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Colophon in collaboration with New World Summit New World Academy Reader #5: [email protected] Stateless Stateless www.newworldsummit.eu

Editors: New World Academy Renée In der Maur and Jonas Staal in Research, Development, Democracy dialogue with Dilar Dirik and Realization Team: Şeyma Bayram (BAK), Younes Associate Editor: Bouadi (NWS), Vincent W. J. Şeyma Bayram Gerven Oei (NWS), Maria Hlavajova (BAK), Robert Kluijver (NWS), Paul Design: Kuipers (NWS), Renée In der Maur Remco van Bladel, Amsterdam (NWS), Rens van Meegen (NWS), in collaboration with Niek van der Meer (BAK), Arjan van Corine van der Wal Meeuwen (BAK), Kasper Oostergetel (NWS), Sjoerd Oudman (NWS), Ga- Lithography and Printing: briëlle Provaas (NWS), Rob Schröder Drukkerij Raddraaier, Amsterdam (NWS), and Jonas Staal (NWS)

ISBN: 978-90-77288-22-1 Cover and Chapter Images: The cover image depicts members of The texts in this reader are published neighborhood councils and coopera- according to individual agreements tives presenting themselves as can- with the authors and/or publishers; didates for the position of Co-Chair New World Academy Reader #5: no part of this publication may be of the People’s Council for the city of reproduced in any manner without Qamişlo, situated in the Cizîre can- permission of the publisher. ton, Rojava. This and all other images in the reader are part of a 2014 photo © 2015 the artists, authors, BAK, and series by Jonas Staal, titled Anatomy New World Academy of a Revolution — Rojava.

Published by: NWA #5 has been made financially BAK, basis voor actuele kunst possible by the DOEN Foundation, Postbus 19288 Amsterdam and is additionally sup- NL–3501 DG Utrecht ported through BAK’s partnership T +31 (0)30 2316125 with the Centraal Museum, Utrecht, [email protected] on the project Future Vocabularies- www.bakonline.org Future Collections. Colophon in collaboration with New World Summit New World Academy Reader #5: [email protected] Stateless Stateless Democracy www.newworldsummit.eu

Editors: New World Academy Renée In der Maur and Jonas Staal in Research, Development, Democracy dialogue with Dilar Dirik and Realization Team: Şeyma Bayram (BAK), Younes Associate Editor: Bouadi (NWS), Vincent W. J. van Şeyma Bayram Gerven Oei (NWS), Maria Hlavajova (BAK), Robert Kluijver (NWS), Paul Design: Kuipers (NWS), Renée In der Maur Remco van Bladel, Amsterdam (NWS), Rens van Meegen (NWS), in collaboration with Niek van der Meer (BAK), Arjan van Corine van der Wal Meeuwen (BAK), Kasper Oostergetel (NWS), Sjoerd Oudman (NWS), Ga- Lithography and Printing: briëlle Provaas (NWS), Rob Schröder Drukkerij Raddraaier, Amsterdam (NWS), and Jonas Staal (NWS)

ISBN: 978-90-77288-22-1 Cover and Chapter Images: The cover image depicts members of The texts in this reader are published neighborhood councils and coopera- according to individual agreements tives presenting themselves as can- with the authors and/or publishers; didates for the position of Co-Chair New World Academy Reader #5: no part of this publication may be of the People’s Council for the city of reproduced in any manner without Qamişlo, situated in the Cizîre can- permission of the publisher. ton, Rojava. This and all other images in the reader are part of a 2014 photo © 2015 the artists, authors, BAK, and series by Jonas Staal, titled Anatomy New World Academy of a Revolution — Rojava.

Published by: NWA #5 has been made financially BAK, basis voor actuele kunst possible by the DOEN Foundation, Postbus 19288 Amsterdam and is additionally sup- NL–3501 DG Utrecht ported through BAK’s partnership T +31 (0)30 2316125 with the Centraal Museum, Utrecht, [email protected] on the project Future Vocabularies- www.bakonline.org Future Collections. Table of Contents

9 Maria Hlavajova 131 The Social Contract Foreword 159 Ahmet Hamdi Akkaya and 15 Renée In der Maur and Joost Jongerden Jonas Staal Reassembling the Political: Introduction The PKK and the Project of 27 Dilar Dirik Interviewed by Jonas Staal 195 Interviewed Living Without Approval by Pınar Öğünç No. This is a Genuine 57 Havin Güneşer Revolution Feminicide 211 73 Zîlan Diyar Revolutionary Education: The Whole World is Two Academies in Rojava Talking about Us, 223 Hito Steyerl Kobanê Is Not Falling 83 Gönül Kaya Why ? 231 Jonas Staal Re-Constructing Theater of the Stateless the Sciences Towards a Communal and 247 Kajal Ahmed Free Life Bird (excerpt)

97 Abdullah Öcalan (excerpts)

111 The Meaning of Confederalism Table of Contents

9 Maria Hlavajova 131 The Social Contract Foreword 159 Ahmet Hamdi Akkaya and 15 Renée In der Maur and Joost Jongerden Jonas Staal Reassembling the Political: Introduction The PKK and the Project of Radical Democracy 27 Dilar Dirik Interviewed by Jonas Staal 195 David Graeber Interviewed Living Without Approval by Pınar Öğünç No. This is a Genuine 57 Havin Güneşer Revolution Feminicide 211 Janet Biehl 73 Zîlan Diyar Revolutionary Education: The Whole World is Two Academies in Rojava Talking about Us, Kurdish Women 223 Hito Steyerl Kobanê Is Not Falling 83 Gönül Kaya Why Jineology? 231 Jonas Staal Re-Constructing Theater of the Stateless the Sciences Towards a Communal and 247 Kajal Ahmed Free Life Bird (excerpt)

97 Abdullah Öcalan Democratic Confederalism (excerpts)

111 Murray Bookchin The Meaning of Confederalism

Foreword

Maria Hlavajova Entrance to a training camp of the autonomous people’s armies of Rojava, the People’s Defense Units (YPG)(YPJ), near and the Women’s border Defense between Units Southern () and the autonomous canton of Cizîre in Western Kurdistan (). Foreword

Maria Hlavajova Entrance to a training camp of the autonomous people’s armies of Rojava, the People’s Defense Units (YPG)(YPJ), near and the Women’s border Defense between Units Southern Kurdistan (Iraq) and the autonomous canton of Cizîre in Western Kurdistan (Syria). 10–11 ------

- have , however, this , however, was prompted by the commits to the continuous (re) is an alterna Academy ). New World NWA The decision to institute NWA ment — with both its conceptual vocabulary and the ways it both ways and the ment — with its conceptual vocabulary of concrete the midst in enacts State struggles — this them less accompanies Democracy reader the fifth edition of New ( Academy World tive educational that invites stateless platform organiza politicaltions invested in the progressive to project share with artistsart of students and role their views on the and in sociopoliticalculture Established movements. in 2013 by artist Jonas Staal in collaboration with BAK, basis voor actuele in Utrecht, kunst to sessions date of NWA four Brought to life together with the Kurdish Women’s Move Women’s together to life Brought Kurdish the with with the , organized Culture a People’s taken place: Towards of of the National Democratic Movement workers cultural Collectivethe Philippines; Struggle of Refugees: Lost. In Amsterdam-based with the ., realized Between. Together Leaderless Here; Are , We collective of refugees come we have to than how visioned and enacted differently advanced of financial the regime . it under know in a seem workings, subject to this regime’s are If our lives the learning curriculum of which was set was up with the open- of which curriculum the learning source advocates of the international and Parties; Pirate the session titled of Creating a State The Art , developed in National pourcollaboration Libérationwith Mouvement la the Liberation for of National [the Movement de l’Azawad sessions of NWA previous Unlike Azawad]. 2015 as a nomadic throughout plat fifth iteration unfolds and practice, and takes learning for place at various form in Utrecht, and internationally. venues the Netherlands, to the space rethink betweenyearning art and the political, could be into both their relationship and to how en inquire inescapableingly squeeze between powerless politics and politicless itself power asthat markets an all- in a world encompassing one, NWA negotiation of this reality in spite totalizing of such claims. 10–11 ------

