Uncovering Democratic Modernity — Resistance, Rebellion and Building the New Documentation of the 2017 Conference
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Mesopotamian Social Sciences Academy
Mesopotamian Social Sciences Academy The Mesopotamian Academy, affiliated to the Social Justice Council, was founded in Qamishlo in 2013 in order to create a new and free-thinking society. The Academy, with its experienced staff, carries out work in scientific studies. After its opening, the Academyâ™s education system has gone through many changes, as the aim is to continuously improve and strengthen the system. This period consists of two parts, Sociology and Science History, and lasts 4 months. Students who successfully complete all three sessions, after the proper evaluation, would then begin their studies in the chosen field in the Autonomous Administration institutions. The Academy has successfully completed six education sessions so far, attended by hundreds of students. The Mesopotamian Social Sciences Academy is an educational institution in Qamishli, the capital of the de facto autonomous region Western Kurdistan. The academy opened on September 2014. Its curriculum focuses primarily on the democratic confederalism of Kurdish nationalist Abdullah Öcalan. University of Afrin. University of Rojava. Official Facebook page of the Mesopotamian Social Sciences Academy. We found one dictionary with English definitions that includes the word mesopotamian social sciences academy: Click on the first link on a line below to go directly to a page where "mesopotamian social sciences academy" is defined. General (1 matching dictionary). Mesopotamian Social Sciences Academy: Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia [home, info]. â–¸ Words similar to mesopotamian social sciences academy. â–¸ Words that often appear near mesopotamian social sciences academy. â–¸ Rhymes of mesopotamian social sciences academy. â–¸ Invented words related to mesopotamian social sciences academy. -
Women Rights in Rojava- English
Table of Contents Introduction .................................................................................................................................................... 2 1- Women’s Political Role in the Autonomous Administration Project in Rojava ...................................... 3 1.1 Women’s Role in the Autonomous Administration ....................................................................... 3 1.1.1 Committees for Women ......................................................................................................... 4 1.1.2 The Women’s Committee ....................................................................................................... 4 1.1.3 Women’s Associations - The “Kongreya Star” ........................................................................ 5 1.2 Women’s Representation in Political and Administrative Bodies: ................................................. 6 2. Empowering Women in the Military Field ........................................................................................... 11 2.1 The Representation of Women in the Army ................................................................................ 11 2.2 The People’s Protection Units (YPG) and Women’s Protection Units (YPJ) ................................. 12 2.2.1 The Women’s Protection Units- YPJ ..................................................................................... 12 2.2.2 The People’s Protection Units- YPG ..................................................................................... -
(2002-2019) Kürt Sorunu'na Çözüm
Kürt Sorunu’na Çözüm Çabaları: Taraflarınve Muhalefetin Pozisyonları (2002-2019) Efforts to Solve theKurdish Question: The Standpoints of Partiesthe and the Opposition (2002-2019) European Union This project is co-funded by the European Union, Norwegian MFA, and Irish Aid / Bu proje Avrupa Birliği, Norveç Dışişleri Bakanlığı, ve Irlanda Yardım tarafından ortaklaşa finanse edilmektedir EFFORTS TO SOLVE THE KURDISH QUESTION: THE STANDPOINTS OF THE PARTIES AND THE OPPOSITION (2002-2019) KÜRT SORUNU’NA ÇÖZÜM ÇABALARI: TARAFLARIN VE MUHALEFETIN POZISYONLARI (2002-2019) Alper Görmüş September/ Eylül 2019 Alper Görmüş European Union This project is co-funded by the European Union, Norwegian MFA, and Irish Aid / Bu proje Avrupa Birliği, Norveç Dışişleri Bakanlığı, ve Irlanda Yardım tarafından ortaklaşa finanse edilmektedir EFFORTS TO SOLVE THE KURDISH QUESTION: THE STANDPOINTS OF THE PARTIES AND THE OPPOSITION (2002-2019) Alper Görmüş September 2019 7 EFFORTS TO SOLVE THE KURDISH QUESTION Published by / Yayınlayan Democratic Progress Institute – Demokratik Gelişim Enstitüsü 11 Guilford Street London WC1N 1DH www.democraticprogress.org [email protected] + 44 (0) 20 7405 3835 First published / İlk Baskı, 2019 ISBN – 978-1-911205-42-5 © DPI – Democratic Progress Institute / Demokratik Gelişim Enstitüsü DPI – Democratic Progress Institute is a charity registered in England and Wales. Registered Charity No. 1037236. Registered Company No. 2922108 DPI – Demokratik Gelişim Enstitüsü İngiltere ve galler’de kayıtlı bir vakıftır. Vakıf kayıt No. 1037236. Kayıtlı Şirket No. 2922108 This publication is copyright, but may be reproduced by any method without fee or prior permission for teaching purposes, but not for resale. For copying in any other circumstances, prior written permission must be obtained from the publisher, and a fee may be payable. -
