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PAPEHS AND PROCEEDINGS OF' THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF TASMANIA, VOLUL\'lE 99.

POLITICAL SCIENCE AS A SCIENCE

By

A. K. FRYER

University oj Tasmania

[ABSTRACT (Publication No. 426, Paris, 1950) indicated in 1950, The question of the definition of "science" in this systemat,ic arrangement could apply to this context. and the nature and object of the work " acquired know1edge verified by accurate observa­ of the political scIentist. Academic roles and tion and logical thought ", or more broadly to responsibility in the field of practical are ",the sum of co-ordinated knowledge relative to a not separable, and the political scientist has no determined subject ", which would make empirical sovereign control of his" ma,terial ", but is partially verification less necessary to Ithe systematisation of subjected to environmental influences. Schools of knowledge (ibid, p. 3). In concluding that the thought, scepticism .and , and the weak­ latter definition should apply to the UNESCO panel nesses of modern political science. Confusion with of scholars who contributed to the Survey seemed the princ,iples of natural science; the example of to be saying that Political Science is not perfectly H. D. Lasswell. Behavioural scientists and modern scientific in so far as strIct empirical verification trends.l is not always necessary to it, and that this was certainly borne out When methodology in political Science according to my dictionary, is "know­ science was examined. Experts in the methodology ledge systematically arranged ", and, after dealing of political science, the authors of the Survey re­ with the definition of applied, natural and pure ported, "are wont to speak of a variety of science 1t adds the obitur dictum that political methods: philosophical, dialectIcal, juridical, histor­ economy is known as "the dismal science". Now ical, sociological, psychologic-ai, economic and the fusion of political and economic studies was normative methods, methods of and of the the first st.ep taken in the 19th century, in the natuml sciences, experimental, integral and sta­ evolution of the modern academic discipline which tistical methods, &c.", and they lamented that" the has become known as Political Science, and there outstanding feature of this terminology is perhaps are those today, like Prof. Hans Morgenthau in his its ambiguity". (ibid, p. 3-4). That would seem to "Dilemmas of Politics" (Univ. of Chicago Press, be the understatement of the year. At any rate, no 1958) who argue that at the present time Political politic'al scientist would appear ,to have mastered Science is often as dismal a subject as political all these methods, and not all have agreed that economy once became. Yet political science is as some of them are proper in the field of political old at least as Plato's " Academy" or as Aristotle's science. All political scientists show, however, their eternally modern works on politics and ethics, and individual predeliction for methods seleoted for indeed if ever this subject becomes a dull, or a their propriety in the study of particular interests dismal science, it must be because the methods, the and, to be really outstanding, have to show great objects, and the imagination of poutical scientists a.bility in handling interdisciplinary skills. No are irrelevant or incomprehensible to the people wonder, therefore, that the first professor of they ought to be addressing. political science in the University of Oambridge Doubts are often expressed about Political remarked in his inaugural lecure in 1928 "that Science, and questions are raised as to whether it many of his hearers regarded the subject of his is a science at all. Some academicians cloak their chair as 'certainly nebulous, probably dubious 'and uncertainty about it by calling the University possibly disputatious'''. (W. A. Robson, The Uni­ departments in which it is studied Departments vers1ty Teaching of Social Sciences: Political of Political Studies, or even more broadly Depart­ Science, UNESCO, 1954, p. 16). ments of Social Studies, the word "science" is tacitly dropped. Politics, they say, IS an art; and Not only to the uninitiate, then, would it seem tt is an aspect of life whiCh is too unpredictable that political scientists cannot even agree upon the and too intractable to the application of seientific scope or set limits to their 'alleged discipline, or methods of analysis, to qualify as a science. But indeed to the object of its study. Indeed, for these propositions of course are based upon a mis­ Maurice Cowling of Jesus College at Cambridge, understanding of the word 'science', which, we political science as an academic discipline is non­ have seen, in its general meaning is knowledge existent. " Political Science ", he writes (The Nature systematically arranged; but again, as the and Limits of Political Science, Cambridge, 1963, UNESCO Survey of Contemporary Political Science pp. 209-210--cf. p. Iff) "the taking thought to

