UC Merced Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology

Title The Neighbor Factor: Basket Designs in Northern and Central California

Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/3k9988v0

Journal Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology, 9(2)

ISSN 0191-3557

Author Washburn, Dorothy K

Publication Date 1987-07-01

Peer reviewed

eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology Vol. 9, No. 2, pp. 146-173 (1987). The Neighbor Factor: Basket Designs in Northern and Central California

DOROTHY K. WASHBURN, Dept. of Anthropology, Univ. of Rochester, River Station, Rochester, NY 14627.

X HIS paper is a test of the use of symmetry metries of the two-dimensional plane (pat­ analysis of basket design to measure inter­ terns on flat surfaces), as opposed to those action among northern and central California in three dimensions, such as a crystal. In Indian cultures. Although long-distance trade the plane there are three axial categories: networks and casual exchanges at ceremonies finite, one-dimensional or band designs; and have long been known as vehicles for cultur­ two-dimensional or all-over wallpaper pat­ al interchange, anthropologists have not sys­ terns. In each category there are a finite tematically used criteria other than language number of geometric motion classes, or sym­ for studying affiliations. Differences in lan­ metries, which repeat (superimpose) the guage classically have been used to define parts upon themselves along the line axes or tribal entities, but the subsequent considera­ around the point axis. There are four basic tion of other cultural information within motions which occur singly or in combination these linguistic units has masked the fact in these axial categories: translation; rota­ that much information and actual interaction tion; mirror reflection; and glide reflection. crosses these "unintelligible" boundaries. Thus, for one-dimensional designs there are I suggest that the structure of repeated seven different motion classes, or combina­ patterns, that is, the geometric arrangement tions of the four motions, which repeat the of motifs in a design, can be used to study pattern parts; for two-dimensional patterns interaction and affiliation patterns. The there are 17 different motion classes which medium chosen for this study is basket de­ repeat the pattern parts. sign. I shall show that: (1) consistencies in Examples of the four most frequently oc­ California Indian basket design structures do curring motion classes {pll2, pma2, pmll, not necessarily map out on a one-to-one pmm2) used by California tribes are illus­ basis with linguistically defined tribal trated here schematically in Figures la, 2a, designations; and (2) certain kinds of inter­ 3a, and 4a respectively. Figure la shows action and activity patterns apparently foster how the motion of bifold rotation, pll2, similarities and differences in design repeats the right triangles by rotating each structure. triangle twice around a point until it super­ imposes upon itself. The points of rotation THE METHOD OF are indicated by small ellipses. Figure 2a SYMMETRY ANALYSIS shows how the motion of mirror reflection, While a complete discussion of the indicated by solid lines, is added to a pat­ method of symmetry analysis is available in tern with bifold rotation to produce the Washburn (1977) and Washburn and Crowe pattern class pma2. Figure 3a shows a sche­ (n.d.), the basic principles will be reviewed matic pattern with only mirror reflection here. Symmetry is a geometric property across the vertical planes of reflection (class which describes the equivalence of parts of pmll). Figure 4a shows a schematic pattern a repeated pattern. We shall consider sym­ with mirror reflection across both the ver-

[146] THE NEIGHBOR FACTOR 147

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yyyy.^y ^* / yyy yyyyy ^* ^•* .v* ..-.•• ••*/ iv:i ^ b M Fig. 1. Symmetry class pll2. a, schematic drawing; b, Yurok basket hat design (after O'Neale 1932:P1.24). tical and horizontal planes of reflection design production (Washburn 1986). This (class pmm2). Photographs or drawings of paper shows how similarities in design struc­ actual designs on decorated baskets with ture relate to lines of intertribal interaction these symmetries are illustrated in Figures regardless of similarities or differences in lb, 2b, 3b, and 4b respectively. linguistic affiliations. In a number of different studies (des­ THE DATA BASE cribed extensively in Washburn and Crowe n.d.) it has been shown that cultural groups California Indian data were chosen for preferentially use only several of these sym­ this analysis because of the wealth of his­ metry classes to structure designs when they torical and ethnographic information that decorate material objects in their cultural could be used to clarify factors that affect repertoire. Archaeological studies (see dis­ the homogeneity and heterogeneity of design cussion in Washburn and Crowe n.d.) have structure on baskets. Definite homogeneities shown how design structure rather than de­ of design structure were observed on Anasazi sign element studies are more sensitive to ceramics (Washburn 1977), but given that the cultural change over time and space. Prep­ data are prehistoric, it was not possible to aratory to this study, a reanalysis of determine whether these similarities repre­ O'Neale's (1930) data confirmed that pattern sented the work of an ethnic group, dif­ structure is a significant factor in native ferent peoples having a close trading. 148 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

Fig. 2. Symmetry class pma2. a, schematic drawing; b, Yurok basket hat design (after Cat. No. 91, collections of the CaUfomia Academy of Sciences, San Francisco). visiting, and perhaps intermarrying network, design structure) were the two criteria used or some arrangement between these two ex­ by weavers to judge "good" designs, that is, tremes. Clearly, an ethnographic situation designs stated as being traditional and ac­ where other social, political, economic, and ceptable for tribal use. environmental factors were known would en­ Further, since collector demand encour­ able better definition of the factors affect­ aged the Indians to duplicate the old pat­ ing the similarities and differences of design terns, the same design structures were used structures. both for baskets for home use and for those However, examination of archival records made for sale to whites. (The makers and suggested that the basket collections that users, however, could easily distinguish the Kroeber and others made at the turn of the "for sale" baskets because they were further century were heavily affected by large-scale embellished with more colors and added de­ amateur collecting and patron activities sign elements which the Indians felt would (Washburn 1984). In order to determine how appeal to the collectors' Victorian aesthetic these events affected the design system, I tastes.) This preservation of traditional reanalyzed the designs on baskets from the design structures allows us to use post- Yurok, Karok, and Hupa, which were col­ contact baskets for this study. lected by Kroeber (1905) and analyzed by Symmetry analysis of the mark arrange­ O'Neale (1932). Informant commentary ob­ ment of Yurok, Karok, and Hupa designs tained by O'Neale (1930) indicated that mark revealed that these peoples consistently used (i.e., motif) name and mark arrangement (i.e.. symmetries pll2 and pma2, and that these THE NEIGHBOR FACTOR 149