- have , however, this , however, was prompted by the commits to the continuous (re) is an alterna Academy ). New World NWA The decision to institute NWA yearning to the space rethink betweenyearning art and the political, could be into both their relationship and to how en inquire come we have to than how visioned and enacted differently advanced of financial the regime capitalism. it under know in a seem workings, subject to this regime’s are If our lives form for learning and practice, and takes learning for place at various form in Utrecht, and internationally. venues the Netherlands, inescapableingly squeeze between powerless politics and politicless itself power asthat markets an all- in a world encompassing one, NWA negotiation of this reality in spite totalizing of such claims. Brought to life together with the Kurdish Women’s Move Women’s together to life Brought Kurdish the with ment — with both its conceptual vocabulary and the ways it both ways and the ment — with its conceptual vocabulary of concrete the midst in enacts State struggles — this them tive educational that invites stateless platform organiza politicaltions invested in the progressive to project share with artistsart of students and role their views on the and in sociopoliticalculture Established movements. in 2013 by artist Jonas Staal in collaboration with BAK, basis voor actuele in Utrecht, kunst to sessions date of NWA four with the , organized Culture a People’s taken place: Towards of of the National Democratic Movement workers cultural Collectivethe Philippines; Struggle of Refugees: Lost. In Amsterdam-based with the ., realized Between. Together Leaderless Politics Here; Are , We collective of refugees set was up with the open- of which curriculum the learning source advocates of the international and Parties; Pirate the session titled of Creating a State The Art , developed in National pourcollaboration Libérationwith Mouvement la the Liberation for of National [the Movement de l’Azawad sessions of NWA previous Unlike Azawad]. 2015 as a nomadic throughout plat fifth iteration unfolds less accompanies Democracy reader the fifth edition of New ( Academy World Here, the vision of a society instituted otherwise by the over democracy in Kobanê. In doing so, the reader aims to Kurdish-led resistance — and the Kurdish Women’s Move- create insights into how our own version of democracy is ment in particular — stands out as a critical case of power up for contest and that such battles, no matter how far they and politics coming together, if one understands politics as may be, are shared by us all. the ability to think propositions and power as the ability to I would like to take this opportunity to express my meaningfully implement them. The democratic experiment sincere gratitude to all collaborators in this undertaking in the autonomous region of Rojava, , en- and the members of the Kurdish Women’s Movement for acted amid the multifarious tragedy of the ongoing Syrian sharing their knowledge with us. My thanks go to Jonas Civil War and despite the unimaginable set of hostilities Staal and his team at New World Summit, as well as my surrounding it, captured the imagination of another pos- colleagues at BAK’s home base in Utrecht. I am indebted sibility at the critical time of its battle against the self- to the Doen Foundation, Amsterdam for making the project proclaimed Islamic State of Iraq and Syria. While the world possible, as well as to Centraal Museum, Utrecht, whose gasped in tremor, the Kurdish Women’s Movement fought acquisition of NWA, as part of the collaboration with BAK both literally and symbolically against the so-called state titled Future Collections (2014–2015), contributed signifi- alongside scores of armed women and men. The decisive cantly to the realization of this session. Last but not least, battle in Kobanê seems not to have been waged over the I would like to thank the cultural and educational institu- territory as such, but against the state as it embodies tions De Balie, Amsterdam and the Willem de Kooning power relations that are as patriarchal as much as they Academy, Rotterdam for hosting this fifth edition of NWA are oppressive, motivated by the ideal of living together in and its manifold nomadic itinerary. a constellation that embraces , equality, and sustainable . This effort was realized, Maria Hlavajova is artistic director of BAK, basis voor actuele kunst. moreover, while breaking through the national borders of no less than four states, demonstrating that they must be rendered meaningless in order to act out the imaginary of a commonly shared, albeit heterogeneous, world. Not letting the reality of the ongoing struggle slip from our sight, NWA takes the lived project of democratic confederalism as practiced by the Kurdish Women’s Move- ment as a critical proposal for our time. If for its learning sessions NWA gathers together artists, students, activists, and theorists from the fields of , sociology, and conflict studies, among others, to deliberate on the possi- bility of these propositions for the ideal of democracy, then this publication offers a number of critical texts from which to begin to articulate one’s own position towards the battle Here, the vision of a society instituted otherwise by the over democracy in Kobanê. In doing so, the reader aims to Kurdish-led resistance — and the Kurdish Women’s Move- create insights into how our own version of democracy is ment in particular — stands out as a critical case of power up for contest and that such battles, no matter how far they and politics coming together, if one understands politics as may be, are shared by us all. the ability to think propositions and power as the ability to I would like to take this opportunity to express my meaningfully implement them. The democratic experiment sincere gratitude to all collaborators in this undertaking in the autonomous region of Rojava, Syrian Kurdistan, en- and the members of the Kurdish Women’s Movement for acted amid the multifarious tragedy of the ongoing Syrian sharing their knowledge with us. My thanks go to Jonas Civil War and despite the unimaginable set of hostilities Staal and his team at New World Summit, as well as my surrounding it, captured the imagination of another pos- colleagues at BAK’s home base in Utrecht. I am indebted sibility at the critical time of its battle against the self- to the Doen Foundation, Amsterdam for making the project proclaimed Islamic State of Iraq and Syria. While the world possible, as well as to Centraal Museum, Utrecht, whose gasped in tremor, the Kurdish Women’s Movement fought acquisition of NWA, as part of the collaboration with BAK both literally and symbolically against the so-called state titled Future Collections (2014–2015), contributed signifi- alongside scores of armed women and men. The decisive cantly to the realization of this session. Last but not least, battle in Kobanê seems not to have been waged over the I would like to thank the cultural and educational institu- territory as such, but against the state as it embodies tions De Balie, Amsterdam and the Willem de Kooning power relations that are as patriarchal as much as they Academy, Rotterdam for hosting this fifth edition of NWA are oppressive, motivated by the ideal of living together in and its manifold nomadic itinerary. a constellation that embraces direct democracy, , and sustainable ecology. This effort was realized, Maria Hlavajova is artistic director of BAK, basis voor actuele kunst. moreover, while breaking through the national borders of no less than four states, demonstrating that they must be rendered meaningless in order to act out the imaginary of a commonly shared, albeit heterogeneous, world. Not letting the reality of the ongoing struggle slip from our sight, NWA takes the lived project of democratic confederalism as practiced by the Kurdish Women’s Move- ment as a critical proposal for our time. If for its learning sessions NWA gathers together artists, students, activists, and theorists from the fields of philosophy, sociology, and conflict studies, among others, to deliberate on the possi- bility of these propositions for the ideal of democracy, then this publication offers a number of critical texts from which to begin to articulate one’s own position towards the battle Introduction

Reneé In der Maur and Jonas Staal Portraits of women revolutionaries in the House of Women (Mala Jin) in Qamişlo. The House of Women providessupport, social conflict and juridical mediation, and protection to women from the region facing (domestic) violence or discrimination. Introduction

Reneé In der Maur and Jonas Staal Portraits of women revolutionaries in the House of Women (Mala Jin) in Qamişlo. The House of Women providessupport, social conflict and juridical mediation, and protection to women from the region facing (domestic) violence or discrimination. 16–17 - - - - -

The historic base of the Kurdish Women’s Movement Movement Women’s The historic base Kurdish of the tan Workers’ Party (PKK), organization the Marxist-Leninist tan Workers’ to struggle against armed wage in 1978 that was founded Kurdish of an independent in favor government the Turkish state. The PKK came into existence as a response to the in particularin the region, by the of long oppression and politi denied the cultural which government, Turkish the key Öcalan, citizens. Abdullah cal rights of its Kurdish and leader of the movement, supportedfounder women’s the outset,emancipation from that women claiming The Kurdish Women’s Movement encompasses a variety Movement of Women’s Kurdish The interconnecteddifferent, social and political organizations, political parties, , wings, non- armed other and parliamentary of region action active in the larger groups, Syria, Kurdistan. Situated the territories across of , diaspora around Kurdish large and in the and , Iraq, the liberation towards these strive organizations the world, state peoples from The Kurd Kurdish the oppression. of in translat role a key has played Movement ish Women’s resistancetheir ing against state a towards oppression fundamental critique of the model of the nation-state itself, as construct a patriarchal in regard they which service of the global capitalistcentral a doctrine. This critiqueforms the Revolution; part as became the Rojava of what known in of a region that in 2012 declared revolution Kurdistan, as the northern Syria, called Rojava, or Western the Within language. in the Kurdish means “West” Rojava Movement plays a Women’s the Kurdish Revolution, Rojava political in creating a new leading role model of stateless democracy: practice a separated of democracy the from construct of the state. tobring attempt is an This reader revo this textstogether tofrom key understand and learn practicelutionary and its of democracy impact on the fields of education, and art. culture, in the Kurdis of women role can in the prominent be found 16–17 - - - - -