127 128 POLITICAL SCIENCE AS A SCH;NCt; deal with each situation by hypothesis and experi­ logies, to explain particular or general problems in ment ", he calls it, " is ... in an academic setting, order to discover the truth and to serve mankind. an impossibility. In an academic setting," he went He undel'takes research, and he teaches. And on, "hypotheses are tools for the further elucida­ teachmg is never simply the passing on of in­ tion of a subject matter and they have no relev­ formation or of explanation but a process of train­ ance to anything else. Political explanation exists ing people to use judgement, and the use of judge­ here as and history, and nothing else. ment means the seeking out of criteria of right and Political science, sociology, social administration, wrong, of excellence and of inferiority. It is, in internartional relations, criminology, comparative short, also a process of character forma,tion as well institutions and comparative government, when as of intellectual training. Political scientists are looked at critically, dissolve into these two disci­ involved, in fact, not only in explanation but also plines: and if they do not, they have not been in making. They may inform official opinion, guide looked art critically enough." And, he goes on, " The public opinion, and dil'ect throUgh widening circles only political scIence, in this sense, goes on in the through schools and professional assodations and world of practice and the only political scient,ists societies the attention of administrators and poli­ are ministers and members of parliament, ambas­ ticians to principles and practices which deserve sadors and heads of department, kings, princes, rejection, modification, or aeceptance, because one citizens and revolutionaries who are, like historians, of these things will make the governmenta,l and the physicists and philosophers, responsible for the social system more just, mow efficient or more subject matter on which they work. Professors of economical. Moreover, nowadays not infrequently, Political Science ", he added, "who want to engage academic political scientists, like academic econ­ in political practice (by standing for Parliament, omists, are formally called in to provide profes­ writing in newspapers, advising governments or sional or technical advice to government depart­ joining the City Council) 'are free to do so. But they ments or international specialised agencies, or they are, so far as they do this, abandoning their aca­ are employed to undertake special surveys and demic function for a prac,tical political one. To do compile official reports. In all this activity they so may, if they are lucky, help them to illuminate a,re involved in an increasing responsibility in the academic subject matter. But the only raJtional policy formulation and creating a consensus of action to which scholars, as scholars, are committed, opinion on vital ma;tters in national and inter­ the only moral action to which they are com­ national affairs. Thus Charles Merriam said with manded and the only 'social responsibility' to some truth some forty years ago that (New Aspects which their professional posttion compels them, is of Politics, University of Chicago, 1925). political to use their energies in order to explain in its full scientists are more than concerned with the diversity as much as they can of the nature of the methodology and scope of social research, they world in which they live." are concerned with social formation or as some would put it, 'social engineering '; and he added This is, perhaps, a view which would be agreeable thait " We might make the coming generation aris­ to many. But Dr. Cowling is to my mind not en­ tocrats, democrats, communists, nationalists, or in­ tirely convincing. The distinction between :the ternationalists at will, assuming that we were pre­ scholar and the pmctitioner is not an absolute one, pa.red to devote the necessary time and patience as he at least suggests, but moreover explanation, to the construction of the machinery for the as he, in fact, says (p. 210) "is a form of action ". purpose of social and political education", (p. 203). It is never explanation for its own sake, but for Nor does he mean only secondary and tertiary some purpose; and to say that one explains for education, but the constant re-educatiol1 of the ac,ademic reasons is nonsense, or at any rate it citizens (p. 206). "The public opinion ", he says, confuses the method with the object. Explanation, "that rests chiefly upon tradition and custom, or I would argue, comes about when a question be­ upon transparent rationalisations of interest, or comes significant, and the kind of questlon asked upon ignorance of fundamental relations between by political scientists is always subjective to the economic and social interests and political action age and place in which it is put. But secondly it can no longer be reckoned as an adequate basis for it always asked for a purpose. Thus one may ask a government". (p. 209). He had in mind then " How does the constiltution of, let us say, Britain, an applied science of politics and of government, or the U.N. work? " not simply with a view to ex­ just as, indeed, had Aristotle. plaining its parts, but in order to exercise judge­ ment; for some end. Does it work properly, effici­ In his vIews, though, Prof. Merriam over­ ently, is it satisfactory in carrying out the purpose emphasises perhaps the role of the political for which it came into being? And willy nilly, scientists for, as Aristotle was the first to point out, implicitly or explicitly, the scholar wHl ask what the manners and minds of men are formed by may be done to it to make it serve its purpose three factors, nature, habit and ra1tionality better? Or whether indeed its purpose ought to be (Politics, Bk. VII, para. 1332b), and it is not easy, changed? Thus even academic explanation is a as all political and social stUdies testify, to bring social and a political