Fig. 3. Symmetiy class pmll. a, schematic drawing; b, Porno basket design (after Barrett 1908:P1. 31, #120). symmetries were used in proportions that sufficient lifeway that led to participation at were not significantly different, so that each other's ceremonials, intermarriage sys­ baskets from any one of the groups are in­ tems, and in other visiting and exchange re­ distinguishable from those of another lationships. These interaction activities (Washburn 1986). along their "riverine" roads apparently The study of the attribute of design provided the conditions which fostered a structure, then, seemed appropriate since unified, homogeneous design system. both the makers agreed on its importance In an effort to more systematically de­ and analysis of its presence revealed highly termine what specific factors/activities are consistent, non-random usage. For the related to the observed consistencies and northwestern California groups this homo­ distributions of design structures, this geneity in design arrangement seems to project was expanded to a comparative study agree with well-known similarities in other of the design structures of native groups in aspects of their material and social culture. northern and central California. The dis­ In other words, these groups shared a self- tributions observed were related to ethno- 150 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNL\ AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY iiiillfil

a

Fig. 4. Symmetiy class pmm2. a, schematic drawing; b, Northwest CaUfomia Indian basket (after Cat. No. 370-759, collections of the California Academy of Sciences, San Francisco). graphic and historical information about two group. The blanks in Figures 5-8 represent kinds of interactions-trade and marriage- the lack of data rather than the absence of which might result in the design structure the practice of decorating baskets. similarities observed. In any study of artifactual material, even The data for this study of basket designs that which is systematically collected and were obtained from 858 baskets in the col­ well provenienced, researchers are plagued lection of the Robert H. Lowie Museum of with the knowledge that unless the infor­ Anthropology, University of California, mant was actually observed making the ob­ Berkeley, and 216 baskets in the collection ject, it may have been procured from anoth­ of the Department of Anthropology, Univer­ er tribe through trade, gift, or some other sity of California, Davis. The study sample mechanism. Thus a record of purchase of was limited to provenienced baskets. Unfor­ the item from that informant will not be an tunately, a sufficient sample with accurate accurate record of its original place or provenience and affiliation was not available period of manufacture. Such exchange ac­ for every northern and central California tivities certainly occurred in California. If, THE NEIGHBOR FACTOR 151

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TRIBES AND TERRITORIES OF CALIFORNIA INDIANS

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Fig. 5. Percentage frequency of symmetry class/>ii2 on northern and central California Indian basket design. 152 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

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TRIBES AND TERRITORIES OF CALIFORNIA INDIANS

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Fig. 6. Percentage frequency of symmetry classf>/Ma2 on northern and central California Indian basket design. THE NEIGHBOR FACTOR 153

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TRIBES AND TERRITORIES OF CALIFORNIA INDIANS

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1 Fig. 7. Percentage frequency of qmmetry classpwii on northern and central California Indian basket design. 154 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNL\ AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

Fig. 8. Percentage frequency of symmetiy classpmm2 on northern and central California Indian basket design. THE NEIGHBOR FACTOR 155 however, the study sample is of a sufficient At the outset, two important characteris­ size, such anomalies should be evident in the tics of California Indian culture which per­ face of strong patterning in the data. vade both factors (trade and intermarriage The data for the review of the factors patterns) must be discussed. First, although affecting basket design are from ethno­ I will be referring to practices of different graphic reports covering the years ca. 1900- cultural groups, each claimed no specific 1940. The first turn-of-the-century field- name. The tribal names used were either work was done principally by Pliny Goddard, given to them by a neighboring group (e.g., Alfred Kroeber, Roland Dixon, Samuel "Hupa" is a Yurok term), or was the result Barrett, John P. Harrington, C. Hart of attempts by the first explorers to pro­ Merriam, and their associates. Later, in the nounce and spell the word "persons" or 1930s, Kroeber mounted a second series of "people" in the language of the tribe (e.g., field investigations to produce check lists of "Nisenan" means "people" or "Indian"), or culture items for each California tribe. related them to their geographical position Much of this material was summarized by (e.g., "Karok" means "upstream"). In a Kroeber (1925) and resummarized with sub­ very real sense these names have ill-served sequent fieldwork in Heizer (1978). anthropology because they have emphasized a Interaction data on the northern Cali­ distinctiveness that is not necessarily indi­ fornia tribes are discussed in greater depth cated by their culture's practices and pos­ because these were first-hand, long-term sessions. Kroeber (1925:444) noted, for observations made in the field, as opposed to example "A group of people as a unit pos­ the later gathering of recollections from a sessing an existence and therefore a name of few elderly informants who often lived out­ its own is a concept that has not dawned on side their original homeland. While the the Miwok." ethnographic data discussed span some sever­ Second, the term "tribe" is also a al decades of observations, one of the most misnomer. Except for the Yokuts and some remarkable consistencies is the resilience of of their neighbors, most California Indian certain cultural practices, even in the face peoples had minimal socio/political organiza­ of drastic change. This paper examines one tion beyond the village. Kroeber (1932) of those resilient domains-interaction prac­ coined the word "tribelet" to describe these tices and the consequent structure of design. small, amorphous units which seemed to We begin with a review of the ethno­ function on kin ties in the absence of graphic evidence relating to trade and mar­ chiefs, ranked classes, or other forms of riage interaction practices. The similarities organization. and differences in basket design structures fostered by these practices are described EXCHANGE CONTEXTS below under "Design Analysis." It must be Exchange networks involved contact emphasized that this is but a brief synopsis among villages within an entity as well as of certain data, not a thorough ethnography. extraterritorial contacts with other tribes of The object of the paper is to present the the same or different language. Such net­ reader with this initial, broad geographical works included both formalized trading rela­ comparative study of interaction based on tionships between tribes for the procurement the systematic study of one attribute, design of Dentalium shells and other luxury items, structure, and to urge its application and and more informal contact situations among testing in future, more in-depth studies. villages within a tribe where gifts of proper- 156 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY ty and food were exchanged, marriages were The Hupa and the two tribes on the arranged, and much visiting and gambling Klamath held frequent intercourse, traded occurred. with each other, attended one another's dances, and sometimes intermarried. Trade In fact, these informal contacts were was carried on especially with the Yurok, probably more important than formalized who held not only the lower Klamath but trading networks for the exchange of infor­ the mouth of Redwood creek and the coast mation related to basket design because: south beyond Trinidad. From them the Hupa bought canoes, "smelt" and other (1) more people were involved; (2) the actual salt water fish, mussels, and seaweed. In persons who made the items purchased or return they gave acorns and other inland given as gifts were present to make the food. The Yurok were always greeted with transaction; (3) the seven- to ten-day long terms of relationships and counted as celebrations offered extended rather than friends. The Hupa probably came into direct relation also with the Athapaskan brief opportunities for observation, contact, villages along the coast northward from informal visiting, and exchange; (4) the the mouth of the Klamath. Very litde regularized rather than chance nature of the intercourse seems to have been held with celebrations insured repeated contact with the Athapaskans on Mad river, or with the the same people; and (5) the kin- and ex­ Indians about Humboldt Bay. tended kin-based participation enabled the The Yurok were also a river-oriented transmission of facets of overt and covert people living on the lower 36 miles of the symbols and signs of cultural unity and thus Klamath from the Pacific southeast to Weit- identity throughout a group of related indi­ spec and then north for a short distance to viduals. The nonkin who did attend were Red Cap Creek, where they met their neigh­ largely from neighboring tribes and their bors, the southernmost of the Karok villages. participation in the same pool of ideas as In general, contacts were a function of dis­ well as other aspects of culture served to tance along the river with neighboring vil­ make the cultural, if not geographic, boun­ lages having had more contact than distant daries between groups fuzzy. villages, regardless of linguistic affiliation. At the time of Goddard's residence on The Yurok were "more intimate in every the Hoopa Valley Reservation in the Trinity way with the Karok and Hupa, who lived River Valley at the turn of the century, the above them on the river, than they were Hupa lived in villages each less than a mile with the Tolowa who lived 20 miles up the apart. This was a relatively well-defined coast" (Waterman 1920:184). and circumscribed territory: to the east and Waterman, who worked with Kroeber west were mountains; travel and contacts among the Yurok in the first decade of the were mainly north and south along the river. twentieth century, cogently summarized the The Hupa, almost uncontacted by Europeans consequences of their riverine geography before the Gold Rush, were saved from maj­ (Waterman 1920:186). or disruptions after this time because the In material culture the Yurok are practic­ reservation authorized by Congress in 1864 ally identical with their neighbors, and encompassed most of this homeland. their relations with them seem to have Goddard (1903:8) summarized the rela­ been somewhat free and easy, in spite of tionships of the Hupa with their neighbors, the fact that the languages are different. The river system was not only a highway the Yurok to the north and Karok to the for the Yiu'ok but up and down its length northeast: there was a good deal of intertribal traffic and imlimited visiting. For religious THE NEIGHBOR FACTOR 157