Kurdish Votes in the June 24, 2018 Elections: an Analysis of Electoral Results in Turkey’S Eastern Cities
KURDISH VOTES INARTICLE THE JUNE 24, 2018 ELECTIONS: AN ANALYSIS OF ELECTORAL RESULTS IN TURKEY’S EASTERN CITIES Kurdish Votes in the June 24, 2018 Elections: An Analysis of Electoral Results in Turkey’s Eastern Cities HÜSEYİN ALPTEKİN* ABSTRACT This article analyzes the voting patterns in eastern Turkey for the June 24, 2018 elections and examines the cross-sectional and longitudinal variation in 24 eastern cities where Kurdish votes tend to matter signifi- cantly. Based on the regional and district level electoral data, the article has four major conclusions. Firstly, the AK Party and the HDP are still the two dominant parties in Turkey’s east. Secondly, HDP votes took a down- ward direction in the November 2015 elections in eastern Turkey after the peak results in the June 2015 elections, a trend which continued in the June 24 elections. Thirdly, the pre-electoral coalitions of other parties in the June 24 elections cost the HDP seats in the region. Finally, neither the Kurdish votes nor the eastern votes move in the form of a homogenous bloc but intra-Kurdish and intra-regional differences prevail. his article analyzes Kurdish votes specifically for the June 24, 2018 elec- tions by first addressing the political landscape in eastern and south- Teastern Turkey before these elections. It further elaborates on the pre-electoral status of the main actors of ethnic Kurdish politics -the People’s Democratic Party (HDP), Free Cause Party (HÜDA-PAR) and other small ethnic parties. Then the paper discusses the election results in the eastern and southeastern provinces where there is a high population density of Kurds. -
Reassembling the Political: the PKK and the Project of Radical Democracy
European Journal of Turkish Studies 14 (2012) Kurdish Left ................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................ Ahmet Hamdi Akkaya et Joost Jongerden Reassembling the Political: the PKK and the project of Radical Democracy ................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................ Warning The contents of this site is subject to the French law on intellectual property and is the exclusive property of the publisher. The works on this site can be accessed and reproduced on paper or digital media, provided that they are strictly used for personal, scientific or educational purposes excluding any commercial exploitation. Reproduction must necessarily mention the editor, the journal name, the author and the document reference. Any other reproduction is strictly forbidden without permission of the publisher, except in cases provided by legislation in force in France. Revues.org is a platform for journals in the humanites and social sciences run by the CLEO, Centre for open electronic publishing (CNRS, EHESS, UP, UAPV). ............................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................... -
By a Capstone Project Submitted for Graduation with University Honors
The Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria: Background and Outcomes By Naser Ahmadi A capstone project submitted for Graduation with University Honors June 1, 2020 University Honors University of California, Riverside APPROVED _______________________________________________ Dr. Augustine Kposowa Department of Sociology _______________________________________________ Dr. Richard Cardullo, Howard H Hays Jr. Chair, University Honors Abstract Everyday life in the Middle East is described by war and terror, from the Yamen’s Civil war to that one in Syria. Across the region, civil societies and communities are under the attacks of fanatical groups like the Islamic State (IS) and the Taliban, as well as the oppressive reactionary governments such as in Iran and Turkey, limiting political life to barbarianism and fascism. Even in western countries, neoliberal and representative democracy is failing to maintain a genuine political life by giving ways to the rise of right-wing political forces. Th current condition necessitates a new form of radical democratic politics. In the midst of this political disillusionment, the people of North and East Syria came together to form a new society based on direct democracy, ecology, and feminism under the principles of “Democratic Confederalism”. The movement in North and East Syria, known as “Rojava’s Revolution”, despite its shortcomings, has been successful in creating a new durable alternative through both reappropriating of vital social relationships and producing revolutionary subjectivities. This study sheds light on the historical background of the Syrian Kurds and their connections to the Kurds in Turkey. The study, also explores the formation of the Kurdish liberation movement in Syrian Kurdistan and its connections to the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) movement in Turkish Kurdistan. -
The PKK and the Project of Radical Democracy
