INDICATORS OF WEALTH IN A LATE PATWIN VILLAGE

Peggy Badovinac Department of Anthropology University of California Davis, CA 95616

ABSTRACT

The Patwin village ofT/saki, also known as the Miller Site, has been excavated three times in the past 50 years. These excavations yielded a large collection ofshell beads and ornaments. These traditional indicators ofwealth are interpreted as the visible effects of the articulation ofthe modes ofproduction. As such, they are used to address the til issue of distortion ofthe native economy as a result of contact with the Euro-American economic sphere.

Why do we see such uneven economic devel­ ethnographic Patwin village of T'saki, has been opment worldwide? While a few nations domi­ the subject of three archaeological excavations. nate the marketplace, others, particularly in the Evidence suggests that this village was occupied third world, fall farther behind all the time. Some from atleast 1,700 B.P. to A.D. 1872 (Henry political economists like to explain this phenome­ Schulz, personal communication, 1992). The non as the outcome of the articulation of the projects carried out here have yielded large collec­ modes ofproduction. When an indigenous econ­ tions of artifacts and faunal remains which are omy comes in contact with capitalism, a process is now being recatalogued and analyzed, as part of a set into motion which leads fIrst to intensifIcation U.C. Davis repatriation project. Because this site ofthe native culture, then distortion and eventu­ was occupied well into the historic period, the ally the collapse of the native economy, as it is collections from the Miller Site also provide absorbed by capitalism. This process, simplifIed useful infonnation about the effect ofcontact on here, is frequently offered as an explanation for the Native American economy. Large numbers of the uneven economic development in modem third clam shell disks, Haliotis ornaments, and glass world nations. But articulation ofthe modes of trade beads were found here in a single burial, that production has been occurring for several hundred of an infant. In another context, this association years. Which raises the question: Is it possible to might suggest evidence of differential status, often see, in the archaeological record, the effects of the seen as indicator ofevolving social stratifIcation. articulation ofan indigenous economy with a To offer such an interpretation in this particular capitalist one? I believe that it is possible to see context is to miss the point. The contents of this these effects. I offer as evidence, the artifacts single burial encapsulate the cultural intensifIca­ associated with a single burial, which were recov· tion and distortion which was the result ofcontact ered more that 20 years ago, and overlooked until with the Euro-American economic sphere. recently. The Miller site is on the west bank of the The burial I speak ofcomes from the Miller Sacramento River, approximately 35 miles north Site, Colusa I. The Miller site, which may be the of Sacramento, about one quarter mile from the

PrOAmericans. Clamshell sp. beads, 5,900 clam shell disks, 67 HaJiotis sp. disks, on the other hand, were an important pendants, and one glass trade bead. Heizer's medium of exchange among Native Americans in report on the distribution of the Olivella sp. beads late prehistoric times. Their presence here in such and Haliotis sp. ornaments notes one burial that large numbers may suggest the continuation of a contained 650 Olivella sp. beads, and another that viable native trade network well into the historic included 267 Haliotis sp. ornaments. The distri­ period. But there are other possible explanations. bution of clam shell disks is less clearly reported, but one burial seems to have included 2,325 clam What do we know about the people of this shell disks. Heizer (1936) does note that infant region and the early historic period that can be burials were more carefully done and tended to used to explain this unusual accumulation of contain a greater variety of ornamnets than those wealth? The people ofthe Miller site were River of adults. Patwin. The designation Patwin was ftrst applied by Powers (1887), who saw these people as a A subsequent excavation was conducted in linguistically and culturally distinct southern 1963 by Martin Baumhoff and Walter Brown. branch of the Wintun. The Patwin occupied a Most of the records from this project were lost, territory on the west side of the Sacramento Valley but it is known that 11 burials were excavated. from Suisun Bay to approximately the Colusal

136 Table 1 :II Burial Artifacts - 1963 Excavation Artifact Type Quantity Steatite Beads 1 Olive/la Beads 7 Bird Bone Tubes 5 Bone Fragments 25 Shell Fragments 35 Stone Fragments 1 Baked Clay Fragments 1