The historic base of the Kurdish Women’s Movement Movement Women’s The historic base Kurdish of the tan Workers’ Party (PKK), organization the Marxist-Leninist tan Workers’ to struggle against armed wage in 1978 that was founded Kurdish of an independent in favor government the Turkish state. The PKK came into existence as a response to the in particularin the region, the by of Kurds long oppression and politi denied the cultural which government, Turkish the key Öcalan, citizens. Abdullah cal rights of its Kurdish and leader of the movement, supportedfounder women’s the outset,emancipation from that women claiming The Kurdish Women’s Movement encompasses a variety Movement of Women’s Kurdish The interconnecteddifferent, social and political organizations, political parties, cooperatives, wings, non- armed other and parliamentary of region action active in the larger groups, Syria, Kurdistan. Situated the territories across of Turkey, diaspora around Kurdish large and in the and Iran, Iraq, the liberation towards these strive organizations the world, state peoples from The Kurd Kurdish the oppression. of can be found in the prominent role of women in the Kurdis of women role can in the prominent be found ish Women’s Movement has played a key role in translat role a key has played Movement ish Women’s resistancetheir ing against state a towards oppression fundamental critique of the model of the nation-state itself, as construct a patriarchal in regard they which service of the global capitalistcentral a doctrine. This critiqueforms the Revolution; part as became the Rojava of what known in autonomy of a region that in 2012 declared revolution Kurdistan, as the northern Syria, called Rojava, or Western the Within language. in the Kurdish means “West” Rojava Movement plays a Women’s the Kurdish Revolution, Rojava political in creating a new leading role model of stateless democracy: practice a separated of democracy the from construct of the state. tobring attempt is an This reader revo this textstogether tofrom key understand and learn practicelutionary and its of democracy impact on the fields of education, and art. culture, 18–19 - - - - -

- - It is this particular being imple model that is currently improbable than ever. While in prison, Öcalan published in prison, While published Öcalan ever. than improbable to consequen- its full movement set forthby the women’s ce. The concept nation-state, of the is an exten he claims, in by men of women The enslavement sion of . state,” small as of the family — “man’s the microstructure construct of the Öcalan calls replicated it — is in the larger nation-state, whose unity myths of cultural and territorial belonging global blind its capitalist subjects to the larger condition the state in which is implicated. terms Öcalan the nation-state of capital,” in line with the and a “colony movement, decides to inde the idea of an reject women’s new writingsnew he took in which critique the of patriarchy itsIn place, proposes he modthe statependent altogether. the from a model derived confederalism,” el of “democratic whose Bookchin, American ecologist Murray anarchist and studied Öcalan works during his time in prison. The Kurds, democratic autonomy demand with should Öcalan claims, out the state, and unite instead on the basis of principles by councils and coop of decentralized self-government equality and of gender principles eratives, ( without the state), models and confederalist of co-existence and cooperation. create the This would ecology” society render that would space a new “social for and its against its enemy — patriarchy, internal resilient of global capitalism. forces enemy — the external mented in Rojava. As in 2012, when the so-called the As in 2012, when mented in Rojava. Arab war the , causing through a civil swept Spring the PKK-influenced in living to ignite in Syria, the Kurds northern part took of the country au to their chance declare while Assad their regions was fightingrebelstonomy over Afrîn, in the south. cantons In the three of Rojava — Cizîre, about two-thirds the size a territory and Kobanê — covering million of Belgium, with a population 4.6 of approximately that declared government revolutionary people, the Kurdish

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When in 1999 Öcalan was captured and placed in 1999 When in iso During the early nineties, its early During the militaryPKK reached the velopments, the creation of the first autonomous women’s autonomouswomen’s the creation of the first velopments, political several and social women’s units in 1993, guerilla in women’s organizations, and the first of military It was during these years conflict that the 1999. liberation a specificwomen’s struggle formulated women’s by the writings Inspired of Öcalan, the women’s . constructedmovement a society an idea and model for ideology was this It concept of basedpower. on a different shift, later that opened up the space the movement’s for Kurdish independent an for abandonedwhich the claim state of a new model of democracy. in favor tions. At the same time of the growth of the PKK, of the timetions. the same the role of the growth At also becameof women as did not male fighters challanged, support accept as Thus, with explicit them equals. always started movement to organize the women’s Öcalan, from fighting both tendencies patriarchal itself autonomously, This led to, de among other outside and within the party. state, the PKK entered lated by the Turkish imprisonment into retaliation a crisis. Due to the severe of the Turkish state an independent for the claim seemed more army, were the first “colonized class” in history and concluding history in “colonizedclass” first the were society free a truly that by definition has the to include an important also played Women liberation of women. PKK, as of the co- such years foundational during the role as their struggle one Cansız, who explained Sakine founder social denial, chauvinistic primitive impression, “against and nationalist approaches.” over gaining control peak in a bloody against Turkey, war substantial inhabited areas parts Kurdish of the mainly of the southeastern part of the country. This period saw of the southeastern part of the country. the visibility in increase a and importancesharp of women participated as progressively they within the movement both and political in administrative and as guerillas posi 18–19 - - - - -

- - It is this particular being imple model that is currently out the state, and unite instead on the basis of principles by councils and coop of decentralized self-government equality communalism and of gender principles eratives, (communism without the state), models and confederalist of co-existence and cooperation. create the This would ecology” society render that would space a new “social for and its against its enemy — patriarchy, internal resilient of global capitalism. forces enemy — the external improbable than ever. While in prison, Öcalan published in prison, While published Öcalan ever. than improbable writingsnew he took in which critique the of patriarchy to consequen- its full movement set forthby the women’s ce. The concept nation-state, of the is an exten he claims, in by men of women The enslavement sion of patriarchy. state,” small as of the family — “man’s the microstructure construct of the Öcalan calls replicated it — is in the larger nation-state, whose unity myths of cultural and territorial belonging global blind its capitalist subjects to the larger condition the state in which is implicated. terms Öcalan the nation-state of capital,” in line with the and a “colony movement, decides to inde the idea of an reject women’s itsIn place, proposes he modthe statependent altogether. the from a model derived confederalism,” el of “democratic whose Bookchin, American ecologist Murray anarchist and studied Öcalan works during his time in prison. The Kurds, democratic autonomy demand with should Öcalan claims, so-called the As in 2012, when mented in Rojava. Arab war the Middle East, causing through a civil swept Spring the PKK-influenced in living to ignite in Syria, the Kurds northern part took of the country au to their chance declare while Assad their regions was fightingrebelstonomy over Afrîn, in the south. cantons In the three of Rojava — Cizîre, about two-thirds the size a territory and Kobanê — covering million of Belgium, with a population 4.6 of approximately that declared government revolutionary people, the Kurdish

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- -

During the early nineties, its early During the militaryPKK reached the Öcalan was captured and placed in 1999 When in iso were the first “colonized class” in history and concluding history in “colonizedclass” first the were society free a truly that by definition has the to include an important also played Women liberation of women. PKK, as of the co- such years foundational during the role as their struggle one Cansız, who explained Sakine founder social denial, chauvinistic primitive impression, “against and nationalist approaches.” over gaining control peak in a bloody against Turkey, war substantial inhabited areas parts Kurdish of the mainly This period saw of the southeastern part of the country. the visibility in increase a and importancesharp of women participated as progressively they within the movement both and political in administrative and as guerillas posi PKK, of the timetions. the same the role of the growth At also becameof women as did not male fighters challanged, support accept as Thus, with explicit them equals. always started movement to organize the women’s Öcalan, from fighting both tendencies patriarchal itself autonomously, This led to, de among other outside and within the party. autonomouswomen’s the creation of the first velopments, political several and social women’s units in 1993, guerilla political party in women’s organizations, and the first of military It was during these years conflict that the 1999. liberation a specificwomen’s struggle formulated women’s by the writings Inspired of Öcalan, the women’s ideology. constructedmovement a society an idea and model for ideology was this It concept of basedpower. on a different shift, later that opened up the space the movement’s for Kurdish independent an for abandonedwhich the claim state of a new model of democracy. in favor state, the PKK entered lated by the Turkish imprisonment into retaliation a crisis. Due to the severe of the Turkish state an independent for the claim seemed more army, 20–21 - - - - - how decentralised, how societies self-organised with deal perspective of the Kurdish Women’s Movement.openThe Women’s perspective Kurdish of the , explains the project of developing munal and Free of developing the project Life, explains Revolution science at the heart of the Rojava a women’s lost course of a in the of knowledge the retrieval through text by PKK founder of colonization.long history The key Democratic Öcalan, Abdullah Confederalism the , explains new paradigm of politics became that and power central and ecologist Anarchist Murray Revolution. to the Rojava of libertarian who developed the theory Bookchin, com , Approval Living Dirik, Dilar with Without ing interview to ancient movement of the Kurdish history the traces Mesopotamia colonial and its rule separation through movement. the rise women’s of the for as the foundation speech during the Feminicide, delivered Güneşer’s Havin discusses the rise in 2014, in Rome Conference Women’s of the years within the Movement Women’s of the Kurdish in and the manner PKK in Turkey struggle of the armed confronted and patriarchy the movement which article The within the liberationmovement. Diyar’s Zîlan critiques Women Us, Kurdish about is Talking World Whole guerrilla of female framing the international media’s text, Why Kaya’s Gönül Revolution. Rojava in the fighters Re-Constructing a Com Jineology? the Sciences Towards Öcalan based of democraticmunalism on which the theory discusses in The Meaning of Confederalconfederalism, pendent cantons peoples written of Rojava, by the different outlining the ideological of the pillars and region, the of revolution. Ahmet Joost and Jongerden’s Hamdi Akkaya the Political:article, Reassembling The PKK and the Project of Radical of the Democracy , discusses transformation the movement guerrilla avant-garde hierarchical a PKK from ism situations that stretch beyond their locality that in a way a centralised statistfrom different solution. is profoundly The Social text of the inde is the foundational Contract -