European Journal of Turkish Studies 14 (2012) Ideological Productions and Transformations: the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) and the Left ................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................ Ahmet Hamdi Akkaya and Joost Jongerden Reassembling the Political: The PKK and the project of Radical Democracy ................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................ Warning The contents of this site is subject to the French law on intellectual property and is the exclusive property of the publisher. The works on this site can be accessed and reproduced on paper or digital media, provided that they are strictly used for personal, scientific or educational purposes excluding any commercial exploitation. Reproduction must necessarily mention the editor, the journal name, the author and the document reference. Any other reproduction is strictly forbidden without permission of the publisher, except in cases provided by legislation in force in France. Revues.org is a platform for journals in the humanites and social sciences run by the CLEO, Centre for open electronic publishing (CNRS, EHESS, -
Domestic and Regional Challenges in the Turkish-Kurdish Process
Istituto Affari Internazionali IAI WORKING PAPERS 13 | 18 – June 2013 ISSN 2280-4331 An Uncertain Road to Peace: Domestic and Regional Challenges in the Turkish-Kurdish Process Emanuela Pergolizzi Abstract After almost three decades of armed struggle, negotiations between the Turkish government and the jailed leader of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), Abdullah Öcalan, offer a glimmer of hope to end Turkey’s most deadly conflict, which has cost up to 40,000 lives until now. Turkey’s direct and indirect negotiations with the Kurdish leader have a long history, dating back to the early nineties. New domestic and regional conditions, however, suggest that the current peace effort has unprecedented chances of success. At the same time, a Turkish-Kurdish peace depends not only on an agreement between the government and the PKK, but also on Turkey’s rise as a mature democracy in its turbulent region. The European Union, which could play a decisive anchoring role in the country’s democratization, has taken a step back, missing its chance of being a facilitator in this long standing conflict. Will a Turkish-Kurdish peace overcome its domestic and regional challenges? Will 2013 be remembered as the turning-point on the road to long-lasting peace in Turkey? Keywords : Turkey / Kurdish question / Syria / Iraq / Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) / European Union © 2013 IAI ISBN 978-88-98042-89-0 IAI Working Papers 1318 An Uncertain Road to Peace: Domestic and Regional Challenges in the Turkish-Kurdish Process An Uncertain Road to Peace: Domestic and Regional Challenges in the Turkish-Kurdish Process by Emanuela Pergolizzi ∗ Introduction After almost three decades of armed struggle, negotiations between the Turkish government and the jailed leader of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), Abdullah Öcalan, are presenting a glimmer of hope for the possibility of ending Turkey’s most deadly conflict, which has cost up to 40,000 lives until now. -
The PKK's New Offensive: Implications for Turkey, Iraqi Kurds, and the United States by Soner Cagaptay
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 877 The PKK's New Offensive: Implications for Turkey, Iraqi Kurds, and the United States by Soner Cagaptay Jun 25, 2004 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Soner Cagaptay Soner Cagaptay is the Beyer Family fellow and director of the Turkish Research Program at The Washington Institute. Brief Analysis n June 1, 2004, the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) -- an organization that appears on the State Department's O list of Foreign Terrorist Organizations and whose attacks caused more than 30,000 deaths in Turkey during the 1980s and 1990s -- declared that it had rescinded its unilateral "ceasefire" of February 2000. This declaration was quickly followed by an escalation of violence in southeastern Turkey. This development poses a threat to Turkey's internal security and to the European Union reform process that began after Ankara apprehended PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan in February 1999. Ocalan's capture led to a drop in PKK violence and a relaxation in the country's political environment, catalyzing reforms on the Kurdish issue that had previously been deemed impossible (see PolicyWatch no. 786). The implications of heightened PKK violence are also grave for Iraqi Kurds and the United States. The PKK has more than 5,000 terrorists in portions of northern Iraq controlled by the Kurdish Democratic Party (KDP) and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK). Hence, if PKK violence continues to increase in Turkey, much of the blame will likely be aimed at Iraqi Kurds and the United States. These two parties, in cooperation with Turkey, must act now to develop an effective means of disarming and shutting down the PKK. -
Alina Sánchez, Lêgerîn Çiya, on the Rojava Revolution1