Table 2 Summary Burial Data - 1973 Excavation Olive/la Clamshell Haliotis Flaked Stone Other Artifacts Beads Disks Pendants !S Burial 1 - 4 - I biface 1 bone awl Burial 2 - 4,785 166 - I leather bag 24,000 trade beads I magnesite bead Burial 3 - 4 1 - 53 trade beads 1 metal pin 4 basket fragments Atrip/ex seeds

:: Glenn county line. The Patwins were active influence, but, by 1828, the Hudson Bay Com­ " traders, who imported bsidian, salt, bear hides, pany had begun annual trips through the Sacra­ sinew-backed bows, shell beads and clam shell mento Valley seeking furs. The first recorded disks (Davis 1961). They also exported salmon, contact with the River Patwin was by J.J. Warner, game, otter pelts, bows, and shells disks. Some of who was part of a trapping expedition which these items were bart~red and some were paid for traveled south, through the valley, in 1832 (Green with clamshell disk money. The prehistoric 1880). In his journals, Warner commented on the Patwin occupied a territory rich in natural re­ many villages along the river banks and the large sources. They participated in an extensive ex­ native population. Hudson Bay Company policy change network. They often acted as middlemen was to do most oftheir own trapping in Califor­ between their linguistically diverse neighbors. nia, instead of trading for furs with the natives. They were probably multilingual, and possessed Nevertheless, some trade did take place, and the many skills which would have helped them deal River Patwin obtained direct access to Eur­ more effectively with the Euro- Americans under o-American goods for the first time. But trade different circumstances. goods were not the only thing which the trappers brought with them. In 1833, a major epidemic, The Native Americans of the Sacramento thought to have been malaria, swept through the Valley were not heavily influenced by Eur­ central valley, decimating the native population. It 'f o-Americans until rather late in the history of has been estimated that prior to this time there California. The River Patwin escaped missionary were 15,000 River Patwin, but that the combined

137 affects ofthe 1833 malaria epidemic and the 1837 minimal pay, then returned to their native villages ( smallpox epidemic reduced this population by as and previous mode of subsistence during the much as 75% (Cook 1955). off-seasons. Settlers did not have to pay a sub­ ( stantial wage to such indentured workers, as the There is no doubt that a much smaller, se­ workers were not free to seek better wages else­ verely disrupted native population was en­ where. They were, however, "allowed" to main­ countered by the wave of Euro-American im­ tain their traditional way of life in the off-season, migrants who entered the valley soon after. In freeing their employers of the need to support a 1844, John Bidwell led an expedition up the work force year round. Sacramento River. He surveyed large tracts of land, which became Mexican land grants, for The discovery ofgold in 1848 turned the himself and a number of others (Rogers 1891) By trickle of settlers into a tidal wave ofgold seekers. 1845, a few individuals were settling on their land, The earliest gold mining activity in California was and Peter Lassen and W.C. Moon were making often performed by Indians, who worked as labor­ stones for grinding wheels near Stony Creek in the ers for Euro-Americans (Rawls 1984:123). Indian north of Colusa county and selling them in Sacra­ workers were often paid only in food and clothing, mento and San Francisco. For the next few years, though some did receive modest wages. John there was a steady trickle of settlers. Bidwell and John Sutter employed large crews of Indians in gold mining activities, as did many These Euro-American settlers were farmers other locals. As more and more gold-seekers and cattle ranchers. Their activities were dis­ came into California, and the techniques of gold ruptive to the traditional Patwin subsistence mining grew more sophisticated, fewer em­ system. As land was cleared to grow farm crops, ployment opportunities in the gold ftelds were or turned into grazing land for cattle, native plant available to the Native Americans. Many Indians, habitats were damaged and invaded by non-native both men and women, panned for gold on their species. This destruction ofecological niches own and then traded gold for other goods. When continued a process which had begun with the gold was ftrst discovered, the Indians had little overexploitation of game by earlier explorers. concept ofits value, but they quickly became more Traditional sources of food declined; at the same astute traders and began to demand more in return time the native population was introduced to new for the precious metal (Rawls 1984: 124). goods which were only obtainable with American money. The settlers had plans to help the natives Employment as farm hands, or domestic get that money. servants, mining gold as part of a crew or in­ dependently - all of these activities show how These ftrst settlers came into the Colusa area contact introduced new potential sources of wealth as holders of Mexican land grants, and were to the people of the Miller site and can be used to familiar with the Mexicam rancho system. Under account for the coins and glass trade beads present this system, natives were required to work, and in burial #2. The presence of a large quantity of could not leave their jobs without a written dis­ clamshell disks, however, requires some fiuther charge from their employer (Rawls 1984:85). explanation. These disks were traditional Native Northern California settlers were happy to use a American currency, used, at least in ethnographic system which provided them with ready source of times, in much the same way as American money. cheap labor. Once California became a state, and They had an accepted exchange value, and were an antislavery state at that, a system of Indian often given in payment for goods, ritual services, apprenticeship was adopted, which continued this and to settle blood feuds (Kroeber 1932:273- 274, pattern ofeasy exploitation. Native Americans 292; Powers 1877). These shell disks were strung worked during the busy seasons, as farm or ranch and sometimes worn as an exhibition ofwealth. hands and domestic help, for food, clothing, and They were also used in ritual activity. It was

