Peasants and Politics: Croat Ethnography and Nationalism in the Work of Maksimilijan Vanka Heidi A. Cook Throughout the end of the nineteenth and beginning of refusal to embrace avant-garde style.2 It would be a mistake, the twentieth centuries, images of folk culture linked with however, to assume that these peasant images were simple burgeoning nationalisms were a ubiquitous part of the visual or that Croat nationalist imagery was homogeneous. Quite in culture of Central and Eastern Europe. By the 1920s and contrast to these generalizations of Vanka’s work, the artist’s 1930s, driven by increasing nationalism, new commoditiza- images of folk culture produced during the interwar period in tion, and ethnographic preservation, peasant imagery took the Kingdom of Yugoslavia played a decisive role in shaping on a life quite its own, far from the rural countryside where the shifting imagery of a new Croat national identity. it originated. In the Croat visual culture within the Kingdom The Croatian land in which Vanka was born and lived of Yugoslavia, peasants and their rural villages popped up on until his immigration to the United States in 1934 was a di- the stage of the national theater in a new, thoroughly modern vided and disputed nation that had not existed as a unified style. They graced the covers of the most fashionable middle- territory for almost a thousand years. Present-day Croatia was class illustrated magazines in their brightly colored folk dress, incorporated into Austria-Hungary in the late nineteenth and and these locally circulating folk motifs were picked up by early twentieth centuries, and then between the two World academic and avant-garde artists alike in their work. Wars, into the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes—later The work of Croatian-American artist Maksimilijan shortened to the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. The first wave of Vanka (1889-1963) provides a glimpse into the use of folk Croatian nationalists emerged in the nineteenth century imagery in the interwar period. As an artist classically trained and was a group of intellectuals called the Illyrians. They in Zagreb and Brussels, Vanka’s oeuvre was dominated by sought to preserve and strengthen Southern Slavic identity academic-style landscapes, portraits, and nudes, but he against the cultural and political hegemony of Hungarian dedicated many of his largest compositions and projects to nationalism. Language and literature were the means of scenes of Croatian folk culture (Figure 1). Vanka said and this first nationalist movement; the Illyrians attempted to wrote very little about himself and his work, and he is an artist dispense with the various regional Croatian dialects in favor who has been predominantly ignored or misunderstood by of standardizing to the štokavski dialect, spoken in the coastal scholarly literature. As an illegitimate child supposedly born city Dubrovnik, which had been a literary center during the to Habsburg nobility in 1889, raised by a peasant wet nurse fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Croatian artist Vlaho Buko- until the age of eight, and married to a rich American heiress vac’s (1855-1922) curtain for the Croatian National Theater in 1931, there is much material from which to construct a was produced several decades after the active period of the mythic persona of this artist. Indeed, Vanka’s close friend, movement, but it evokes the Illyrian’s intense admiration the socialist author Louis Adamic, even published just such for Dubrovnik’s golden past and specifically the writings of a fictionalized account of Vanka’s life in 1936, titled Cradle Dubrovnik’s greatest Baroque poet Ivan Gundulić, who sits of Life: The Story of One Man’s Beginnings.1 In the United enthroned on a raised platform in this painting (Figure 2). States, to which Vanka immigrated in 1934, the complex Illyrian nationalism was concerned with language and nature of his relationship to Croat nationalism was brushed literature at a time when most rural people could not read or over in favor of this mythic persona. In Croatia, on the other write, making it primarily a movement by and for the urban hand, Vanka is largely ignored by art-historical scholarship intellectual upper classes. A new and quite different type of because of his seemingly simple nationalist leanings and Croatian nationalism was fostered by the brothers Stjepan 1 Louis Adamic, Cradle of Life: The Story of One Man’s Beginnings (New the first history of modern art in Croatia dedicated no more than York: Harper & Brothers, 1936). three lines to this artist…” (“Folklorno/dekorativni teret, do kojega je i došlo možda zbog uspjeha već spomenute slike, poveo ga je putem 2 Representative of this dismissive attitude towards images of folk culture tog narativnog regionalizma; što je za nj bilo doživotno kobno i što je in Vanka’s work is Grgo Gamulin, “Maksimilijan Vanka,” in Hrvatsko uvjetovalo da u prvoj povijesti naše moderne umjetnosti bude samo slikarstvo