- - explores the explores Academy reader of New World This fifth Since 2012, the principles of The Social Contract have foundations of the practicefoundations of stateless in democracy of politics, science, and art the governance, from terms are fighting the Assad regime and the Islamic State fightingregime and the Islamic are the Assad of Kurdish the Revolution, the Rojava Within and Iraq. Syria has continued Movement to build itsautonomous Women’s cooperatives,councils, and militia. It has also set up its own jineologyacademies where is further developed: a science that takesof women as its starting point colonized classes to research be and histories redefine academic in order of the patriarchal the existing dominant structures yond capitalist state. Öcalan’s concept of democratic confederalism would be would concept democratic of confederalism Öcalan’s peoples the of different with put to practice.fully Together The Social wrote they Contract,region guarantees which a secular political each of the autonomy full for system; cantons; the minimization and centralized rule of three local agency for maximum councilscooperatives; and the implementation of quotas of 40 a minimum guaranteeing politicalpercent participation and men; by both women and a commoncommitment a new “social todeveloping model rejects the of power of the This structure ecology.” and instead basesprin itselfnation-stateon the as unifier, been implemented to a maximum, while in the meantime, People’s of Rojava — the armies the autonomous people’s Units (YPJ) — Defense Units (YPG) and Women’s Defense ciples of co-existence, association, free anti-capitalism,and is thus a revolu Revolution The Rojava diversity. cultural as activist Dirik puts it, Dilar a “cultural tion of practice, or, is, how idea of what power the very in which revolution,” it is practiced its lead and distributed, is subverted. Taking embodies a Rojava Movement, Women’s the Kurdish from redefinition of the ideals of autonomy right and the to self- of a statelessdetermination in a project democracy. 20–21 - - - - - how decentralised, how societies self-organised with deal perspective of the Kurdish Women’s Movement.openThe Women’s perspective Kurdish of the , Approval Living Dirik, Dilar with Without ing interview to ancient movement of the Kurdish history the traces Mesopotamia colonial and its rule separation through movement. the rise women’s of the for as the foundation speech during the Feminicide, delivered Güneşer’s Havin discusses the rise in 2014, in Rome Conference Women’s of the years within the Movement Women’s of the Kurdish in and the manner PKK in Turkey struggle of the armed confronted sexism and patriarchy the movement which article The within the liberationmovement. Diyar’s Zîlan critiques Women Us, Kurdish about is Talking World Whole guerrilla of female framing the international media’s text, Why Kaya’s Gönül Revolution. Rojava in the fighters Re-Constructing a Com Jineology? the Sciences Towards munal and Free of developing the project Life, explains Revolution science at the heart of the Rojava a women’s lost course of a in the of knowledge the retrieval through text by PKK founder of colonization.long history The key Democratic Öcalan, Abdullah Confederalism the , explains new paradigm of politics became that and power central and ecologist Anarchist Murray Revolution. to the Rojava of libertarian who developed the theory Bookchin, com Öcalan based of democraticmunalism on which the theory discusses in The Meaning of Confederalconfederalism, ism situations that stretch beyond their locality that in a way a centralised statistfrom different solution. is profoundly The Social text of the inde is the foundational Contract pendent cantons of Rojava, written by the different pendent cantons peoples written of Rojava, by the different outlining the ideological of the pillars and region, the of revolution. Ahmet Joost and Jongerden’s Hamdi Akkaya the Political:article, Reassembling The PKK and the Project of Radical of the Democracy , discusses transformation the movement guerrilla avant-garde hierarchical a PKK from -

- - Since 2012, the principles of The Social Contract have the explores Academy reader of New World This fifth Öcalan’s concept of democratic confederalism would be would concept democratic of confederalism Öcalan’s peoples the of different with put to practice.fully Together The Social wrote they Contract,region guarantees which a secular political each of the autonomy full for system; cantons; the minimization and centralized rule of three local agency for maximum councilscooperatives; and the implementation of quotas of 40 a minimum guaranteeing politicalpercent participation and men; by both women and a commoncommitment a new “social todeveloping model rejects the of power of the This structure ecology.” and instead basesprin itselfnation-stateon the as unifier, ciples of co-existence, association, free anti-capitalism,and is thus a revolu Revolution The Rojava diversity. cultural as activist Dirik puts it, Dilar a “cultural tion of practice, or, is, how idea of what power the very in which revolution,” it is practiced its lead and distributed, is subverted. Taking embodies a Rojava Movement, Women’s the Kurdish from redefinition of the ideals of autonomy right and the to self- of a statelessdetermination in a project democracy. been implemented to a maximum, while in the meantime, People’s of Rojava — the armies the autonomous people’s Units (YPJ) — Defense Units (YPG) and Women’s Defense State fightingregime and the Islamic are the Assad of Kurdish the Revolution, the Rojava Within and Iraq. Syria has continued Movement to build its autonomous Women’s cooperatives,councils, and militia. It has also set up its own jineologyacademies where is further developed: a science that takesof women as its starting point colonized classes to research be and histories redefine academic in order of the patriarchal the existing dominant structures yond capitalist state. of the practicefoundations of stateless in democracy of politics, science, and art the governance, from terms 22–23 ------make a world. make through the region, aiding us with with us aiding region, the through

, as well as the Centraal Museum and its director Edwin Museum, as asEdwin the Centraal and its well director Last but certainly not least, to want thank Maria we beginning of our collaboration, Maria Hlava the very At tion.Their hospitality exceptional, was especially and care asin times these,communities the such when Rojava of further the thank crises.We severe such through living are Fed the Kurdish Foundation, Women’s International Free eration Kurdish platform and the web The Netherlands, in Questionsupport all of their for this reader. in developing team particular and her at BAK — in Hlavajova van Arjan and Marieke Bayram, Şeyma Meer, der Niek van Meeuwen, Acade commitment their ongoing to New World Kuik — for my Jacobs contributed having for to making this publication possible. financially Movement Women’s on the Kurdish progressive towards an academy that strives are As we as world the artistic in art practices, and cultural making is our challenge toit exists is not enough: that doesBut not happen in isolation. In order to make political this possible, need we coalitions with progressive art but also institutions. with progressive movements, New with such is privileged worked to have Academy World partners, collaborators, and friends. ment, can titled we finally that feel we Stateless Democracy, it means this question. If democracy is not a show, answer to take have that we its practice beyond the limitations of the capitalist nation-state. Stateless democracy proposes a concrete aesthetic that does and ethical engagement not of a better the promise autonomy but claims await future, It does not outsource and now. practice in the here through come, but dedi its to that might never demand a future the New World Summit, World New the could so understand that we translations endless day- the to-day Revolu political Rojava of the struggle cultural and was not a show?” “What if democracy Having asked: jova Move Women’s Kurdish reader with the at this fifth arrived ------, we would like to like would , we Academy On behalf of New World thank all the contributors to this reader: Kurdish revo thank all the contributors to this reader: Kurdish est nation a state, without of the bird: the figure through a nomadic species, whose destiny is shaped by struggle, and exile. travel, artists,lutionaries, solidary academics, who and writers together of a stateless propose new imaginary a radical to wish thank in particular academic We repre democracy. lation to his own politics of anarchist libertarian-. lation to politics libertarian-socialism. own his of anarchist diaristic account, Revolutionary Education:Janet Biehl’s Two , describesAcademies in Rojava intimate her experiences set Rojava, in educationalwith the and political revolution life-long collaborationagainst own her with Bookchin. Hito witness account in Pîrsus Kobanê is not (Suruç), Steyerl’s of art the question, raises of the role in the times Falling Theater of the State essay, Jonas Staal’s of emergency. role the on question less, is an attempt to Steyerl’s answer of art at the heart of politicalthrough struggle interviews educators, that he conducted musicians, and several with artists An excerpt Revolution. part that are of the Rojava the final document of poem forms Bird Ahmed’s of Kajal The poem of allegorizes and struggle the fate this reader. to as the larg people, often referred who are the Kurdish Dirik, Dilar Movement, Women’s of the Kurdish sentative who has patience endless with us, explaining displayed goals, and political intricacies of the Kurdish history, the movement. Our gratitude is also due to the representatives Hassan Democratic Union PartySheruan (PYD), Rojava’s of and welcomed us in Rojava and Amina Osse, who warmly representativesguided us and other of our organization, sified political movement aiming for radical, gender-equal, radical,sified gender-equal, for aiming politicalmovement with David interview grass-roots Pınar Öğünç’s democracy. is a Genuine Revolutiondescribes , This titled No. Graeber, re in region to Rojava the travelling experiences Graeber’s modelled on Marxist-Leninist theory tomodelled diver ethnically an theory on Marxist-Leninist 22–23 ------make a world. make through the region, aiding us with with us aiding region, the through

