The Method of Antinomies: Oakeshott and Others Others and Oakeshott Antinomies: of Method the VOLUME 6 | ISSUE 1 + 2 2018 6 | ISSUE VOLUME
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Michael Polanyi and Early Neoliberalism
MICHAEL POLANYI AND EARLY NEOLIBERALISM Martin Beddeleem Keywords: Friedrich Hayek, Louis Rougier, Michael Polanyi, Mont-Pèlerin Society, neoliberalism, planning, Walter Lippmann ABSTRACT1 Between the late 1930s and the 1950s, Michael Polanyi came in close contact with a diverse cast of intellectuals seeking a renewal of the liberal doctrine. The elaboration of this “neoliberalism” happened through a transnational collaboration between economists, philosophers, and social theorists, united in their rejection of central planning. Defining a common agenda for this “early neoliberalism” offered an opportunity to discard the old laissez-faire doctrine and restore a supervisory role of the state. Ultimately, post-war dissensions regarding the direction of these efforts led Polanyi away from the neoliberal core. Between the publication of his pamphlet on the failures of economic planning in the Soviet Union in 1936 (CF, 61-95) and that of The Logic of Liberty in 1951, Michael Polanyi progressively lost interest in chemistry and started to investigate the political and sociological conditions necessary to scientific freedom and the pursuit of truth. During that time, he became involved with a group of scholars who, equally, perceived the democratic collapse of Europe as a wake-up call for a restatement of its liberal tradition. Whereas the values of individual dignity and social progress that liber- alism carried were needed then more than ever, they agreed that the method to achieve these ideals had become obsolete. Therefore, they focused their efforts on revamping a science of liberalism, which could answer the scientific claims of plannism and totalitar- ian ideologies. Tradition & Discovery: The Journal of the Polanyi Society 45:3 © 2019 by the Polanyi Society 31 For two decades, Michael Polanyi took part in the inception and the consolida- tion of “early neoliberalism” (Schulz-Forberg 2018; Beddeleem 2019), a period that predates the later development of neoliberalism from the 1960s onwards. -
Ba Philosophie; Weltanschauung
BA PHILOSOPHIE; WELTANSCHAUUNG Personale Informationsmittel Michael OAKESHOTT Politische Philosophie 09-1/2 Michael Oakeshott / Edmund Neill. - New York ; London : Con- tinuum, 2010. - X, 143 S. ; 22 cm. - (Major conservative and li- bertarian thinkers ; 8). - ISBN 978-0-8264-2178-4 : £ 65.00 [#1001] In recent years, the English philosopher and political thinker Michael Oakeshott has become the subject of a growing body of critical work and discussion. Numerous monographs on various aspects of his thought have been published.1 It is a sign of the vitality of Oakeshott’s thought that no agreement has been achieved about how best to characterize it. Thus, scholars often emphasize one particular aspect of Oakeshott’s thought to the neglect of others. He is regarded as a skeptic, as a conservative, as a critic or as a defender of modernity, as a political philosopher. Oakeshott's oeuvre is peculiar in that his publications consist mostly of essays and merely two book-length monographs which also do not follow the usual pattern of heavy footnoting. Among recent introductions to Oakeshott’s work the latest addition comes from Edmund Neill who offers a succinct, balanced and therefore valuable account of the major elements of Oakeshott’s thinking.2 His book appears in a series about conservative and libertarian thinkers which, according to se- ries editor John Meadowcroft, „aims to show that there is a rigorous schol- arly tradition of social and political thought that may be broadly described as ‚conservative’, ‚libertarian’ or some combination of the two“. This is indeed a very valuable aim and highly to be commended, as book series explicitly devoted to conservative thought as a serious intellectual enterprise are few and far between. -
Carl Schmitt and the Critique of Lawfare
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Case Western Reserve University School of Law Case Western Reserve Journal of International Law Volume 43 | Issue 1 2010 Carl Schmitt nda the Critique of Lawfare David Luban Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/jil Part of the International Law Commons Recommended Citation David Luban, Carl Schmitt na d the Critique of Lawfare, 43 Case W. Res. J. Int'l L. 457 (2010) Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/jil/vol43/iss1/26 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Journals at Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Case Western Reserve Journal of International Law by an authorized administrator of Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. File: Luban 2 Created on: 12/27/2010 2:26:00 PM Last Printed: 4/5/2011 8:10:00 PM CARL SCHMITT AND THE CRITIQUE OF LAWFARE David Luban “Lawfare” is the use of law as a weapon of war against a military adversary. Lawfare critics complain that self-proclaimed “humanitarians” are really engaged in the partisan and political abuse of law—lawfare. This paper turns the mirror on lawfare critics themselves, and argues that the critique of lawfare is no less abusive and political than the alleged lawfare it attacks. Radical lawfare critics view humanitarian law with suspicion, as nothing more than an instrument used by weak adversaries against strong military powers. -