ceremonies especially people were likely to performed, each attempting to outdo the gather from a ntunber of "foreign" places, other in song and dance. traveling sometimes over considerable dis­ It is significant, however, that in tances. Thus Yurok know a good deal of coimtry besides their own. They even as­ Kroeber's list of valued items (1925:27), sign Yurok names to all the important baskets were not mentioned. They appar­ places in the territory of their neighbors ently fell into the class of utilitarian ob­ . . . These Yurok names indicate that the jects. They were neither special nor diffi­ whole world, so far as the Yurok know it cult and costly to obtain because they were intimately, was about 150 miles in greatest diameter. This was equivalent to 10 or 12 produced everywhere locally. However, al­ days journey by canoe, going up-stream. though not considered as wealth, it is not­ Beyond the liinits thus set, the Yurok able that the female observers wore their knew vaguely that other tribes of human finest decorated basket hats to these dances. beings existed, but he did not consider Thus, presumably the women attending such that there were many such tribes. His conception was that the boundary of the functions, who were the basket weavers, world was not far beyond the area of would have had the opportunity to observe which he knew the place names. and perhaps make a mental note to copy a Nevertheless, these riverine peoples en­ number of new design ideas. countered persons outside their daily sphere In sum, the life of these northern river­ of activities at a number of regularly re­ ine peoples typified by the "core" tribes curring events. For example, the Fish Dam -Yurok, Karok, and Hupa—was characterized ceremony (as practiced around the turn of by a fairly restricted world of little travel the century [Waterman and Kroeber 1943]) and unvarying daily routine punctuated by was an intervillage effort for the workers periodic trading for luxury goods, visits to and an intertribal fete for the guests. The nearby ceremonies, and trips for food not dams were constructed by teams of workers locally available. sent by each village, salmon were caught for While "poorer" in material culture, the 10 days, and then groups of dancers moved peoples living in the interior areas peripheral from village to village performing the Deer­ to the "core" tribes were, in fact, often the skin Dance. Waterman and Kroeber (1943: suppliers of their wealth. In this way they 61) observed that for a final dance at developed contacts through which some cul­ Pekwan, Tolowa came from Crescent City, tural similarities with the core group were Karok from Orleans, Hupa from the Trinity, fostered. and Yurok from as far south as Trinidad. The Shasta were famous for the middle­ One of the most distinctive aspects of man role in passing obsidian blades obtained Yurok, Karok, and Hupa life was the focus from the Achumawi, and deerskins, pine on wealth and aristocratic heritage. The nuts, and beads obtained from the Wintu to "Yurok concerns his life above all else with the "core" groups. In return, the Shasta property" (Kroeber 1925:2). Wealth was obtained Dentalium, acorns, and, most impor­ measured by the lengths of Dentalium shell tantly, baskets (Holt 1946). Although they necklaces, strings of flints, and headbands of were reported to have made baskets in the woodpecker scalps a Yurok owned. One of past, even Dixon found during his fieldwork the prime occasions for the display of this between 1900 and 1904 along the Klamath wealth was at their dances. At these multi- River in the Scott and Shasta valleys that village affairs persons from the hometown "scarcely a single basket is made by the and from one to five neighboring villages Shasta, all that they use or sell to collectors 158 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

are bought from the Karok and other lower tives in other tribes. Klamath peoples" (Dixon 1907:399). When Garth did his fieldwork in 1938 and However, to the south of the Shasta were 1939, his informants told him that the Atsu­ the Wintu, who admired and copied Shasta gewi customarily ventured no further than hat designs and preferred to buy Shasta hats friendly Achumawi, Maidu, and Yana terri­ rather than make their own (DuBois 1935: tory. But within this area, contact was fre­ 131). quent, with apparently lasting results in the To the east of the Shasta lived the form of material culture similarities, as is Achumawi and the Atsugewi. Both were re­ illustrated by the following account of cov­ lated culturally to the northwestern Indians, ering bottles with basketry. but their less generous environment modified According to [Sarah Brown], a Western their wealth concept such that beads were Achomawi woman named Ellen Halsey in­ their only luxury item and utilitarian items vented the process and taught it to [Sarah such as baskets became symbols of wealth Brown's] daughter who, in turn, taught it to [Sarah Brown]. [Sarah Brown] then (Garth 1978:237). Intermarriage among the introduced the process to other Hat Creek Achumawi and Atsugewi was common; bilin- basketmakers [Garth 1953:148]. gualism facilitated communication, although Ohnstead and Stewart (1978:230) suggested Sarah Brown also introduced the technique that the language facility was one-sided: of coiling to the Atsugewi. more Atsugewi knew Achumawi than vice- "We started making coiled baskets when I versa. was young. I went to Big Meadows Frequent interactions among the Atsuge­ [Northeastern Maidu] for a visit. I wi, Achumawi, Yana, and Maidu for group admired their coiled baskets, and one day salmon fishing and feasts, or to collect one of my friends there taught me how to make them. When I returned to Hat Creek acorns and roots, led to intermarriage and all the women my age used to come and thus strong intertribal bonds (Garth 1978: sit arotmd and watch me make coiled 238). Indeed, many Atsugewi trading part­ basketry. Before long they learned how to ners in neighboring tribes were often rela­ make it themselves" [Garth 1953:150]. tives who had married out. The Atsugewi To the south of the northern riverine traded principally with the Yana, northeast peoples and their neighbors lived the Pomo, Maidu, and Achumawi but had unfriendly re­ peoples who made both twined and coiled lations with the Wintu and little contact baskets. Because each Pomo village held with the Shasta (Garth 1953:131). The Maidu rights to certain territory for acorns, exchanged their coiled baskets, skins, and fishing, and hunting, the villages became beads for Atsugewi twined baskets, bows, fairly self-sufficient entities (i.e., see and furs. Most exchanges, however, occur­ Theodoratus [1974] on the Bokeya area Pomo red at intertribal gatherings. Visitors from before contact). The territorial boundaries surrounding villages brought gifts. If these of a group were largely determined by fea­ gifts were contained in a basket, the basket tures of the terrain and degree of diversity was given as well (Garth 1953:183). One of in resources: rich environments allowed Garth's Atsugewi informants claimed to have smaller village land claims; less diverse had more relatives at Big Meadow (Maidu environments required larger claims. Barrett's territory) then he had on Hat Creek itself. informants claimed (1908:17) that "the He stated (Garth 1953:131) that it was com­ population of a community confined them­ mon for individuals to have and visit rela­ selves very strictly to this [land] and THE NEIGHBOR FACTOR 159