XX. stoljeća (Zagreb: Naprijed, 1997), 179: “The burden of usput spomenut sa jedva tri crte...”). folkloric and decorative elements, which became an imperative most probably due to the aforementioned painting [Proštenjari, c. 1915], 3 Originally named Croat People’s Peasant Party, (Hrvatska pučka seljačka made him follow the path of narrative regionalism. This proved to be stranka), this party underwent several name changes that reflected its fatal for Vanka for the rest of his life and it was because of this that shifting political ideology during the period. ATHANOR XXX HEIDI A. COOK and Antun Radić, who founded the Croat Peasant Party in days and often given as a gesture of love. We see a distinct 1904.3 The party’s main goals included establishing a united turn here from a national identity based in the elite arts and peasant Croatian state and advancing peasants’ rights, which literature to a national identity derived from rural culture. involved improving their economic, political, and social Tracing Vanka’s work through the interwar period pro- conditions.4 Although the Croat Peasant Party was largely vides a visual framework through which to examine the rise ineffective in Austria-Hungary, it became by far the dominant and change of this Croat peasant nationalism. World War I Croat party in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, representing at proved to be the decisive turning point for the politicization times almost 80 percent of Croat votes.5 In the early 1920s, of the Croat peasant, as it was for much of Europe. The harsh the party boycotted the parliament in an attempt to resist the experiences and deaths of Croat soldiers on the Russian Front Serbian monarchy in favor of an independent Croat peas- and mounting economic pressure on the home front radical- ant republic. In the interwar years Radić’s party succeeded ized the lower Croat classes, ending in rural riots in 1918.8 in making the Croat peasant into a political and politicized Vanka, at this time near the beginning of his career, seems to figure, and Vanka’s contemporary images helped bring the be one of the main Croat artists to prominently take up folk party’s new nationalism, with its emphasis on peasants and motifs in his works created during the war.9 The dominance folk culture, to visual form. The curtain, costumes, and of peasant imagery is visible in his work titled So That Our scenery that Vanka designed for a ballet titled Gingerbread Fields May Be Fertile (Da bi nam polje rodilo bolje), which Heart, staged at the Croatian National Theater in Zagreb in previous literature has dated to around 1930, but which a 1924, exemplify his contribution (Figures 3-4).6 photograph of Vanka together with the work actually dates Vanka’s designs, while seemingly innocent stage props, to sometime before June of 1917 (Figures 1 and 5). Vanka actually contributed to the nationalist project; the Croatian began the work of legitimizing a new Croat national peas- National Theater, founded in 1894, became an important ant identity, which rapidly increased in popularity after the space for imagining Croat nationalism in a land politically formation of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes in subjugated under Austria-Hungary and, later, the Kingdom 1918 and its introduction of universal male suffrage, surpris- of Yugoslavia. Comparing Bukovac’s and Vanka’s theater ingly, at a time when many of the urban elite continued to be curtains visualizes the very different ways in which cultural suspicious of the Croat Peasant Party.10 Elevating folk culture material was shaped into national identity by the nineteenth- through the highly idealized style and format of the history century Illyrians in contrast with the twentieth-century Croat painting, Vanka’s images seem to answer Stjepan Radić’s call Peasant Party. The Paris-trained Bukovac created his national- for a rise in the social status of the peasant. ist vision in a distinctly Western-European academic style. In So That Our Fields May Be Fertile, Vanka paid remark- The romanticized scene depicts the enthroned Baroque poet able ethnographic attention to the women’s colorful dresses. being approached by leaders of the Illyrian movement, and Native to the Posavina region east of Zagreb, the dresses the figures inhabit a mythical space composed of a hybrid bloom with woven and embroidered flowers in rich reds and background of the Dubrovnik and Zagreb skylines and have voluminous pleated skirts and sleeves. Additionally, he bordered by a neoclassical colonnade under which several captured with skill the intricate sartorial coding of the vari- men in folk dress dance.7 Three decades later, Vanka’s cur- ous headdresses worn by the women. The ornamentation of tain pulled peasant imagery to the foreground, employing a headgear varied slightly regionally, but within rural communi- modern graphic style inspired by folk art rather than Western- ties, the way in which the hair was worn, the presence of a European neoclassicism.