Robert Heineman: Authority and the Liberal Tradition: Study Guide
Scholars Crossing Faculty Publications and Presentations Helms School of Government 2003 Robert Heineman: Authority and the Liberal Tradition: Study Guide Steven Alan Samson Liberty University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.liberty.edu/gov_fac_pubs Part of the Other Social and Behavioral Sciences Commons, Political Science Commons, and the Public Affairs, Public Policy and Public Administration Commons Recommended Citation Samson, Steven Alan, "Robert Heineman: Authority and the Liberal Tradition: Study Guide" (2003). Faculty Publications and Presentations. 233. https://digitalcommons.liberty.edu/gov_fac_pubs/233 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Helms School of Government at Scholars Crossing. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Publications and Presentations by an authorized administrator of Scholars Crossing. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ROBERT HEINEMAN: AUTHORITY AND THE LIBERAL TRADITION: STUDY GUIDE, 2001-2003 Steven Alan Samson Introduction Commentary and Study Questions The author's thesis may be summarized as follows: "Contemporary American liberalism is incapable of supporting for any sustained period of time a government that acts with firmness and coherent direction." Several implications are immediately drawn. Others may be inferred. Liberalism has promoted a "tremendous expansion of government within the past several decades," resulting in a "government lacking in authority and direction." One inference is that our political means (the sophisticated apparatus and process of government) outstrip the political ends (the substantive human purposes) they are supposed to serve. Remember Rushdoony's inescapable concepts]. Sometimes political programs are established for no better reason than that they can be. -
The Method of Antinomies: Oakeshott and Others Others and Oakeshott Antinomies: of Method the VOLUME 6 | ISSUE 1 + 2 2018 6 | ISSUE VOLUME
The Method of Antinomies: Oakeshott and Others STEPHEN TURNER Email: [email protected] Web: http://philosophy.usf.edu/faculty/sturner/ Abstract: Michael Oakeshott employed a device of argument and analysis that appears in a number of other thinkers, where it is given the name “antinomies.” These differ from binary oppositions or contradictories in that the two poles are bound to- gether. In this discussion, the nature of this binding is explored in detail, in large part in relation to Oakeshott’s own usages, such as his discussion of the relation of faith and skepticism, between collective goal-oriented associations and those based on contract, and between a legal regime based on neutral rules and one oriented to policy goals . Other examples might include Weber’s distinction between the politics of intention and the politics of responsibility. Moreover, such ambiguous concepts as “rights,” have antinomic interpretations. In each of these cases, the full realization of one ideal led, in practice, to consequenc- es associated with the other: in political practice, neither polar ideal was realizable without concessions to the other. But these features are rooted in the deep history of institutions. They are contingent, not philosophical. They nevertheless preclude con- ventional approaches to political theory. Keywords: Michael Oakeshott, antinomies, meta-politics, democratic theory, Max Weber, Hans Morgenthau, genealogy 54 COSMOS + TAXIS COSMOS Several of Michael Oakeshott’s writings, including On vision of politics is different from relativism in any simple Human Conduct ([1975] 1991), employ an argumentative sense of this term. It is specifically distinct from, and op- device that is shared with several other twentieth century posed to, the idea that there can be an ideological “solu- thinkers, but which has not received much attention on its tion” to the antinomies in question. -
"The New Non-Science of Politics: on Turns to History in Polltical Sciencen
"The New Non-Science of Politics: On Turns to History in Polltical Sciencen Rogers Smith CSST Working CRSO Working Paper #59 Paper #449 October 1990 The New Non-Science of Politics : On Turns to Historv in Political Science Prepared for the CSST Conference on "The Historic Turn in the Human Sciences" Oct. 5-7, 1990 Ann Arbor, Michigan Rogers M. Smith Department of Political Science Yale University August, 1990 The New Non-Science of Po1itic.s Rogers M. Smit-h Yale University I. Introducticn. The canon of major writings on politics includes a considerable number that claim to offer a new science of politics, or a new science of man that encompasses politics. Arlc,totle, Hobbos, Hume, Publius, Con~te,Bentham, Hegel, Marx, Spencer, Burgess, Bentley, Truman, East.on, and Riker are amongst the many who have clairr,ed, more or less directly, that they arc founding or helping to found a true palitical science for the first tlme; and the rccent writcrs lean heavily on the tcrni "science. "1 Yet very recently, sorno of us assigned the title "political scien:iSt" havc been ti-il-ning returning to act.ivities that many political scientist.^, among others, regard as unscientific--to the study of instituti~ns, usually in historical perspective, and to historica! ~a'lternsand processes more broadly. Some excellent scholars belie-ve this turn is a disast.er. It has been t.ernlod a "grab bag of diverse, often conf!icting approaches" that does not offer anything iike a scientific theory (~kubband Moe, 1990, p. 565) .2 In this essay I will argue that the turn or return t.o institutions and history is a reasonable response to two linked sets of probicms. -