, as well as the Centraal Museum and its director Edwin Museum, as asEdwin the Centraal and its well director At the very beginning of our collaboration, Maria Hlava the very At Last but certainly not least, to want thank Maria we the New World Summit, World New the my Jacobs contributed having for to making this publication possible. financially Movement Women’s on the Kurdish progressive towards an academy that strives are As we as world the artistic in art practices, and cultural making is our challenge toit exists is not enough: that doesBut not happen in isolation. In order to make political this possible, need we coalitions with progressive art but also institutions. with progressive movements, New with such is privileged worked to have Academy World partners, collaborators, and friends. was not a show?” “What if democracy Having asked: jova Move Women’s Kurdish reader with the at this fifth arrived endless translations so that we could so understand that we translations endless day- the to-day Revolu political Rojava of the struggle cultural and Hlavajova and her team particular and her at BAK — in Hlavajova van Arjan and Marieke Bayram, Şeyma Meer, der Niek van Meeuwen, Acade commitment their ongoing to New World Kuik — for tion.Their hospitality exceptional, was especially and care asin times these,communities the such when Rojava of further the thank crises.We severe such through living are Fed the Kurdish Foundation, Women’s International Free eration Kurdish platform and the web The Netherlands, in Questionsupport all of their for this reader. in developing ment, can titled we finally that feel we Stateless Democracy, it means this question. If democracy is not a show, answer to take have that we its practice beyond the limitations of the capitalist nation-state. Stateless democracy proposes a concrete aesthetic that does and ethical engagement not of a better the promise autonomy but claims await future, It does not outsource and now. practice in the here through come, but dedi its to that might never demand a future ------, we would like to like would , we Academy On behalf of New World modelled on Marxist-Leninist theory tomodelled diver ethnically an theory on Marxist-Leninist radical,sified gender-equal, for aiming politicalmovement with David interview grass-roots Pınar Öğünç’s democracy. is a Genuine Revolutiondescribes , This titled No. Graeber, re in region to Rojava the travelling experiences Graeber’s lation to politics libertarian-socialism. own his of anarchist diaristic account, Revolutionary Education:Janet Biehl’s Two , describesAcademies in Rojava intimate her experiences set Rojava, in educationalwith the and political revolution life-long collaborationagainst own her with Bookchin. Hito witness account in Pîrsus Kobanê is not (Suruç), Steyerl’s of art the question, raises of the role in the times Falling Theater of the State essay, Jonas Staal’s of emergency. role the on question less, is an attempt to Steyerl’s answer of art at the heart of politicalthrough struggle interviews educators, that he conducted musicians, and several with artists An excerpt Revolution. part that are of the Rojava the final document of poem forms Bird Ahmed’s of Kajal The poem allegorizes of and struggle the fate this reader. to as the larg people, often referred who are the Kurdish est nation a state, without of the bird: the figure through a nomadic species, whose destiny is shaped by struggle, and exile. travel, revo thank all the contributors to this reader: Kurdish artists,lutionaries, solidary academics, who and writers together of a stateless propose new imaginary a radical to wish thank in particular academic We repre democracy. Dirik, Dilar Movement, Women’s of the Kurdish sentative who has patience endless with us, explaining displayed goals, and political intricacies of the Kurdish history, the movement. Our gratitude is also due to the representatives Hassan Democratic Union PartySheruan (PYD), Rojava’s of and welcomed us in Rojava and Amina Osse, who warmly representativesguided us and other of our organization, cates our shared present to the creation of a new world. Renée In der Maur is research and program coordinator of New World Summit. Jonas Staal is a Rotterdam-based artist and founder of the New World Summit and New World Academy (with BAK, basis voor actuele kunst, Utrecht), whose works include interventions in public space, exhibitions, lectures, and publications that interrogate the relationship between art, democracy, ideology, politics, and propaganda. cates our shared present to the creation of a new world. Renée In der Maur is research and program coordinator of New World Summit. Jonas Staal is a Rotterdam-based artist and founder of the New World Summit and New World Academy (with BAK, basis voor actuele kunst, Utrecht), whose works include interventions in public space, exhibitions, lectures, and publications that interrogate the relationship between art, democracy, ideology, politics, and propaganda. Living Without Approval

Dilar Dirik Interviewed by Jonas Staal Special forces of the Women’s Defense Units (YPJ) look out over their training camp situated near Qamişlo. Living Without Approval

Dilar Dirik Interviewed by Jonas Staal Special forces of the Women’s Defense Units (YPJ) look out over their training camp situated near Qamişlo. 28–29

- - - - : You are an academic researcher but also an an academicresearcher are : You : One could startby deconstructingthe off activist of the Kurdish Women’s Movement. exactly How Women’s Kurdish activist the of describeyou bothof this movement, would the nature geographically and organizationally? Jonas Staal Dirik Dilar tion movement or — is incompatibletion with movement because I agree, liberation. nationalism has women’s that in one premises primitive feudal, patriarchal, many to the passing boil of down genes on the or another way domination, tomale bloodline pass and reproducing on as a what is perceived to another one generation from assump gendered to that the extremely Add “nation.” words “Kurdish,” “women,” and “movement.” Many Many and “movement.” “women,” “Kurdish,” words people think that a national cause — a national libera family tions that accompany affect nationalism,which culture, knowledge, the , labor relations, life, and education, that it is a very and it becomes evident Move Women’s masculinized concept. Kurdish The of because is namedment as such the multiple layers of women that Kurdish violence and structural oppression because precisely are Kurdish experienced they have and because are women. they been separated historically people have The Kurdish Syria, and Iran. Iraq, Turkey, states: different four over suffered have women these states, of In each Kurdish and socioeconomic ethnic from discrimination, only not women because of the as patriarchal but also suffered these have states.foundations of the same time, they At own communi within their from oppression suffered hence women ties. on their identity The focus as Kurdish to related this multiple on the violence directly draws the point reference of That is why identity. marginalized been that has always Movement Women’s the Kurdish for 28–29