138 ~ common among the ethno-graphic Patwin to cast cient source of profit for American entrepreneurs. shell disks in the grave of a deceased individual There are also accounts which tell of the counter­ during the burial ritual (Kroeber 1925). feiting ofclamshell disks by Europeans and Americans. Russian traders attempted to pass off Clamshell disks were not accepted as nego­ counterfeit disks in 1818, and were killed by the tiable currency in the American stores, but were Indians for their efforts (Hudson 1897). In the " used in a secondary trade network which contin­ 1870s, Powers (1877) reports that Americans in ued at least until the turn of the century. It is the vicinity of the Bear River were using machin­ possible that a few individuals in the village were ery to manufacture shell disks in large quantities. continuing their long-standing trading activities It is difficult to know what to call such disks. In a and profiting as never before because of access to sense they are counterfeit, as they were manufac­ B. American goods. However, Native Americans tured outside the native economic system, and lIS were not the only ones to participate in this net­ introduced with the intent to take advantage of the work. American traders, for example, might sell a users of that system. However, if the were ac­ 1m $15 horse to an Indian for $40 worth ofclam shell cepted and widely used as genuine, negotiable g, disks. These disks would then be used to pur­ currency by the Native Americans, they are not chase gold from other Indians, giving the Ameri­ truly counterfeit. Whatever we call these disks, can trader a $25 profit (Powers 1877). Thus, the they would have the effect of further reducing the Americans used a cheap form ofcurrency to value of native currency by further increasing the extract valuable labor and goods from the Indians, money supply. reaping huge profits on these transaction. It is very likely that the large number of The contact period also saw the introduction clamshell disks in burial #2 of the Miller are there I, of new technology to Native American production because of the rapid increase in the money supply. systems. Very early, the Pomo, who were major Many of the pieces appear to have been manufac­ producers ofclamshell disks, began to use the tured using nontraditional technology. In particu­ pump drill, which they obtained from Spanish lar, disk edges are heavily beveled or not beveled e missionaries, to perforate shell disks. This made a at all, suggesting they were smoothed using a Il slow, tedious job quicker. Grindstones were made grinding wheel instead of the traditional slab. and used in the valley before 1850 and could also Very small center perforations, and unusual be used to smooth and round out shell disks more perforation shapes, suggest that different methods quickly than the traditional method. These may ofdrilling were employed. Just how many of the have been available to Native American crafts­ disks in this collection are included in this nontra­ men. This new technology made it possible to ditional category is the subject ofongoing re­ n manufacture many more shell disks in the same search. amount of time, thus increasing the supply of shell It money in circulation. There was more money for When contact occurs between an indigenous people to acquire and perhaps it was available to a economy and a capitalist one, it is predicted that wider range ofindividuals than before. Typically, an intensification ofculture will occur as increased it is the wealthier individual who can best take income is used to underwrite ritual activity. advantage of new opportunities. Even when Kroeber's report of Patwin burials describes many dealing with indigenous populations, the rich tend strings of shell disks being thrown into a grave. to get richer. The evidence from the Miller site suggests that this may be a post-contact phenomenon among the The contact period brought new technology, Patwin. Earlier burials here contain only a few which increased the money supply, and non-native disks. It is likely that, at the Miller site, the large participants in the native trade network. But number of shell disks in burial #2 are, in part, a simply using the native currency was not a suffi­ manifestation of this intensification as new wealth