permitted no trespassing upon it by popula­ and Southern Pomo groups, moving both tions of other communities." food and raw materials between these differ­ Formal visits might be exchanged between ent resource zones. villages for trade or for attendance at For most individual Pomo, the opportun­ ceremonials, but informal visiting back and ity for personal contacts within these forth was rare even where neighboring vil­ lages were involved. Fear of witchcraft interaction networks came with attendance made the Pomo dubious as to advisability at the Big Times when acorn, fish, or seed of venturing alone or in small groups into harvests had been particularly abundant. strange villages, especially as few had Beads of clam shell disks were used as kinship ties beyond their own village. Intermarriages between viUages are rare, money with which the guests purchased extra and usually involved families which pro­ food at the end of the feasts. Trade fairs vided messengers or interpreters. Others would also be organized between villages. commonly married within their own village At these celebrations, as well as at other [Colson 1974:17]. ceremonials, many goods were available for However, unlike the northern riverine groups exchange: food, salt cakes, basketry where the small size of villages, often com­ material, bows and arrows, obsidian blades, posed only of one extended family, required magnesite beads, shells, snares, feathers, intervillage exchange of marriage partners, a skins, etc. single Pomo community could number 100 Similarly, people of the four Yuki dialect persons and thus be an endogamous unit. groups had more contact with their neigh­ Despite the fact that many of these com­ bors who spoke different languages than munities spoke mutually unintelligible dia­ with other Yuki. The Coast Yuki rarely lects, they were united in a variety of con­ visited the Round Valley Yuki, as they tact networks. claimed to fear molestation in route (Gifford . . . two or more villages speaking differ­ 1939). The Wappo dialects were separated ent dialects [read "language"—see by 40 miles of mountainous terrain from McLendon and Oswalt 1978:274] or even other Yuki. This geographical separation belonging to different linguistic stocks "tended to produce the dissimilarity found might unite in war, ceremonials ... if their geographical positions tended to between Wappo and other Yuki dialects" associate them [Barrett 1908:20]. (Barrett 1908:111). Most Yuki trade was with their neighbors, the Pomo, who were Some of these kin groupings and alliances their source of clam shell beads, salt, kelp, could become quite large. For example, along and Dentalium shells (Foster 1944). Al­ the Russian River a confederation of several though the Yuki intermarried with both the tribelets controlled 16 miles of the river and Pomo and Wailaki to the north, the "pover­ adjacent lands. ty" of the Wailaki environment caused them Regardless of linguistic similarities or to have little interchange of goods. It is differences, the Pomo generally interacted not surprising, then, from the close Yuki- with the groups living closest to them. Thus, Pomo associations that Yuki baskets, and Coast and Valley Pomo interacted with coast particularly those of the Wappo, are closely and inland Yuki; Eastern Pomo interacted comparable to those of the Pomo (Kelly with Lake Miwok, Wappo, and Patwin; and 1930:422). Kelly (1930:431) observed of Yuki Southern Pomo interacted with Coast Miwok. basketry from the main population centers to The Central Pomo were well established as the north that "in most instances one could middlemen between the Eastern, Northern, point out similar, if not exact, prototypes 160 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY from baskets of neighboring tribes." River Patwin knew more about the Valley The Sierra foothill and central valley Maidu and Nisenan than about the Wintun tribes had extensive regional exchange net­ upriver or their own Patwin kinsmen back in works for both food and status articles. the hills. Dixon, who visited the area between 1899 The Valley Maidu traded with the Wintun, and 1903, observed that individual northern particularly for beads, and the Northern Maidu stayed close to home. Maidu traded with the Achumawi for obsidian. Since the Maidu occupied such an The Maidu seem not to have been travel­ extensive area, much of the trade was ers. They rarely went far from home, even on hunts. It seems that 20 miles was internal. The foothill peoples exchanged an unusual distance to go . . . This re­ salt, game, and fish for acorns and pine nuts striction was in part due to the rugged from the mountain peoples, and the foothills nature of the terrain and in part to the and mountain peoples exchanged their hostiUty of different villages toward each products for beads from the valley peoples. other. Villjtges were at times abandoned, but the move was but a few miles at most The Southern Maidu foothills people and after several years the original site traveled to the valley to trade with their was often reoccupied. The inhabitants of relatives. However, these trading parties any one village thus knew only a small section of coimtry, and all lying beyond were large (100-200 men), they traveled at was terra incognita [Dixon 1905:201]. night, and great effort was made to return the same day so that overnight stays in In fact, Kroeber (1925:395) claimed that foreign territory were avoided. even "the western-most Maidu had only the The average Nisenan had few contacts vaguest cognizance, if any, of the most east­ outside his community. They were limited erly Pomo . . . Even within a man's ken to trade, war, and visits to ceremonial [sic], half the villages were likely to be gatherings, the latter being much more im­ hostile or under suspicion." The Maidu only portant. Chiefs and important people were had contact with, and showed cultural affili­ more apt to have relatives outside the commtmity and so to make social visits ation most closely with their neighbors, so outside of those connected with big times northern Maidu probably differed as much [Beals 1933:365]. from the southern Maidu as the Patwin dif­ fered from the Wintu (Kroeber 1929:254). "Big Times" were opportunities for vis­ Similarly, Beals (1933:337) found that the Hill iting, feasting, gambling, casual trading, and and Mountain Nisenan differed as much from establishing social contacts, some of which the Valley Nisenan as they did from the led to intermarriage. Invitations would be Maidu to the north and the Miwok to the sent to villages within a 15-20-mile radius. south. The Wintun participated in a west-to-east However, although Maidu individuals trade network, exchanging hill products for never traveled far, they were involved with river products, and in a north-to-south trade their immediate neighbors in an extensive network, exchanging pelts from the north "down-the-line" trade network that brought for clam shells from the San Francisco Bay goods from both near and distant tribes. area. "As these articles moved in the trade Despite tribal and linguistic differences, route, the value of each was enhanced in groups in different but adjacent environ­ proportion to the increased scarcity of each" mental zones formed close ties. Kroeber (Goldschmidt 1951:337). (1929:256) observed, for example, that the As was the case for the Maidu who also THE NEIGHBOR FACTOR 161 lived over a large area, the Wintun were (1948a, 1948b) recorded that during ceremon­ split into very localized village groups that ies frequent intertribal visits occurred among tended to be more similar to their neighbors, the northern foothills Choinimni, Michahai, whether or not they were Wintun. Kroeber and Entimbich tribes, and that the Choinimni (1925:357) observed that "It is probable that made annual visits to the Yokuts living the northern, the central, and the southern around Tulare Lake. Gayton, in fact, con­ Wintun differed more from one another than cluded (1948b:263) that this constant inter­ the Pomo did from the Yuki." Long Valley course between the Yokuts and Western Patwin (Southern Wintun) frequently visited Mono (Monache) groups resulted in the high the Clear Lake Pomo area to fish, hunt, and degree of similarities in technique, shape, gather acorns and, in turn. Clear Lake Pomo and ornament of Yokuts and Western Mono visited Long Valley to gather seeds (Johnson basketry. Later, writing of the "External 1978:352). In fact, northern Wintun (Wintu) References in Yokuts Life," she again along the McCloud River made overlay stressed that despite the Penutian language twined baskets similar to those of the base of the Yokuts and the Numic language Achumawi, and the central Wintun made base of the Western Mono, they "may be baskets that were "in a generic way of considered culturally one" (Gayton 1976:81). Pomo type" (Kroeber 1925:358). Likewise, contact of the most northerly Similarly, Miwok tribelets "owned" defi­ Yokuts tribe, the Chukchansi, with their nite territories in four main ecozones in neighbors the Southern Sierra Miwok, resul­ central California: the valleys in the Coast ted in extratribal ties and even confusion Range; the delta plains of the Central Val­ about tribal affiliation in some border ley; the Sierra foothills; and the Sierra villages (Spier 1978a:472). Nevada mountains. However, because none North-south contacts occurred in the vast of the zones encompassed all necessary re­ valley floor area along water courses. East- sources, a large trade network was maintain­ west contacts were more seasonally regulat­ ed. An east-west trade network involved ed: winter storms in the coast ranges tem­ the Costanoans, Miwok, Yokuts, and Eastern porarily halted Yokut-Chumash commerce, Mono (Owens Valley Paiute). Levy (1978: and similar inclement weather in the Sierra 412) reported that basketry was an "impor­ Nevada halted exchanges between the West­ tant item of exchange, usually moving in ern and Eastern Mono. In good weather the both directions between contiguous groups of Western Mono crossed the mountains to people." gather pine nuts in Eastern Mono territory, In addition, the Eastern Miwok maintain­ and, according to Gifford (1932), sometimes ed formal trade relations with the Mono on remained for several years. the eastern side of the Sierras. Bates (1982: The Western Mono acted as middlemen 4-5, 8) noted a mixing of Miwok and Mono between Eastern Mono and Yokuts relatives basket styles reflecting a long history of on the both sides of the Sierras. trade between the two groups. All the Monache maintained close relation­ The Yokuts lived in large tribal units, ships with their neighbors, whether each numbering several hundred persons, Monache or not. These external contacts with their own name, dialect, and territory included trading, traveUng, intertribal averaging about 300 square miles-a "half assembUes for ceremonies, visiting, incur­ sions into other's territories or common day's foot journey in each direction from territory for resource exploitation and the center" (Kroeber 1925:474). Gayton marriage [Spier 1978b:427]. 162 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