Oakeshott Revisited
Prepared for „Workshop on Conservatism“, 6‐7 November 2014, University of Zurich, Ethics Centre, Zollikerstr. 117 (ZOB‐E‐2), 8008 Zurich, Switzerland CONFERENCE DRAFT – Do not cite without permission of the author Christoph M. Michael, Martin‐Luther‐Universität Halle‐Wittenberg, Philosophische Fakultät I, Institut für Politikwissenschaft 06099 Halle (Saale) Germany [email protected]‐halle.de Oakeshott Revisited Beyond nostalgia In 1992, almost two years after Michael Oakeshott’s death and nearly one after the posthumous publication of an enlarged edition of his 1962 collection of essays Rationalism in Politics, Perry Anderson expressed his disconcertment and even surprise over how little public notice Oakeshott’s passing received. After all, to Anderson Oakeshott had been “the most original thinker of post‐war conservatism” and “one of the quartet of outstanding European theorists of the intransigent Right whose ideas now shape – however much, or little, leading practitioners are aware of it – a large pail of the mental world of end‐of‐the‐century Western politics.”1 To those sympathetic to the first part of Anderson’s sentiments it must have seemed disparaging if not outright degrading that Oakeshott’s conservatism should be classified as an “oddly fearful quasi‐hedonism” a mere decade and a half later.2 Prove was being offered in form of the perhaps most widely quoted passage of Oakeshott’s work: 1 Perry Anderson: The Intransigent Right at the End of the Century. In: London Review of Books, Vol. 14, No. 18 (September 24, 1992), pp. 7‐11. Complementing the quartet are Carl Schmitt, Leo Strauss and Friedrich von Hayek. -
Michael Oakeshott 'On Being Conservative'
Podoksik, Ephraim. "Michael Oakeshott ‘On Being Conservative’." Conservative Moments: Reading Conservative Texts. Ed. Mark Garnett. London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2018. 67–74. Textual Moments in the History of Political Thought. Bloomsbury Collections. Web. 2 Oct. 2021. <http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781350001565.ch-009>. Downloaded from Bloomsbury Collections, www.bloomsburycollections.com, 2 October 2021, 23:12 UTC. Copyright © Mark Garnett 2018. You may share this work for non-commercial purposes only, provided you give attribution to the copyright holder and the publisher, and provide a link to the Creative Commons licence. 67 CHAPTER NINE Michael Oakeshott ‘On Being Conservative’ Ephraim Podoksik The self- government of men of passionate belief and enterprise is apt to break down when it is most needed. It often suffi ces to resolve minor collisions of interest, but beyond these it is not to be relied upon. A more precise and a less easily corrupted ritual is required to resolve the massive collisions which our manner of living is apt to generate and to release us from the massive frustrations in which we are apt to become locked. The custodian of this ritual is ‘the government’, and the rules it imposes are ‘the law’. One may imagine a government engaged in the activity of an arbiter in cases of collisions of interest but doing its business without the aid of laws, just as one may imagine a game without rules and an umpire who was appealed to in cases of dispute and who on each occasion merely used his judgment to devise ad hoc a way of releasing the disputants from their mutual frustration. -
Fighting for the Mantle of Science: the Epistemological Foundations of Neoliberalism, 1931-1951
Université de Montréal Fighting for the Mantle of Science: The Epistemological Foundations of Neoliberalism, 1931-1951 par Martin Beddeleem Département de science politique Faculté des arts et des sciences Thèse présentée en vue de l’obtention du grade de Philosophiæ Doctor (Ph.D.) en science politique Décembre 2017 © Martin Beddeleem, 2017 RÉSUMÉ Cette thèse examine la genèse intellectuelle du néolibéralisme au prisme de son épistémologie. Elle interroge le développement de ses arguments concernant la production et la diffusion de la connaissance, guidée par l’hypothèse que la formulation d’une position épistémologique commune a été cruciale pour la consolidation de son programme idéologique. Je propose que le néolibéralisme, en provoquant une rupture avec le libéralisme classique, a opéré un recodage des principes libéraux à l’intérieur d’un cadre épistémologique basé sur le conventionnalisme, à l’aide de prémisses tirées des sciences naturelles, de la théorie économique, et de la philosophie des sciences. Afin d’obtenir un panorama contextuel de son émergence, cette thèse fournit une reconstruction des débats intellectuels des années 1930 en Angleterre sur deux plans principaux : le débat sur la planification de la science, et celui sur la planification de l’économie. Dans un climat propice aux idées planistes, perçues comme davantage rationnelles et scientifiques, les néolibéraux précoces s’attelèrent à montrer la portée limitée de la science positive pour orienter les décisions politiques. La montée du totalitarisme contribua à donner à leur discours une urgence singulière, puisqu’il expliquait le recours au collectivisme étatique par la prégnance d’opinions scientifiques erronées. Pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale, la formation d’un réseau néolibéral déclencha une fertilisation croisée entre ces différents penseurs, dont l’agenda commun avait été défini au moment du Colloque Walter-Lippmann en 1938. -