act. It only has force and these .three determinants of action into harmony significance, of course, if it is seen to be relevant to with each other. This indeed is the central problem actual problems of life, and in the field of political of the political scientist. science that means in practical political life. The Nor indeed, as a further comment upon Prof. difference between the academic political scientist Merriam's argument, is the political scientist a and political practitioner is, then, that the first sovereign educator, for" It is", Maurice Gowling when properly so called, in contradistinction to the wrote, "the whole of the education and the whole second, applies his mind without undue restraint of of a religion that a man has, not just his refiective loyalty to party rules or particular political ideo- philosophy, which determines what part he sees A. K. FRYER 129 of the world and what he will think it necessary of 18th century European rationalist political to do in it", (p. 208), and in this sense neither theory have so generally been made the basis for the academic political scientist nor the practitioner political action when in fact differences between, of scientific politics has full control of his material. on the one hand primitive societies and on the But the difficulties of the political scientist do other' advanced' societies and also amongst ad­ not stop there. For it should be transparently clear vanced societies as such, makes political egalitari­ that the political scientist is himself a creature of anism impracitical whether it is applied to indi­ nature, habit and rationality, and though his viduals or to states. Besides it is evidently im­ natuml self may be under a wide measure of com­ possible to introduce it in some multi-racial states mand because of disciplined and civilised habits without actually introducing injustices which may and because of the intense which be more sharply felt than the old ones. Con­ springs from the cultivation of a questioning and sequently, the political and administrative machin­ rational approach to the problems of life, yet h~s ery of government and also legal systems have to mind and nature will still be profoundly affected be carefully appraised and modified to avoid re­ by the social and intellectual community in which newed or new tensions in modern states and be­ he lives. And in that cont.ext too, what work he tween them. Sixthly, then, political science is also does will reflect at least a compromise between his influenced by administration and legal science. free will and the expectations or demands of his Even in advanced societies, then, cultural heritages society. Thus it is that there 'are national schools and what may be called inherent differentiating of political science: Prof. Hans Morgenthau argues factors such as racial, religious, and geopolitical, as that American departments of political science well as ideological considerations, control the pro­ "were established . . . not for the purpose of cesses of question and answer, of the interpretation theoretical understanding, let alone philosophical of legal and moral rules, and of social and political speculation, but primarily for meeting the practical analyses made by policital scientists. exigencies of the day", that is to provide admin­ istrators, and to train practical politicians. This, Any such listing of influences to which political he said, was the limit of expectaMon placed upon scientists are subjected, such as I have just American colleges and universities in an age which attempted, emphasises the fact that their sub­ cherished only the utilitarian (Dilemmas, pp. 9fL). jectivity is broadly of two kinds: (1) they are On the other hand, German poUtical science, it is thems.elves members of diverse societies, and their sometimes claimed, is expressive of the traditions studies tend to reflect their inheritances as well as of German legal science, and French of the Roman sometimes differing environmental problems; but legal tradition; and in the Soviet Union, under the (2) they live at present in a revolutionary age impact of Marxism, "political science" (r.eports when much of their inheritance seems irrelevant the UNESCO Survey) "is merely a secondary to an understanding of their own times, or to aspeet of sociology which is centred in political salvation from fearful dangers foreseen in the economy". (pp. 7-8). future. Where political scientists perceive these antagonistic influences the order of questions which Political scientists, then, are subject to environ­ they ask undergoes profound changes, and at the mental factors which not. only affect directly their same time a profound scepticism moves many of intellectual , as in totaUtarian states, but them to perhaps an extreme reliance upon em­ which more subtly condition their thinking accord­ pirical testing so ,that political science withdraws ing to ,their degree of involvement in religious, itself from theoretieal explora,tion and speculative political, or other movements and in their cultural thinking and becomes for some at any rate a new environment, and also according to what might be dismal science concerned with the collection of called the interdisciplinary pressures which are data and its systema,tic arrangement, such as is current from time to time. Among ,these influences indulged in by some scholars specialising for from other branches of learning at present would example, in the startistical analyses of elections. clearly be listed (1) demographic and ecological Or conversely ,the same disillusionment with re­ studies in a period of tremendous human popula­ flective theory and established moral resources tion growth; (2) sociological studies of populations leads to the ma'thematical or formulative projec­ in areas of rapid economic change when agricul­ tion of ameliorative and allegedly practical pro­ tural science and industrialisation are introduced grams of elective, political ;and administrative or where a continuing technological is organisation without sufficiently taking into ac­ changing industrial, economic and administrative count that man's social behaviour and exercise of patterns, and consequently political behaviour; political choice rarely conforms to the objects of (3) military science, because the consequences for such programs. Thus some political scientists, to national politics and international relations of quote Morgenthau (op.cit. pg. 19), "retreat ever modern military weapons are so great; (4) econ­ more from contact wi,th .the empirical world into omics, because, for example, the consequences in a realm of self-sufficient abstractions ". This domestic politics of the attainment of the Welfare fault has been" aptly called", he says, the "new State and in international politics of the growing scholasticism" and what it does is Ito dissolve gap between States with affluent societies and those "the substance of knowledge into ,the processes with struggling economics, urgently call for of knowing; . . . to think about how to think, and remedial steps by national governments and inter­ to conceptualise about concepts". It means "re­ national agencies; and (5) anthropology, (taken gressing ever further from empirical reality until " in the widest sense of the Oxford English Diction­ the patient (as one feels obliged to call this type ary as the 'Whole science of man '; and the of scholar) "finds the logical consummation of his 'physiological and psychological science of man ',J endeavours in mathematical symbols and other because, int"r alia, the strict egalitarian principles formal relations. . . The apparent precision of his

R.S.--IO 130 POLITICAL SCIENCE AS A SCIENCE

cat.egories" Morgenthau then says, "tends to go seriously, people may give some weight to his hand in hand with 'an often shocking imprecision remarks". Thus "to justify their attention, he of his vestigal substantive thought; for, to the must not merely ,achieve an understanding of the extent that objective reality demands qualitative sys,tem he's criticising; he must also cultivate evaluwtion, formalism either misses the pOint adequate standards of criticism", must draw, in­ a1together or else distorts it". deed, upon the masterpieces of political theory and make articulate anew "the assumptions on which It is not surprising indeed, that many scholars, alternative political systems may be based, thereby shocked out of the security given by traditions and challenging one to clarifY,and perhaps to modify, beliefs which have been undermined, and dis­ the basic assumptions underlying ... (other) .. , illusioned 'about their ability to rest their learning political preferences". (R. H. Brooks, The Art of upon sure religious or philosophical foundations, the POSSible, Inaugural Address, The Victoria Uni­ should ei,ther over-emphasise the empirical, or versity of Wellington, 1962, pg. 12,). withdraw from both traditional speculation and empirical verification and escape into the exercise Now, what we have established thus far in this of what they might call pure avant garde rational­ lecture, is (1) that the political scientist is sub­ ism. But the most rewarding part of modern jective to his environment, and that (2) he ought political science is the development of empirical not to do his work esconced in an ivory tower, testing ,to prov,e the soundness of classical theories and thwt in fact he seems increasingly to work as and app1ication of 'the results 't.o 'the reformulation one who does have in view the application of his of ideas in all fields of knowledge about mankind adumbrations to real situations. He is then, no in order to smooth the path of adaptation to new different from the physicists, chemists and others orders of existence. Ideas and practice are there­ who also have to work from existant theories of fore brought continually into a renewed and ap­ energy and matter, and who are concerned with proximately harmonious relationship. the advance of scientific knowledge for practical ends. Some have concluded in consequence that polit,ical scientists should go about their work in I am reminded in this of the frustration which the same way. But the attempts of those who Bishop John Robinson reports is felt by many think of political science in the same terms as Christians whose lif,e of prayer and devotion is natural science hav,e lead ,to some unhappy results. purely formal because their religious life is identi­ fied wiJtha, physic'al place (the church) and with a This one may illustrate perhaps by quoting from spiritual place (which is not of this world); and the work of one of the most renowned of modern of his ,injunction that religion is a way of living social scientists, Harold D. Lasswell, and consider­ here and now and prayer and devotion is per­ ing wha't 'in faclt happened to him. "One aspect of formed serving ones fellows in accordance with the task of the systema,tic student of politics ", he ones faith in God. (' Honest 'to God' by J. A. T. wrote, "is to describe political behaviour in 'those Robinson. IS.C.M. Press, 1963). 