One of Gayton's informants insisted homogeneous, localized or widespread, re­ (1948a: 17) that the Tulare Lake Yokuts did gional design styles. Descriptions of several not make coiled baskets in "old times" but situations follow. obtained them in trade from the Foothill Two forms of marriage existed for the Yokuts. The Foothill Yokuts obtained bows, Yurok: full-marriage where a man bought a moccasins, rock salt, pine nuts, and jerked wife and took her to his home (patrilocal- deer meat from the Eastern Mono in return ity); and half-marriage where a poorer man for their baskets or beads (Gayton 1948b: may have only been able to pay half the 181). bride price and so went to live with his wife Similar in culture to the Yokuts, but and work for her father (matrilocality). The speaking different languages, were the 1909 census taken by Waterman and Kroeber Tiibatulabal who lived in the foothills east of (1934) revealed that 97 of 413 marriages the Yokuts and north of the Kawaiisu. Their (23.4%) were half-marriages. basketry is scarcely distinguishable from that Since the average Yurok town had a of the Kawaiisu. In fact, the early basket population of only 45 people (Waterman and collectors often labeled baskets from both Kroeber 1934:6, fn. 3), and since most of tribes as "Kern County," so similar were these would be kin, there would be few they in appearance. women acceptable for a man to marry. In this very brief review of how environ­ Nevertheless (for 390 marriages), 35.6% of mental resources and geographic proximity the men found wives in their home district affected exchange patterns, the evidence (a town and the seven towns adjacent); suggests that individuals, whether living 34.9% married outside the home district to within villages, large communities, or tribal wives in one of the two adjacent districts; units, generally kept within their territorial and 29.4% found wives in the other Yurok boundaries and traveled little except to local districts or outside Yurok territory. Thus, ceremonials where marriage partners were there was a tendency for men to marry acquired and food and other goods were women close to home (Waterman and Kroe­ exchanged. The contacts and exchanges ber 1934:10-11). within and between neighboring tribes at Groups peripheral to this northern "core" these gatherings blurred absolute distinctions group were also involved in supplying wives. between tribal units defined as distinct lin­ For example, the Wiyot lived along the coast guistic entities and led to the clinal "near­ between the Eel and Mad rivers and shared est-neighbor" relationships that can be seen their northern boundary and closest cultural in the frequency distributions of basket de­ identity with the Yurok. Loud (1918) re­ sign structures (Figs. 5-8) and, more specif­ ported that Wiyot villages were frequent ically, in the multidimensional scaling map of sources of wives for Yurok men. Since, the symmetries used by each tribe (Fig. 9). however, women were purchased and the Yurok were far wealthier than the Wiyot, MARRIAGE PRACTICES the export of Wiyot women to Yurok men Marriage rules and practices were a sec­ was greater than the import of Yurok women ond factor affecting exchange and transfer by Wiyot men (Loud 1918:250). Not surpris­ of ideas about basket designs. Data des­ ingly, Wiyot basketry is very similar in form, cribing sources of marriage partners suggest technique, and design to that of the Yurok. that localization or movement of wives upon Gifford's (1926) study of the Clear Lake and after marriage seem to correlate with (Eastern) Pomo revealed that marriage part- THE NEIGHBOR FACTOR 163

