi Federzoni, Galeazzo Ciano, Cesare Maria De Vecchi, Alfredo De Marsico, Umberto Albini, Giacomo Acerbo, Dino Alfieri, Giovanni Marinelli,Dino Grandi Carluccio Pareschi, Emilio De Bono, Edmondo Rossoni, Giuseppe Bastianini, Annio Bignardi, Alberto De Stefani, Luciano Gottardi, Giovanni Balella e Tullio Cianetti che il giorno dopo scrisse a Mussolini ritrattando il suo voto); • 8 voti contrari (Carlo Scorza, Roberto Farinacci, Guido Buffarini-Guidi, Enzo Galbiati, Carlo Alberto Biggini, Gaetano Polverelli, Antonino Tringali Casanova, Ettore Frattari); • un astenuto (Giacomo Suardo). PRESIDENZA DEL CONSIGLIO Via Zamboni, 13 - 40126 Bologna - Tel. 051 6598625 - Fax 051 6599203 - [email protected] La Provincia di Bologna è registrata Emas - Reg. n. 1-000432 - www.provincia.bologna.it Il Re comunicò a Mussolini la sua sostituzione con il Maresciallo d'Italia Pietro Badoglio e lo fece arrestare all'uscita di Villa Savoia.
    [Show full text]