- - - - : You are an academic researcher but also an an academicresearcher are : You : One could startby deconstructingthe off activist of the Kurdish Women’s Movement. exactly How Women’s Kurdish activist the of describeyou bothof this movement, would the nature geographically and organizationally? Dilar Dirik Dilar Jonas Staal The Kurdish people have been separated historically people have The Kurdish Syria, and Iran. Iraq, Turkey, states: different four over suffered have women these states, of In each Kurdish and socioeconomic ethnic from discrimination, only not women because of the as patriarchal but also suffered these have states.foundations of the same time, they At own communi within their from oppression suffered tions that accompany nationalism, which affect family family tions that accompany affect nationalism,which culture, knowledge, the economy, labor relations, life, and education, that it is a very and it becomes evident Move Women’s masculinized concept. Kurdish The of because is namedment as such the multiple layers of women that Kurdish violence and structural oppression because precisely are Kurdish experienced they have and because are women. they hence women ties. on their identity The focus as Kurdish to related this multiple on the violence directly draws the point reference of That is why identity. marginalized been that has always Movement Women’s the Kurdish for tion movement or nationalism — is incompatibletion with movement because I agree, liberation. nationalism has women’s that in one premises primitive feudal, patriarchal, many to the passing boil of down genes on the or another way domination, tomale bloodline pass and reproducing on as a what is perceived to another one generation from assump gendered to that the extremely Add “nation.” words “Kurdish,” “women,” and “movement.” Many Many and “movement.” “women,” “Kurdish,” words people think that a national cause — a national libera 30–31 - Do you see a universal dimension to the struggle see Do you a universal Terms such as “Kurds,” “Arabs” — these are open are “Arabs” — these as “Kurds,” such Terms JS: of the Kurds? the Kurdish Women’s Movement is active where it needs where is active Movement Women’s Kurdish the its of Part restrictions. geographic without tobe active, region: to the in women alsoaim is different to mobilize women, Persian women, Arab women, Turkish mobilize Middle the first and so 2013, on. In women, Afghan was initiated the Kurdish by Conference Women’s East or Amed in Kurdish, in Diyarbakır Movement Women’s call Kurds the region the a city Turkey, in southeastern across from Women Kurdistan. meaning northern Bakur, invited to Pakistan, were North Africa from the region, Women’s The Kurdish . to cross-regional build that women’s sure is an idea: an idea to make Movement boundaries and is regarded have doesliberation not as the fundamentalinstead as a principle, condition for understanding resistance, justice. and liberation, of one’s DD: ment. Not only have the Kurds expressed their solidarity expressed the Kurds ment. have only Not stateless other in the struggles and support many for and resistance oppression extreme but their own world, the appeals to colonizedpeople and oppressed all over for contestation. about what for argued people have Many The geography? In my Is it the language? Kurd. a makes women people and in particular Kurdish Kurdish eyes, peoples many of oppression embody the multi-layered colonialism. of been subjected forms to various who have other many by is shared the Kurds of So the oppression with the exceptional dealt have peoples, but the Kurds but four one, their peoples not marginalization of by apart those Iraqi-Kurdistan, in from states. The Kurds, here had little to no international support — I refer have move to the Kurdish leftist, the mainly wing of radical ------lence and rape as systematic tools of war against mili- against tools war of as lence and rape systematic in the mountains women or in the prisons. tant Kurdish of the founder of daughter the adopted Sabiha Gökçen, exemplary is Atatürk, Mustafa Kemal Republic, the Turkish this of contradiction. being for is praised she Although who she is also the Turkey, in pilot female first the during the massa called ) (now bombedDersîm The word “movement” makes it clear that this is not that this is not it clear makes “movement” The word The one organization — it is everywhere. one party, just most important part this mobilization of is itsgrassroots theoreticalelement, but it also components: has strong ments. Turkish was essentially founded on essentially was founded feminism ments. Turkish Republic: the secular nationalist Turkish model the of having despite one nation, So, one language. one flag, Turkish women, Turkish victories for many achieved still subscribedfeminists to the nationalist dogma the of are there the reality that state, accept does which not women people Kurdish as the region well. in non-Turkish and unde as backward portrayed consistently were when the same type of education of serving as Turks they chose to subscribe not to national the dominant state debased the the Turkish a result, As doctrine. ist and combining sexism by women Kurdish of struggle racism, used claiming as are prostitutes by that women vio used sexualized the movement. It also proactively in 1937–1938. cre Alevis on Kurdish In Turkey, for example, just as in the other countries, countries, as in the other just example, for In Turkey, move feminist from excluded often are women Kurdish pression on all fronts. on all pression there are different hierarchical mechanisms, different different mechanisms, hierarchical different are there ourselves with to live in order and oppression, of layers as women ourselves liberate cannot we way, in a genuine and class op economic, ethnic, without also challenging 30–31 - Do you see a universal dimension to the struggle see Do you a universal Terms such as “Kurds,” “Arabs” — these are open are “Arabs” — these as “Kurds,” such Terms JS: of the Kurds? the Kurdish Women’s Movement is active where it needs where is active Movement Women’s Kurdish the its of Part restrictions. geographic without tobe active, region: to the in women alsoaim is different to mobilize women, Persian women, Arab women, Turkish mobilize Middle the first and so 2013, on. In women, Afghan was initiated the Kurdish by Conference Women’s East or Amed in Kurdish, in Diyarbakır Movement Women’s call Kurds the region the a city Turkey, in southeastern across from Women Kurdistan. meaning northern Bakur, invited to Pakistan, were North Africa from the region, Women’s The Kurdish solidarity. to cross-regional build that women’s sure is an idea: an idea to make Movement boundaries and is regarded have doesliberation not as the fundamentalinstead as a principle, condition for understanding resistance, justice. and liberation, of one’s DD: for contestation. about what for argued people have Many The geography? In my Is it the language? Kurd. a makes women people and in particular Kurdish Kurdish eyes, peoples many of oppression embody the multi-layered colonialism. of been subjected forms to various who have other many by is shared the Kurds of So the oppression with the exceptional dealt have peoples, but the Kurds but four one, their peoples not marginalization of by apart those Iraqi-Kurdistan, in from states. The Kurds, here had little to no international support — I refer have move to the Kurdish leftist, the mainly wing of radical ment. Not only have the Kurds expressed their solidarity expressed the Kurds ment. have only Not stateless other in the struggles and support many for and resistance oppression extreme but their own world, the appeals to colonizedpeople and oppressed all over ------there are different hierarchical mechanisms, different different mechanisms, hierarchical different are there ourselves with to live in order and oppression, of layers as women ourselves liberate cannot we way, in a genuine and class op economic, ethnic, without also challenging fronts. on all pression countries, as in the other just example, for In Turkey, move feminist from excluded often are women Kurdish on essentially was founded feminism ments. Turkish Republic: the secular nationalist Turkish model the of having despite one nation, So, one language. one flag, Turkish women, Turkish victories for many achieved still subscribedfeminists to the nationalist the dogma of are there the reality that state, accept does which not women people Kurdish as the region well. in non-Turkish and unde as backward portrayed consistently were when the same type of education of serving as Turks they chose to subscribe not to the dominant national state debased the the Turkish a result, As doctrine. ist and combining sexism by women Kurdish of struggle racism, used claiming as are prostitutes by that women vio used sexualized the movement. It also proactively mili- against tools war of as lence and rape systematic in the mountains women or in the prisons. tant Kurdish of the founder of daughter the adopted Sabiha Gökçen, exemplary is Atatürk, Mustafa Kemal Republic, the Turkish this of contradiction. being for is praised she Although woman who she is also the Turkey, in pilot female first the during the massa called Tunceli) (now bombedDersîm in 1937–1938. cre Alevis on Kurdish that this is not it clear makes “movement” The word The one organization — it is everywhere. one party, just most important part this mobilization of is itsgrassroots theoreticalelement, but it also components: has strong 32–33 - - - - divided bor divided 1 governments’ proposed spheres of influ of proposed spheres governments’ ence in the Middle East. The agreement was made in anticipation the Triple of the Ottoman of Empire defeat Entente’s I. War during World Kurdistan was initially divided between these two. In the In the these initially was two. between divided Kurdistan began the Ottoman when Empire century, twentieth early fighting were tocollapse governments the European and Agreement the Sykes–Picot army, Atatürk’s ders along colonialist interests. Some of these borders these Some of borders interests. along colonialist ders blatantly thus illustrating with rulers, drawn literally were the imposition the arbitrary imagined like of constructs fluid and nation-state, more the violate and deny which on the ground. realities organic that imposition the forced This is colonialism: borders of or identities on the loyalties, realities, the reflect do not non-lo other (or based but are on western solely ground, because insidious way, Itcal) was done in a very interests. that they made to believe were those in the region living out regions. carved these newly rule would themselves giving by that operates colonialism of This is an example to somebody elsecolonial will colonize the who power a distance, it will appear as From if the people proxy. by themselves. determining people are the Middle East of collapse of the decline and eventual following In 1923, was founded. Republic the Turkish the Ottoman Empire, this new to found being developed were plans When Genocide took the Armenian place to essen republic, an played state. this new tially space clear for Kurds The this is something and they in the genocide, role active promised were to come Kurds to with. The terms have the by later struck rights state, in this new but were same oppression. The Sykes–Picot Agreement, signed on 16 Agreement, The Sykes–Picot was an undisclosed agreement 1916, May the United of the governments between with support of Kingdom and France, mappedRussia, which out the respective