'The010gy anld social situations which recur with sufficient fre­ exegesis are indeed sharing the shocks of our time quency to make prediction useful as a preliminary which is revolutionising our knowledge of things to control". (Quoted in 'Essays on the Scientific and altering our methods of ascertaining the truth Study of Politics', Ed. H. J. Storing, New York, for our times in 'all fields of learning. And the 1962. pg. 227, by R. Horwitz). In applying 'a life­ fundamentally interesting thing is not the schol­ time of study to Ithis intention Lasswell turned astic aberrations which ensure, but the reformu­ his back formally upon as, to labion of the old and perhaps its evolutionary quote his words, "metaphysical speculation in development, with a;t times some discarding of terms of 'abstractions hopelessly removed from what is now not credible or needed and with some empirical observation and control". (quoted from addition of knowledge and emphasis of what is Lasswell, 'Power and Society', p. x, Storing, now needed, in a way which revitalises faith and op. ciJt. p. 303). FDr him, in fact political philos­ points to exciting prospects for research, planning ophy was equivalent to ideology, the classical and de>lelopment. In effect, in the social sciences theorists having generally, he 'argued, established as in theology and the experimental sciences, doctrines in justification of their own po1itical formalism whether in theory or practice is taking preferences. To replace such unscientific formu­ hard knocks, and theory and practice are being lations Lasswell strove to contribute towards the wedded together in action. Just as, then, religion formulation of an all-encompassing scientific is showing a tendency to come out of the pulpits poLitical theory according to which all social into the streets so even more generally the poliitical structures and the resultant political scientist is coming out of his ivory 'tower to try could be understoDd (ibid. p. 228f,). Yet Lass­ his rationalism in the hard school of practical well himself was dedicated to a political ideal: affairs. And it would sur,ely be wrong ,to accuse he was a man "deeply intent on making Dem­ them of sacrificing political objectivity ,in doing ocr'acy a workiing inSititution" (Lasswell: The so, for apart from the fact that experience may Analysis of Political Behaviour, p. vii, London, improve their objectivity it would be paradoxical 1951), and this confusion left his thought, in the to demand a self-denying ordinance from those words of Ralph Horwitz, " impaled on the horns of who have devoted ,the most serious study to an irresolvable dilemma". His science became pOlitical life and institutions. It suffices only to say manipulative rather than descriptive, it was put to that of course the political scientist should recog­ the service of propaganda rather than simply to nise his special responsibility in this matter, since, a cool analysis of social behaviour, and his care­ in the words .of Professor R. H. Brookes of Welling­ less regard for political philosophy as a discipline ton, "Precisely because he studies the subject which had formed even his preference so6ems to A. K. FRYER 131 hav~ left him unaware that he had become, mas,ter negative factor in the implimentation of political propagandist though he was, the victim of a subtler policies. One does not have far to seek in history propaganda than he could invent. (Storing, p. to prove ,this assumption wrong, but still too many 303U scholars (are content \wiJth descriptive analysis based upon constitutional documents or similar From the point of view of converting political evidence, and give ,too much credence 'to the as­ studies iIllto a quasi-exact science, then, or of sumptionthat bureaucrats, including civil servants, establishing model constructs as criteria by which are not part of an over-'all .authority structure to judge real social situations and their political (what the soci'Ologists call an imperatively co­ consequences Lasswell was a f'ailure. But in other ordinatedassocia,tion), extending from the highest ways he, and a whole generation of behavioural political or decision-making offices down to the scholars have in fact made it possible for political daily 'routines of the humblest members of society. analysis to reach new depths -and to turn it to Behavioural studies have proved ,that authority good purpose in the practical assessment of sooial roles where-ever exercised in a social group such situations by political parties and departments of as one may take a nation-st3lte to be, have social state. They did this by adding a new perspective and political content as well as administrative to census-taking, by perfecting methods of opinion meaning. That is to say, that while the formal analysis, and beh-aviouranalysis in authority legal organis3ltion of insti:tutions does institution­ struotures of both informal and formal kinds, as in alize the character of human ,behaviour and im­ social clubs, in trade unions, in military forces, and pose differential functional relationships upon in state bureaucracies. The results have sometimes people who categorise each otherac·cording to place been star-tling, as for instance to prove wrong by and role in the formal authority hierarchy, at the empirical verification Marxist prophecies of the same time, informal human behaviour and indi­ encreasing proletarianisa;tion of oapitalist society. vidual or class expect'ations