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ners were found in both local and neigh- provided the setting which accelerated the bKjring communities. Of 139 marriages noted shift from local to regional design styles. by Gifford at the village of Cigom, 70 were DESIGN ANALYSIS to fellow villagers and 69 were to a person from another village. Of the latter, 27 From the above brief review of cultural married another Eastern Pomo, 18 a North­ practices related to trade and marriage in­ ern Pomo, six a Southeastern Pomo, three a teractions, three trends are apparent. First, Central Pomo, three a Wappo, and 12 a Hill the "known" world of most peoples was Patwin. Although half the marriages were to generally confined to a restricted area where individuals outside Cigom, marriage among they gathered food and engaged in other es­ individuals speaking the same dialect (i.e., sential activities. Second, whether goods neighboring Eastern Pomo villages) was most were obtained from far afield through an favored (Gifford 1926:297). The case his­ elaborate "down-the-line" trade network or tories indicate that marriages with "foreign" locally, the actual exchange activities were Pomo often resulted when families came to usually with neighboring peoples, regardless Clear Lake to fish and while there individu­ of language or tribal affiliations. And fin­ als met their future spouse. ally, most marriages were preferentially in- In contrast to the Yurok data, which tratribal. In cases where small numbers of show a preference for patrilocal residence locally available acceptable spouses forced (more than 75%), the reverse characterizes men to obtain wives from outside their own the Pomo at Cigom: 75 matrilocal versus 24 community, they looked to neighboring patrilocal marriages. A significant factor in tribes. In sum, despite the fact that most the Pomo marriage rule relative to potential individuals lived a fairly isolated life influences on basket design is that it was pattern, each community had cultural mech­ customary for a woman to first live briefly anisms that brought villages or tribes in with her husband's family and only later contact with their neighbors, and these con­ move back to her parents' village. Further, tacts were developed and maintained re­ subsequent to the establishment of her ma­ gardless of mutual linguistic intelligibility. trilocal residence, there was continual The analysis of basket design structure traveling and visiting throughout the couple's which follows clearly reveals the "nearest married life back and forth between the neighbor" aspect of these interaction pat­ husband's and wife's parents villages (Gifford terns. Although each basket design struc­ 1926:231). ture was plotted within its original tribal These studies suggest that traditional designation, display of the similar use fre­ marriages were generally arranged as close quencies of the four principal symmetries to home as blood relations would allow. (Figs. 5-8) indicates the tribal areas encom­ Spouses were found in neighboring villages passed and thus shows how common struc­ or within the community or tribe. With ture use crosscuts linguistic boundaries. The contact, however, and relocation to reserva­ different types of interaction situations will tions and rancherias, the Indians expanded be reviewed and correlated with different their sphere of personal contacts and ex­ kinds of design structure similarities and posure to new ideas. Further, increased de­ differences. mand from the white community for labor We would expect that groups living in and baskets gave the Indians an economic multiresource zones who developed an eco­ base but, not insignificantly, in the process nomic self-sufficiency, yet who interacted THE NEIGHBOR FACTOR 165 with other neighboring tribes for marriage layouts in use (diagonal, vertical, and hori­ partners would display highly homogeneous zontal [Kojean 1979]), we can surmise that design systems within this interaction sphere. the variety in layouts characterized the pre- Thus, in northern California, well-established contact situation. Further, Kroeber (1925: trade relationships provided the necessary 234) suggested that the self-sufficiency of a status items and an active cycle of cere­ given community was dependent on the var­ monial dances and visiting led to intermar­ iety of environments in its domain and self- riages and, not unexpectedly (particularly sufficiency led to a cultural homogeneity along riverine "roadways"), a highly similar within that area. Thus, it may well be that design system. the origin of the several different design Indeed, Kroeber (1905:116) observed long layouts found on Pomo baskets was related ago that "The basketry of the Yurok, Karok, to the isolated situation of the various Pomo and Hupa is virtually identical" and that this communities. Later, after white contact and style is identifiable south to the Wailaki, increased mobility, the localization of styles east to the Achumawi, and north to the was diluted as ideas were exchanged freely other Athapaskan tribes in southern Oregon among the several Pomo regional divisions. (Kroeber 1925:90). This includes the Shasta, A chi-square test of data from the Tolowa, Wiyot, Whilkut, Nongatl, Lassik, and Northern and Eastern Pomo divisions shows a Wailaki. significant difference in the use of sym­ Symmetry analysis of basket designs from metries to structure their basket designs these tribes confirms this observation. The (X^ = 7.79 for 4 d.f.; Table 1). It is, three "core" groups produced designs further, even more interesting that a chi- predominantly structured by one-dimensional square test on the same designs from these classes pll2 and pma2. Figures 5 and 6 same two divisions, but on descriptive show the percentage frequencies of symme­ criteria of design orientation rather than tries/7ii2 and/7/na2, respectively. design structure, shows no significant The Achumawi, Wintu, and Modoc used difference between the two groups ( X^ = 2.2 equivalent or slightly lesser frequencies of with 4 d.f.; Table 2). Theoretically, all five these two symmetries. Figures 7 and 8 show of the descriptive labels for design orienta­ that mirror reflection sjmimetries {pmll and tion listed in Table 2 could be on a pattern pmm2) were not often used by these north- structured by the same symmetry. For ex­ em groups (except for the Achumawi show­ ample, pll2 could appear on any of the five ing 20% use of pmll). orientations. These results suggest that the In contrast are the Pomo who lived in distinctions between groups are apparently large endogamous communities. We would not indicated by orientation, but in the expect that such a situation would foster the specific way in that the marks are arranged development of design styles particular to in the layouts. This latter characteristic can each community or regional grouping. Indeed, be described by mathematical symmetries. Pomo baskets are decorated with a number We would expect groups who lived in an of different layouts; multiple narrow hori­ environmental situation that promoted eco­ zontal bands, diagonal bands, vertical bands, nomic symbiosis, such as the foothill and all-over two-dimensional patterns, and single valley areas of central California, to display wide horizontal bands. Since illustrations of similarities in design structure over this wide baskets in Russian collections made among interaction area. In examining Figures 5-8, the Pomo in the 1840s show several of these we see that the Eastern Maidu and Sierra 166 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNL\ AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

Miwok used the four symmetries in similar Table 1 frequencies. Further, it is interesting that COMPARATIVE USE OF SYMMETRY STRUCTURES for patterns with mirror reflection {pmll BY NORTHERN AND EASTERN POMO» and pmm2), the Eastern Maidu and Sierra Symmetry Northern Pomo Eastern Pomo Miwok differed in their preferences for use # cases #cases pmll 9 13 of these two symmetries from the more P2 4 9 southerly Mono and Yokuts. But all these pma2 9 2 groups-the Maidu, Miwok, Mono, and Yo­ other one-dimensionals 5 S kuts—used similar frequencies of patterns two-dimensionals 11 11 with bifold rotation {pma2 andpll2). " .2. Sometimes environmental barriers appar­ 7.79 for 4 At ently slowed the flow of goods and ideas. Table 2 The groups on the eastern side of the Sierra COMPARATIVE USE OF DIFFERENT ORIENTATIONS differed in their design symmetries from BY NORTHERN AND EASTERN POMO" those on the west side. The Washo and Orientation Northern Pomo Eastern Pomo Eastern Mono used different frequencies of #cases # cases pmll and pma2 than did the groups on the Multiple horizontal bands 4 2 west side of the Sierras. The Panamint Sho­ Diagonal bands 6 10 shone differed in their use of pll2, pma2, Vertical bands 5 5 All over two-dimensional 6 4 and pmll from the Tiibatulabal and Kawaiisu. Single wide band 11 8 A chi-square test on symmetries used by the Eastern and Western Mono shows a signifi­ ° X =22toi4d.t cant difference in use of four symmetry classes ( X^ = 47 for 5 d.f.; Table 3). Table 3 COMPARATIVE USE OF SYMMETRY STRUCTURES Although we have focused on using sym­ BY EASTERN AND WESTERN MONO' metry analysis to measure similarities or Symme try Eastern Mono Western Mono differences between groups, it is also possi­ #cases #cases ble to use symmetry analysis to study design pll2 9 S homogeneity or heterogeneity within one pmg 7 13 cultural group. Two types of possible analy­ pmll 27 0 ses are briefly mentioned here. pmm2 8 20 First, symmetry analysis can highlight the pma2 7 20 other classes 23 importance of geographical distance as an 15 isolating factor between population clusters a 47ror5d.t within a given culture. A chi-square test of X^- the designs produced by Eastern Mono weav­ symmetry classes pmm2 and pma2 by five ers living in the Mono Lake-Bridgeport area Foothill Yokuts tribes indicates their design versus designs produced by weavers living in structures are significantly different ( X^ = the Bishop area to the south shows a signi­ 18.32 for 4 d.f.; Table 5). Among the Yokuts ficant difference between the two areas ( X^ there is a high degree of endogamy within = 11.4 with 6 d.f.; Table 4). each tribe and, coupled with a high degree Second, symmetry analysis can also high­ of political organization and identity within light the integrating forces of political unity a given tribal unit, one would expect to find displayed by well-organized social units. For that discrete design systems characterize example, a chi-square analysis of the use of each tribe. THE NEIGHBOR FACTOR 167