1. - - - What is the foundation of colonialism the re in the foundation What is There have historically been different systems systems historically been different have There JS: gion and how did this inform the critique of the state inform did this how gion and Movement? Women’s in the Kurdish DD: world in an almost universal sense. The ways in which in which sense. ways The universal almost an in world the claimed communities continents all across have instance, for cause, as own their resistanceKobanê of this struggle that character the universal demonstrates can take. Indeed, European colonialists forced the concept of the the of the concept colonialists forced Indeed, European nation-state upon the Middle East, also but the notion resonated with certain it as who saw elites in the region for with opportunitybreaking an by toassert power their sharing the same hierarchical premises of subjugation, of premises the same hierarchical sharing nation-state prior to the current domination, and power nation-state the modern of The concept is still system. old. In the years hundred a few only it’s new; relatively sorts different used toMiddle East, be there empires, the nation-state in the sense of but not regimes, of as lived groups and ethnic religious people various of such: in and social orders hierarchies with different together, rather is dominant system current place. The world’s unity basedprimarily one collectivity, on people forming established through and restricted monopoly, through the nation-state, by determined borders and the terms to the rise capitalism in parallel of emerged and having institutionalization formal patriarchy. of and the stronger, mer hierarchies and elites. I will henceforth focus on the on and elites. focus I will henceforth hierarchies mer people live. Mesopotamia the Kurdish of region where which state current the establishment borders, of Before the Otto were there old, years less than a hundred are man and Persian empires; in the seventeenth century, century, in the seventeenth empires; man and Persian 32–33 - - - - divided bor divided 1 governments’ proposed spheres of influ of proposed spheres governments’ ence in the Middle East. The agreement was made in anticipation the Triple of the Ottoman of Empire defeat Entente’s I. War during World Kurdistan was initially divided between these two. In the In the these initially was two. between divided Kurdistan began the Ottoman when Empire century, twentieth early fighting were tocollapse governments the European and Agreement the Sykes–Picot army, Atatürk’s This is colonialism: the forced imposition of borders that imposition the forced This is colonialism: borders of or identities on the loyalties, realities, the reflect do not non-lo other (or based but are on western solely ground, collapse of the decline and eventual following In 1923, was founded. Republic the Turkish the Ottoman Empire, this new to found being developed were plans When Genocide took the Armenian place to essen republic, ders along colonialist interests. Some of these borders these Some of borders interests. along colonialist ders blatantly thus illustrating with rulers, drawn literally were the imposition the arbitrary imagined like of constructs fluid and nation-state, more the violate and deny which on the ground. realities organic because insidious way, Itcal) was done in a very interests. that they made to believe were those in the region living out regions. carved these newly rule would themselves giving by that operates colonialism of This is an example to somebody elsecolonial will colonize the who power a distance, it will appear as From if the people proxy. by themselves. determining people are the Middle East of an played state. this new tially space clear for Kurds The this is something and they in the genocide, role active promised were to come Kurds to with. The terms have the by later struck rights state, in this new but were same oppression. The Sykes–Picot Agreement, signed on 16 Agreement, The Sykes–Picot was an undisclosed agreement 1916, May the United of the governments between with support of Kingdom and France, mappedRussia, which out the respective

1. - - - What is the foundation of colonialism the re in the foundation What is There have historically been different systems systems historically been different have There JS: gion and how did this inform the critique of the state inform did this how gion and Movement? Women’s in the Kurdish world in an almost universal sense. The ways in which in which sense. ways The universal almost an in world the claimed communities continents all across have instance, for cause, as own their resistanceKobanê of this struggle that character the universal demonstrates can take. DD: sharing the same hierarchical premises of subjugation, of premises the same hierarchical sharing nation-state prior to the current domination, and power nation-state the modern of The concept is still system. In the old. years hundred a few only it’s new; relatively sorts different used toMiddle East, be there empires, the nation-state in the sense of but not regimes, of as lived groups and ethnic religious people various of such: in and social orders hierarchies with different together, rather is dominant system current place. The world’s unity basedprimarily one collectivity, on people forming established through and restricted monopoly, through the nation-state, by determined borders and the terms to the rise capitalism in parallel of emerged and having institutionalization formal patriarchy. of and the stronger, the of the concept colonialists forced Indeed, European nation-state upon the Middle East, also but the notion resonated with certain it as who saw elites in the region for with opportunitybreaking an by toassert power their the on and elites. focus I will henceforth hierarchies mer people live. Mesopotamia the Kurdish of region where which state current the establishment borders, of Before the Otto were there old, years less than a hundred are century, in the seventeenth empires; man and Persian 34–35 - these states, notable most the being one chemical the Saddam on Hussein attack in 1988 by weapons ordered within people lives lost their Halabja, 5,000 during which hours. a short few during the Iranian also parties active were Kurdish Many wanted to be They part revolu the of 1979. of Revolution tion, which was initially vanguarded by leftist student leftist student by tion, initially was vanguarded which Pahlavi. that opposedgroups Reza Mohammed the Shah a he issued took Khomeini over, Ayatollah when But to that made it permissible Kurds the against fatwa the like the expectations Thus, kill them. the Kurds, of during hijacked expectations oppositions, were other of the revolution. multiethnic. stateThe Iranian extremely is nonetheless consist of and they huge, are in Iran The “minorities” Kurdish, Azeri, people — the millions of Ahwaz, several is why This groups. among other peoples, and Baluch peoples these different all of deny simply cannot Iran in the same at least not languages, and their different based are The politics had. on a Iran of as Turkey way did regime doctrine.The Iranian Persian chauvinist very itself but considered the identity the Kurds, of deny not regions, in other to it.superior with Kurds Compared of most better able to preserve were in Iran the Kurds heritage, and art,their culture, because stateIranian the they rights. these Rather, cultural denied them never political of rights: the right to politically Kurds deprived and the right to politicalorganize representation. Iran ethnic political different of prisoners executes regularly another suffer Women Kurds. many including groups, due to the theocratic the of oppression nature of layer Republic. Islamic - - - - What was the position of the Kurds in other in other What was the position of the Kurds In countries like Iraq and Syria, both ruled by ruled by both and Syria, Iraq In countries like JS: states, and Iran? Syria, Iraq, like DD: The Turkish Republic wanted to wipe out the identity Republic of The Turkish cul to Kurdish references all removed thus and Kurds the The creation of the Turkish state to copy an attempt was Turkish the of creation The this was Yet secular the model of republic. the French secularism idea, the true sense in the of not as Alevis, subjected were in the region Yezidis and Christians, to assimilation, discrimination, the by massacre and state. national identity The Sunni-Muslim was Turkish of the secularistpredominant, pretentions of in spite This nationalist modernityconception of the republic. fascist and oppressive, backwardness the real exposes state. This alleged modernity the Turkish foundations of historical cleansing, ethnic on blood:was built systemic assimilation. and forced denial, ture and Kurdistan from its history books. its This occurred history from and Kurdistan ture with the state warfare, psychological hand in hand with in fact are that the Kurds Kurds, no are alleging that there It and when a politics was denial, of Turks.” “mountain met inevitably it, were up against rose they the Kurds measures. with harsh ing that in order to be literate and educated, Kurds had to and educated, be literate ing that in order Kurds committed by were massacres Several to Arabic. learn - forbid their rights to citizenship, takingless by away all political activism. and repressing ding their language, with resettled were inhabited Kurds historically Areas by taught, was not language mean Arabs. The Kurdish tion in place. These states did not deny the Kurds in the tion in place. These the Kurds states deny did not nonethe them oppressed but they as Turkey, same way Ba’ahtist regimes, there was an active politics was an active Arabiza of there regimes, Ba’ahtist 34–35 - Many Kurdish parties were also active during the Iranian during the Iranian also parties active were Kurdish Many wanted to be They part revolu the of 1979. of Revolution these states, notable most the being one chemical the Saddam on Hussein attack in 1988 by weapons ordered within people lives lost their Halabja, 5,000 during which hours. a short few The Iranian state is nonetheless extremely multiethnic. multiethnic. stateThe Iranian extremely is nonetheless consist of and they huge, are in Iran The “minorities” Kurdish, Azeri, people — the millions of Ahwaz, several is why This groups. among other peoples, and Baluch peoples these different all of deny simply cannot Iran in the same at least not languages, and their different based are The politics had. on a Iran of as Turkey way did regime doctrine.The Iranian Persian chauvinist very itself but considered the identity the Kurds, of deny not regions, in other to it.superior with Kurds Compared of most better able to preserve were in Iran the Kurds heritage, and art,their culture, because stateIranian the they rights. these Rather, cultural denied them never political of rights: the right to politically Kurds deprived and the right to politicalorganize representation. Iran ethnic political different of prisoners executes regularly another suffer Women Kurds. many including groups, due to the theocratic the of oppression nature of layer Republic. Islamic tion, which was initially vanguarded by leftist student leftist student by tion, initially was vanguarded which Pahlavi. that opposedgroups Reza Mohammed the Shah a he issued took Khomeini over, Ayatollah when But to that made it permissible Kurds the against fatwa the like the expectations Thus, kill them. the Kurds, of during hijacked expectations oppositions, were other of the revolution. - - - - What was the position of the Kurds in other in other What was the position of the Kurds In countries like Iraq and Syria, both ruled by ruled by both and Syria, Iraq In countries like JS: states, and Iran? Syria, Iraq, like DD: The creation of the Turkish state to copy an attempt was Turkish the of creation The this was Yet secular the model of republic. the French secularism idea, the true sense in the of not as Alevis, subjected were in the region Yezidis and Christians, to assimilation, discrimination, the by massacre and state. national identity The Sunni-Muslim was Turkish of the secularistpredominant, pretentions of in spite This nationalist modernityconception of the republic. fascist and oppressive, backwardness the real exposes state. This alleged modernity the Turkish foundations of historical cleansing, ethnic on blood:was built systemic assimilation. and forced denial, wanted to wipe out the identity Republic of The Turkish cul to Kurdish references all removed thus and Kurds the books. its This occurred history from and Kurdistan ture with the state warfare, psychological hand in hand with in fact are that the Kurds Kurds, no are alleging that there It and when a politics was denial, of Turks.” “mountain met inevitably it, were up against rose they the Kurds measures. with harsh Ba’ahtist regimes, there was an active politics was an active Arabiza of there regimes, Ba’ahtist in the tion in place. These the Kurds states deny did not nonethe them oppressed but they as Turkey, same way - forbid their rights to citizenship, takingless by away all political activism. and repressing ding their language, with resettled were inhabited Kurds historically Areas by taught, was not language mean Arabs. The Kurdish had to and educated, be literate ing that in order Kurds committed by were massacres Several to Arabic. learn 36–37 - - - - - at a very conflict-ridden time in Turkey. In 1980, four four 1980, In Turkey. conflict-ridden in time a very at a militarybeganthe PKK its armed struggle, before years tried had to and wipe the left out in Turkey coup d’état oppositional many other The PKK experienced groups. resistance to related the guerilla against ups and downs, Union, the col Soviet the of the fall army, the Turkish ings in the first place? Could we have a nation-state,we have a Could place? first in the ings based on capitalism inherently concept and patriarchy, as liberated? In the Middle ourselves and still think of East, absolutely no state independent. is truly China, the are they governments: and European Russia, the US, the international controlling order. ones hierarchically lapse of many leftist liberation movements, and Öcalan’s and Öcalan’s movements, liberation leftist lapse many of the by organized 1999, on 15 February Kenya in capture NationalIntelligence in collabora Organization Turkish tion with the United States’ Intelligence Agency. Central course during the the lateIt nine in this context of was ties that the PKK began to the deconstruct theoretically Movement, Women’s state, in part fueled the Kurdish by come to the state the conclusion having is inherently incompatible with democracy. Statelessness to to to denial, oppression, you exposes genocide. In a nation-state recognition oriented system, state the for and reserved are power of and the monopoly But the point is that of protection. form some this offers be system the statelessof the from results the suffering ing based on the nation-state gain you When paradigm. instantly not are problems your on power, the monopoly a state society Having mean that your solved. is does not or that it will society, a just will have that you liberated, be an ethical society. the accept we Should systemic: is more The question that causes the statist of these suffer premises system ------