or desires deriving For SOCiety in advanced industrialised countries sometimes from sources outside the functional roles develops highly elaborate authority structures involved, create tensions within institutions, and which distribute wealth and pOlitical power in bring about organic changes in them, which make ways unforeseen by Marx, and which leads in fact even the most carefully written ·constitutions in­ to a diminishment of the social category which adequate tools of political analysis. A classic Marx identified with the use of the word mass, example would be the constitutions of the U.S.S.R. to such a point indeed that the real mass lies and of the C.P.S.U., but it affects all institutions. above it. (Cf. R. Dahrendorf, Class and mass Con­ (Vide S. K. Bailey, 'New Research Frontiers of fiict in Industrial Society, London 1959). Another Interest to Legislators and Administrators' in viltal example would do here. It has been a trait Research Frontiers, Research Frontiers in Politics of many political theorists, prominently amongst and Government, Brookings Institution, 1955, pg. them in our own time, the Marxists, to suppose 13 ff.) As a consequence the conventional use th3lt by a perfectly just redistribution of wealth of words like 'executive', 'legislature', 'political and power classes would disappear and therefore party' and bureaucracy' in the sense of formal the tensions between them would disappear also, so crutegories which enable scho·lars to indulge in that in due time the whole world would dwell in the compara;tive analysis of governments by peace as 'all its peoples were habituated to com­ comparing their formal constitutions is now munist norms of social justice. But modern recognised to be unscientific. An example would behavioural research unhappily proves Aristotle be the highly complex considerations which apply ri!l'ht. It is not simply economic factors which to the comparison of ministerial cabinets in cause sooial differences,and tensions between British Commonwealth states, for even the moSIt classes, and violence in society. Authority relaJtion­ tentative probing must lead one to ·assume that ships which even communist society could not they are all different kinds of organisms differently eliminate 'cause it too; and so do a whole pandoras articul·aJted to state departments, 'and legislatures, box of human prejudices arising from group and ,to party c'aucases; and equally important relationships (e.g. as between peoples of different perhaps, are differently 'reg,arded by the people at physiological type and skin colour). And though large whom they govern. Thus new criteria of it is 'true that 'a good deal 'Of research has traced comparison, if oomparisonthere must be, must be the causes of particular prejudices and made it found. (Vide: D. B. Truman, The Impact on possible to eliminate them by legislation and edu­ Political Sc'ience of the Revolution in the Behavi­ cation, yet the situations out of which prejudice oural Sciences, in Research Frontiers, op. cit. involuntarily arises, and which can be exploited Chapter 8,) Nor is this exercise irrelevant, for in by political manipulators, are not always predic,t­ a world in which inter-governmental co-operation able and occur in such variety that a general and even supra-national instttutions are of in­ control is impossible of achievement. creasing importance, the provision of properly trained personnel and the development ofa more The behavioralists have therefore served us well general understanding of the processes of dec'ision­ in certain directions. making and execution are of very great importance. Not least is challenging many accepted views Not only in national governments, but in inter­ with reg'ard to the traditionally most important nrutional organisations, for it becomes clearer that part of political studies, namely institutions and a nominally 'a-political secretariat or international adminis,trative structures. It was often the case civil service, as in the U.N., does become what its especially perhaps in countries governed in the creators so often naively suppose it won't become, British tradition, to suppose that ·administrative namely, a positive force in the implimentation of structures w.ere a-political or at any rate were a policies implicitly as well as explicitly written into 132 POLITICAL SCIENCE AS A SClENCE the charter or treaty by which the organisation is followed the discovery that the earth was a globe set up. (Vide, UNESCO Report on National Admin­ and not fiat. And their new maps are becoming istration and Intermvtional Organisation, A Com­ as complex and as differentiated as the geographer's parative Survey of Fourteen Countries, Brussels, and geologists' maps. And so they must, for they 1951.) deal with the whole man, in his whole environ­ ment and with all kinds of men in their kinds of I cannot canvass here, with any hope of success environment. Thus there are many specialists the new approaches which are being made, and the going under the general name of political sCientists, new principles which are being est,ablished, in the and it is not given to a general practitioner, or study of politics and government. Suffice it so say indeed even to a specialist of one branch of the that in many ways political scientists are making science, to be able to move with equal facility new maps as significantly different from the old through all fields of learning and research in this as the geographical charts of the world which grea1t subject.