Table 4 Vector 1, the four central and southern val­ COMPARATIVE USE OF SYMMETRY STRUCTURES ley groups-TUbatulabal, Kawaiisu, Yokuts, BYTWO GROUPS OF EASTERN MONO* and Western Mono—all are arranged along a Symmel• y Mono Lake-Bridgeport Area Bishop Area short curve in a proximity that reflects their # cases # cases interaction patterns. Above and to the right pmll 16 11 pll2 3 6 of Vector 1, beginning in the lower right pmm2 4 4 quadrant, are the northern groups, Yurok, pma2 5 2 Karok, and Hupa, known to be closely affili­ pmg 5 2 ated. Solid lines with arrows are drawn to pm 3 6 other classes 3 11 show these ties. Dotted lines connect these three groups to the Wintu and Achumawi, a .2 = 11.4 for 6 dt because although ethnographic evidence sug­ gests that they were in contact via the Table 5 Shasta, insufficient data on Shasta baskets COMPARATIVE USE OF SYMMETRY STRUCTURES prevented their inclusion in this plot. I BY FIVE FOOTHILL YOKUTS TRIBES" would predict, however, that the Shasta Chukchansi Choynimni Entimbich Mitchai Wikchamni would fall between the Yurok-Karok-Hupa Symmetiy # cases # cases # cases # cases # cases cluster and the Wintu and Achumawi, their pmm2 6 4 7 5 7 southern and eastern neighbors, respectively. pma2 17 4 4 0 2 other classes 16 4 11 4 12 The Achumawi appear close to the Maidu, as suggested by ethnographic evidence of their

' Y^ = 18.3for4d.f. close trade relationships. The Wintun should appear between the Wintu and Miwok, but since no data were available, the relationship All of these "nearest neighbor" relation­ is shown by a dotted line. The Miwok- ships can best be seen in a multidimensional Pomo ties are well-known and their common scaling plot (Fig. 9) of the frequencies of use of the same symmetries is reflected in use of 10 symmetry classes {pll2, pmll, their close juxtaposition on this plot. pmm2, pma2, pm, cm, pmm, cmm, pmg, and As we move further south and east, solid p2) for 17 tribes. While it must be said that arrows connect the Pomo and Washo, the a better test would have been of symmetry Miwok and Eastern Mono, and the Eastern usage by specific communities, rather than Mono and the Panamint Shoshone. These by whole tribes (especially as I have shown ties are confirmed by ethnographic accounts that peripheral villages of one tribe are of exchange relationships. The Yuki seem often more like their nearest neighbor, even out of position, being closer to the Eastern if they are of a different tribe), this test Mono and Washo on the east side of the Si­ was not feasible because of small sample size erras, rather than the Pomo. However, this and only general (i.e., tribal) provenience is understandable when the data set is re­ data. Nevertheless, the "nearest neighbor" examined since only coiled baskets were affiliations clearly show even on this general available for analysis. The Yuki, like the tribal plot. These affiliations are with their Pomo, made both coiled and twined baskets, geographical and/or exchange neighbors, and it is predicted that if twined baskets rather than with their linguistic kin. were available for analysis, the position of Many (64.5%) of the data are represented the Yuki would be closer to the Pomo. by vectors 1 and 2 (Fig. 9). To the left of In short, the general curve from lower 168 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNL\ AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY right to upper right quadrants moves from plots of motifs were first attempted on sep­ north to central California with each tribe arate basket form categories: high bowls, generally positioned next to its exchange trays, hats, etc., but sufficient data existed partners. Thus, the nearest neighbor only for a plot on the high bowl form (not changes in the way designs are structured on shown here). In this case, no discrete clus­ baskets accurately reflects the pattern of ters—geographical, linguistic, or nearest nearest neighbor interactions in trade and neighbor exchange partners-appeared. All marriage practices of these California tribes. tribes in this plot (Tiibatulabal, Pomo, Symmetry analysis thus offers the anthropol­ Miwok, Yokuts, Klamath, Western Mono, ogist an alternative, non-linguistic measure Eastern Mono, Cahuilla, Yuki, Maidu, and of and insight into activity patterns of in­ Washo) seemed to fall around the intersec­ teracting communities. tion of vectors 1 and 2. Further, because The above analysis has shown that simi­ the data on vectors 1 and 2 only accounted larities and differences in basket design for 49% of the motifs, this relatively low structures parallel "nearest neighbor" rela­ accounting for all the variation is not a tionships of California Indian tribal associa­ reliable indicator of group association. tions established for the exchange of people If the individual element or motif cannot and goods. It is reasonable to ask whether be compared with objectivity, is it possible a similar correlation would have resulted if to describe the layout of these motifs (i.e., the relative frequencies of marks (design the structure) in terms other than by sjrm- elements) used by each tribe were studied metry classes, and if so, do these structural instead of the relative frequencies of sym­ units show the same tribal relationships as metry structures, particularly since the re­ do the symmetry classes? One alternative cognition of named marks was the other cri­ way to describe design layout is to charac­ terion used by O'Neale's informants. terize the orientation of the design on the Although over 600 motifs (after Kroeber basket. California Indian designs, which are 1905) were recorded on the baskets studied, placed either in narrow or wide bands, can the relative frequencies of each was too low be described as having patterns parallel to for meaningful statistical tests unless motifs the rim, perpendicular to the rim, both par­ generally similar in shape were lumped to­ allel and perpendicular to the rim, or slanted gether. There is no way to systematically toward the rim. lump elements and motifs to obtain a statis­ A multidimensional scaling plot (Fig. 10) tically usable sample, yet, at the same time, of the orientation of basket designs on all maintain the unique differences that charac­ basket forms from 24 tribes however, shows terize the motifs of each locality. Design no discrete geographic clusters. Northern elements are either so general and wide­ and southern groups are juxtaposed (Karok spread in their occurrence throughout Cali­ and Yokuts; Wintu and Tiibatulabal) and fornia and/or their combination into motifs most of the tribes are simply clustered is restricted to only a few localities. around the intersection of vectors 1 and 2. Additionally, because many motifs were bor­ The groups are positioned according to the rowed and elaborated to meet the tastes of frequency of use of the four kinds of orien­ non-Indian collectors (Washburn 1984), dis­ tation. From the upper to the lower sec­ tributional studies of motifs alone are not tions of the plot along Vector 1 there is a reliable. decreasing frequency of use of the orienta­ Nevertheless, multidimensional scaling tion parallel to the rim. At the top are the THE NEIGHBOR FACTOR 169