139 is turned to traditional ritual uses. California, edited by Robert F. Heizer, pp. 16-24. Handbook of North American Maintaining some form of their traditional Indians, vol. 8, William C. Sturtevant, general economy evidently was important to the native editor. Smithsonian Institution, Washington, people ofthe central valley. They continued to D.C. manufacture and use clamshell disks, long after other forms of money became available (Hudson Cook, Sherburne F. 1897). But contact also distorted this money 1955 The Aboriginal Population of the San system by fostering a rapid increase in the money Joaquin Valley, California. University 0/ supply. The people ofT'saki continued to occupy California Publications in American their native village and maintain some oftheir Archaeology and Ethnology 16:31-81. traditional hunting, fishing, and foraging ways, Berkeley. even though this was made more difficult by the impact ofsettlement on traditional food sources. Davis, James T. While this may have given them some feeling of 1961 Trade Routes and Economic Exchange control or power over their lives, it also allowed Among the Indians o/California. University the settlers to pay them very low wages, and avoid of California Archaeological Survey Reports the cost ofmaintaining an available work force No. 54. Berkeley. during the off-seasons. The discovery ofgold brought more opportunities for the Native Ameri­ Green, William cans to obtain Euro-American goods, and more 1880 The History o/Colusa County, opportunities for exploitation by the new arrivals. California, and General History 0/the State. Elliot and Moore, San Francisco. At the Miller site, a single burial (#2) is an icon of the period for historic contact in this Heizer, Robert F. village. We see the accumulation ofwealth, in the 1936 Archaeology 0/the Miller Site, Colusa form oftrade beads and coins, as a result of County. California. University of California increased access to new sources of income. Also Archaeological Survey Manuscripts No. 94. seen is the attempt to maintain a traditional econ­ Berkeley. omy, as represented by large numbers of clamshell disks. The rapid decline in population as a result Hudson, John ofdisease and hostility is probably also reflected 1897 Porno Wampum Makers. Overland in the large quantity ofgrave goods. As popula­ Monthly 30: 101-108. tion dwindled, the remaining few individuals became heir to the accumulated wealth of many. Kroeber, Alfred L. Which brings me back the question posed at the 1925 Handbooko/the Indians o/California. beginning ofthis paper: Is it possible to see, in Bureau ofAmerican Ethnology Bulletin No. the archaeological record, the effects ofthe ar­ 78. Smithsonian Institution, Washing-ton, ticulation ofan indigenous economy with a capi­ D.C. talist one? Once again, I believe that the answer is yes. The effects of that articulation process are 1932 The Patwin and their Neighbors. seen in the contents ofburial #2 ofthe Miller Site. University o/California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology 29: 253-427. Berkeley. REFERENCES CITED Powers, Steven Baumhoff, Martin A. 1887 Tribes o/California. University of Cali 1978 Environmental Background. In fornia Press, Berkeley.

140 Rawls, James 1984 Indians o/California: the Changing 1m age. University of Oklahoma Press, Norman.

Rogers, Justin 1891 Colusa County. California Travelers, Volcano, California.

141