“A Beacon of Hope for the World.” Alina Sánchez, Lêgerîn Çiya, on the Rojava Revolution1 Editorial introduction After listening to a talk in the auditorium at the University of Nariño, Alina approached us and said: “From the way the speaker talks, one can tell he has a people behind him.” She was referring to how one can tell how much someone has felt, thought, or stood beside a people by his or her words. Alina then continued, saying, “There are some people who speak only from their head, but there are others who bring a people in their words.” At that time, I did not know that Alina Sánchez had been working as a physician for the Rojava Revolution since 2011. It was only after her death, on March 17, 2018, that the group of acquaintances she made in Colombia ––including myself–– learned more about her work with the communal health system in Rojava. It was then that we found out that people called her Lêgerîn Çiya, Lêgerîn meaning to search. The following text is an edited transcription of a talk Alina Sánchez delivered in the city of Pasto, Colombia, on June 21, 2017. First, a little context. The University of Nariño organized the International Minga Meeting for Peace, Good-Living and Non-Violence, an event dedicated to sharing experiences of struggles taking place in Kurdistan, Palestine, and Latin America. Minga comes from the Quechuan word mink’a, which means a meeting to work together, to help each other communally. Alina Sánchez, along with her friend Erol Polat, a member of the National Congress of Kurdistan, were invited to speak about the Kurdish struggle in the Middle East. -
Protest Held in Amuda City on 10 February 2021, Demanding the Release of Teachers Detained by Asayish Forces of the Autonomous Administration
Protest held in Amuda city on 10 February 2021, demanding the release of teachers detained by Asayish forces of the Autonomous Administration. Credit: Buyer Press. www.stj-sy.org Northeastern Syria: Group of Teachers, One Activist Arbitrarily Detained by the Autonomous Administration In January and February 2021, Asayish forces arrested 30 teachers at least in northeastern Syria for teaching the Syrian government curricula, while the Anti-Terror Units arrested a media and civil activist Fanar Tammy. All detainees, including the activist, were subsequently released. Page | 2 www.stj-sy.org Introduction In this report, Syrians for Truth and Justice (STJ) documents a series of arbitrary arrests in different areas across northeastern Syria, carried out by security forces affiliated with the Autonomous Administration— the Internal Security Forces (Asayish) and Anti-Terror Units (YAT). These arrests were all aimed at civilians, 30 teachers and a media activist, who were all subsequently released. Additionally, STJ discusses the illegal dimensions of the arrests, as the involved security services did not present arrest warrants, adhere to legally established procedures, nor observe relevant international treaties during any of the reported arrests. STJ documented the arbitrary arrests of 30 teachers over January and February 2021 in the cities of al-Darbasiyah and Amuda, as well as the towns of Rmelan and Maabadah/Girkê Legê in northeastern Syria. These teachers— all subsequently released—were arrested by the Autonomous Administration’s Internal Security Forces (Asayish) for providing high and middle school students with private lessons using the Syrian government curriculum without obtaining an official permit from the administration. In a separate incident, STJ also documented the arrest of activist Fanar Mahmoud Tammy, 38, on 23 January 2021. -
Democratic Confederalism (Excerpts)
Colophon in collaboration with New World Summit New World Academy Reader #5: [email protected] Stateless Stateless Democracy www.newworldsummit.eu Editors: New World Academy Renée In der Maur and Jonas Staal in Research, Development, Democracy dialogue with Dilar Dirik and Realization Team: Şeyma Bayram (BAK), Younes Associate Editor: Bouadi (NWS), Vincent W. J. van Şeyma Bayram Gerven Oei (NWS), Maria Hlavajova (BAK), Robert Kluijver (NWS), Paul Design: Kuipers (NWS), Renée In der Maur Remco van Bladel, Amsterdam (NWS), Rens van Meegen (NWS), in collaboration with Niek van der Meer (BAK), Arjan van Corine van der Wal Meeuwen (BAK), Kasper Oostergetel (NWS), Sjoerd Oudman (NWS), Ga- Lithography and Printing: briëlle Provaas (NWS), Rob Schröder Drukkerij Raddraaier, Amsterdam (NWS), and Jonas Staal (NWS) ISBN: 978-90-77288-22-1 Cover and Chapter Images: The cover image depicts members of The texts in this reader are published neighborhood councils and coopera- according to individual agreements tives presenting themselves as can- with the authors and/or publishers; didates for the position of Co-Chair New World Academy Reader #5: no part of this publication may be of the People’s Council for the city of reproduced in any manner without Qamişlo, situated in the Cizîre can- permission of the publisher. ton, Rojava. This and all other images in the reader are part of a 2014 photo © 2015 the artists, authors, BAK, and series by Jonas Staal, titled Anatomy New World Academy of a Revolution — Rojava. Published by: NWA #5 has been made financially BAK, basis voor actuele kunst possible by the DOEN Foundation, Postbus 19288 Amsterdam and is additionally sup- NL–3501 DG Utrecht ported through BAK’s partnership T +31 (0)30 2316125 with the Centraal Museum, Utrecht, [email protected] on the project Future Vocabularies- www.bakonline.org Future Collections.