Crises of Modernity’ Discourses and the Rise of Financial Technologies in a Contested Mechanized World
Philos. Technol. DOI 10.1007/s13347-017-0255-5 RESEARCH ARTICLE Open Access ‘Crises of Modernity’ Discourses and the Rise of Financial Technologies in a Contested Mechanized World Marinus Ossewaarde1 Received: 29 April 2016 /Accepted: 26 February 2017 # The Author(s) 2017. This article is published with open access at Springerlink.com Abstract The aim of this article is to provide a discussion of scholarly ‘crisis of modernity’ discourses that have developed in the field of social philosophy. Re- visiting past and present discourses can be illuminating in at least three ways: it can reveal the broader picture of the present financialized and technologized world and the rise of financial technologies; it can provide scholars with new vocabularies, concepts, and metaphors to comprehend present-day phenomena and developments; and it can reveal the variety of commitments that are possible, today, too. This article starts with a discussion of the original ‘crisis of modernity’ discourses (avant la lettre), in which the clashing arguments of Comte and Tocqueville are featured, and a discussion of a second ‘crisis of modernity’ that developed in the context of the ‘Great Depression.’ Athird‘crisis of modernity’ discourse emerged in the wake of the financial crises of the 1970s. Such crises are still ongoing and discussed within the boundaries of the third ‘crisis of modernity’ discourse. How financial technologies do and do not fit within this third discourse is discussed in the remainder of this article. Keywords Crisis . Democracy. Financialization . Financial technologies . Ideology. Mechanization modernity discourses 1 Introduction In discourses on the ‘crises of modernity’ during the past two centuries, technology is an important theme for philosophical reflection. -
Property and Sovereignty: How to Tell the Difference
243 Property and Sovereignty: How to Tell the Difference Arthur Ripstein* Property and sovereignty are often used as models for each other. Landowners are sometimes described as sovereign, the state’s territory sometimes described as its property. Both property and sovereignty involve authority relations: both an owner and a sovereign get to tell others what to do — at least within the scope of their ownership or sovereignty. My aim in this Article is to distinguish property and sovereignty from each other by focusing on what lies within the scope of each. I argue that much confusion and more than a little mischief occurs when they are assimilated to each other. The confusion can arise in both directions, either by supposing that property is a sort of stewardship, or that sovereignty is a large-scale form of ownership. One of the great achievements of modern (i.e., Kantian) political thought is recognizing the difference between them. INTRODUCTION Property and sovereignty are often used as models for each other. In introducing his account of rights, H.L.A. Hart describes a right-holder as a “small-scale sovereign.”1 So, too, discussions of sovereignty often appeal to proprietary metaphors of ownership. These parallels are unsurprising, both historically and conceptually. Historically, early modern discussions of sovereignty, such * University Professor and Professor of Law and Philosophy, University of Toronto. I am grateful to David Dyzenhaus, Larissa Katz, and Douglas Sanderson for comments and discussion, to audience members at the Property and Sovereignty Conference at Columbia Law School, September 2015, and at the North American Workshop on Private Law Theory in Toronto, October 2015. -
Year 8 Winning Essays for Website
The Very Important Virtue of Tolerance Christian Torsell University of Notre Dame Introduction The central task of moral philosophy is to find out what it is, at the deepest level of reality, that makes right acts right and good things good. Or, at least, someone might understandably think that after surveying what some of the discipline’s most famous practitioners have had to say about it. As it is often taught, ethics proceeds in the shadows of three towering figures: Aristotle, Kant, and Mill. According to this story, the Big Three theories developed by these Big Three men— virtue ethics, deontology, and utilitarianism—divide the terrain of moral philosophy into three big regions. Though each of these regions is very different from the others in important ways, we might say that, because of a common goal they share, they all belong to the same country. Each of these theories aims to provide an ultimate criterion by which we can Judge the rightness or wrongness of acts or the goodness or badness of agents. Although the distinct criteria they offer pick out very different features of acts (and agents) as relevant in making true Judgments concerning rightness and moral value, they each claim to have identified a standard under which all such judgments are properly united. Adam Smith’s project in The Theory of Moral Sentiments1 (TMS) belongs to a different country entirely. Smith’s moral theory does not aim to give an account of the metaphysical grounding of moral properties—that is, to describe the features in virtue of which right actions and 1 All in-text citations without a listed author refer to this work, Smith (2004).