Hupa which have 97.7% of their designs par­ shone. Not all of the groups within each of allel to the rim. At the bottom of the plot the three general divisions used exactly the are the Cahuilla which have 68.9% of their same symmetries in the same frequencies, designs parallel to the rim. The presence of but in general, neighboring tribes used the groups on the +2 or -2 sides of Vector 1 same symmetries to structure basket designs represents design systems characterized by a (Table 6). murture of the orientation types. The orien­ It should not pass unnoticed that these tations were also analyzed by separate bas­ general divisions correspond with remarkable ket forms, but no difference was discernable, similarity to Kroeber's (1936:102) cultural suggesting that basket shape was not a con­ foci. He listed three climax areas for all of trolling factor in design orientation. The California: Northwest, Central, and South­ factors related to this distributional prefer­ ern. Despite the fact that this paper des­ ence for different orientations are unknown, cribes only data from northern and central but we can now exclude language, geography, California, we can still see that Kroeber's or nearest neighbor exchange relationships. Northwest climax included the three "core" The difference in tribal distributions ob­ groups (Yurok, Karok, and Hupa) and the tained by plotting different ways to describe subclimax included the groups listed as per­ design layouts is of fundamental analytical ipheral to the core groups. Kroeber's cen­ importance. Simply mapping the design ori­ tral climax groups were the Pomo of Clear entation shows no correlation with nearest Lake and Russian River and the Patwin, neighbor exchange relationships. We might Maidu, and Nisenan of the Sacramento River. conclude that similarities and differences in His "remainder" subcategory included all the design layout measured by this feature are other foothill groups: Yokuts, Mono, Tiiba­ unrelated to the contact networks. However, tulabal, Kawaiisu, and Wintu. These divi- describing design layouts by their symmetries does seem to produce distributions which relate to ethnographically documented ex­ Table 6 change relationships. PERCENTAGE FREQUENCY USE OF THE FOUR PREDOMINANT SYMMETRIES BY 17 CALIFORMA DISCUSSION INDIAN TRIBES Analysis that focuses on the symmetries Tribe pll2 pmll pmm2 pma2 used to structure designs suggests group in­ Modoc 18 6 0 48.5 teraction patterns that separate northern and Achumawi 23 20 3 30 central California into three general divi­ Karok 2S 10 6 36 sions: a northern riverine component cen­ Hupa 33 14 4 32 Yurok 36 6 9 25 tered around the Yurok, Karok, and Hupa Yuki 12 43 7 95 with influence extending east to the Pomo 9 24 6 15 Achumawi and Atsugewi, south to the Wintu Northern Wintun 5 9 5.5 20 and Waliaki, west to the Tolowa, and north Maidu 8 28 7 28.5 Washo 7 38 8 11 to the Shasta and Klamath; a central com­ Sierra Miwok 4.5 25 15 30 ponent of the Pomo, Maidu, and Miwok with Eastern Mono 11 33 10 8.6 the Yuki and Washo peripheral; and a central Western Mono 7 0 27 27 and southern component along the Sierra Foothill Yokuts 5 7 28 26 foothills which unites the Mono, Yokuts, Panamint Shoshone 215 29 17.6 10 Tiibatulabal 8 10 25 17 Tiibatulabal, Kawaiisu, and Panamint Sho­ Kawaiisu 7 11 11 20 170 JOURNAL OF CALlFORNL\ AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY sions parallel the basket design subdivisions This fall-off zone marks the boundary of one described in this paper. tribal group with another. Kroeber (1905) published a lengthy analy­ Where the pattern of internal artefact as­ sis of basket design in northern California. semblage variation produced a gentle However, he actually described the general curve, falling away at the tribal boundary orientation of the design rather than the ... the pattern outside the tribe falls ex­ specific arrangement of the design elements. tremely steeply from the 65% to the 30% level of shared elements [Clarke 1968:376]. For example, both his "zigzag arrangement" and his "diagonal arrangement" are bifold However, because the percentage fre­ rotational patterns. As a consequence, the quency distributions Clarke cited were based tribal divisions and groupings derived from on total artifact assemblages and this anal­ his analysis differ substantially from the ysis is based on one aspect of one artifact results presented in the present study. type, the conclusions will necessarily vary, The question is which of the two ap­ probably significantly so. Clarke admitted proaches—Kroeber's design layouts or sym­ that exceptions to his pattern of 65-95% as­ metry structures-is the most useful and semblage homogeneity within a tribe and culturally meaningful analytical approach. fall-off to 30% outside the tribal boundary Any classification that can be substantiated will occur. by distributions of other cultural factors Such exceptions are clearly related to im- probably is closer to the actual cultural usually good or bad lines of intercommun­ situation. I have shown in this paper that ication and intercoimection introduced by both environment and proximity strongly af­ unusual topographic, linguistic, historic, or fected exchange and marriage practices sociocultural des and barriers [Clarke which, in turn, resulted in similarities and 1968:388]. differences in design structures. The inter­ In fact, the topographic and sociocultural dependence of these factors suggests that factors he cited as being related to the ex­ the structural analysis of design symmetries ceptions (trade and marriages as regulated more accurately reflects the interactions and by environment) are precisely those found in affiliations of California Indian groups. this paper to be responsible for the homo­ Clarke (1968:374-388) reexamined the cul­ geneities and heterogeneities in design struc­ tural element distribution data collated by ture. Thus, in plots of assemblages of Kroeber and others for the California tribes northwest California tribes from the Tolowa to demonstrate the polythetic nature of ele­ south to the Yuki (Clarke 1968:380, Figs. 67 ment sharing among communities within a and 68), he found that linguistic identity tribe and the fairly abrupt fall-off of assem­ rather than proximity explained the most blage identity between communities of dif­ closely similar groups. That is, despite in­ ferent tribes. Clarke used Pomo data to tervening tribes of different linguistic back­ show that communities share from 95% to ground, two tribes of the same linguistic 65% of their assemblages. background had more similar assemblages. However, my analysis of the structure of When this marginal fall-off of propordonal basket design for these northwest coast content has reached the threshold of the groups suggests the reverse-that proximity cultural level, c. 65-50%, the assemblages can no longer be regarded as ethnograph­ is more of a factor than language. The near ically or archaeologically Pomo in charac­ identity in use of classes pll2 and pma2 ter [Clarke 1968:375]. among the Yurok, Hupa, and Karok, tribes THE NEIGHBOR FACTOR 171 which speak three different languages, sug­ University, and to D. W. from the National gests that environment and interaction are Science Foundation, grant BNS 8211503. The critical factors in determining cultural research was carried out while D. W. was a Fellow of the Adolph C. and Mary Sprague Miller similarity. 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