This idea also contributed to of the the creation This systemic denial of politicalof denial systemic This rights hascreated Indeed, the PKK started an inde with the aim of out Most, if not all, of the Kurdish parties four in the the Kurdish of all, Most, if not ent state.ent the base for a strong Kurdish nationalist movement. Kurdish the base a strong for JS: JS: Marxist-Leninist Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), Kurdistan Workers’ Marxist-Leninist led to which in 1978, Öcalan Abdullah by founded the necessity struggle against the of waging armed At the Kurds. of repression government’s Turkish its changed a certain leadership stage, the PKK’s an independ the goalideas of achieving concerning pendent nation-statependent as to a reaction state violence and assimilation, It denial, emerged and oppression. systemic DD: DD: regions startedregions Kurd an independent with the aim of ish state. The idea was that we suffer this oppression this oppression state.ish suffer we The idea was that stateless, becauseprecisely are so and if we — the we a state people a state” — have without our of “largest such encounter longer no our people would own, This kind of nationalism often emerges in colonial con nationalism emerges often This kind of large-scale systemic violence. large-scale systemic from state different nationalism is very However, texts. anti-colonial a national claim that identity in movements I genocide. of to the face in assertorder existence their or Iranian, thoseam critical who place Turkish, towards national as Kurdish on the same level Arab ism: you cannot claim this without taking claim cannot you intoism: considera at the that are relations power tion unequal the radical mean that this does not Yet this conflict.foundations of state would nationalism is the solution or that a Kurdish self-determination. genuine toward road the pave 36–37 - - - - - at a very conflict-ridden time in Turkey. In 1980, four four 1980, In Turkey. conflict-ridden in time a very at a militarybeganthe PKK its armed struggle, before years tried had to and wipe the left out in Turkey coup d’état oppositional many other The PKK experienced groups. resistance to related the guerilla against ups and downs, Union, the col Soviet the of the fall army, the Turkish Statelessness to to to denial, oppression, you exposes genocide. In a nation-state recognition oriented system, state the for and reserved are power of and the monopoly But the point is that of protection. form some this offers be system the statelessof the from results the suffering the accept we Should systemic: is more The question that causes the statist of these suffer premises system lapse of many leftist liberation movements, and Öcalan’s and Öcalan’s movements, liberation leftist lapse many of the by organized 1999, on 15 February Kenya in capture NationalIntelligence in collabora Organization Turkish ties that the PKK began to the deconstruct theoretically Movement, Women’s state, in part fueled the Kurdish by come to the state the conclusion having is inherently incompatible with democracy. ing based on the nation-state gain you When paradigm. instantly not are problems your on power, the monopoly a state society Having mean that your solved. is does not or that it will society, a just will have that you liberated, be an ethical society. a nation-state,we have a Could place? first in the ings based on capitalism inherently concept and patriarchy, as liberated? In the Middle ourselves and still think of East, absolutely no state independent. is truly China, the are they governments: and European Russia, the US, the international controlling order. ones hierarchically tion with the United States’ Central Intelligence Agency. tion with the United States’ Intelligence Agency. Central course during the the lateIt nine in this context of was ------

This idea also contributed to of the the creation This systemic denial of politicalof denial systemic This rights hascreated Indeed, the PKK started an inde with the aim of out Most, if not all, of the Kurdish parties four in the the Kurdish of all, Most, if not ent state.ent the base for a strong Kurdish nationalist movement. Kurdish the base a strong for JS: JS: Marxist-Leninist Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), Kurdistan Workers’ Marxist-Leninist led to which in 1978, Öcalan Abdullah by founded the necessity struggle against the of waging armed At the Kurds. of repression government’s Turkish its changed a certain leadership stage, the PKK’s an independ the goalideas of achieving concerning pendent nation-statependent as to a reaction state violence and assimilation, It denial, emerged and oppression. systemic DD: DD: regions startedregions Kurd an independent with the aim of this oppression state.ish suffer we The idea was that stateless, becauseprecisely are and so if we — the we a state people a state” — have without our of “largest encounter such longer no our people would own, violence. large-scale systemic in colonial con nationalism emerges often This kind of from state different nationalism is very However, texts. anti-colonial a national claim that identity in movements I genocide. of to the face in assertorder existence their or Iranian, thoseam critical who place Turkish, towards national as Kurdish nationalisms on the same level Arab this without taking claim cannot you intoism: considera at the that are relations power tion unequal the radical mean that this does not Yet this conflict.foundations of state would nationalism is the solution or that a Kurdish self-determination. genuine toward road the pave 38–39 - - - - - 1984 and its grassroots element began to take full force, began to element force, takefull its and grassroots 1984 areas — people rural and the villages people from many littlewith to no education — joined The struggle. the socioeconomic back different people of from presence zation. at the same time This was major interna when grounds exposed many class divisions at the early stage at the early class divisions exposed many grounds back due to their different the movement. Moreover, of the villages were the people who came from grounds, as to men. equals reluctant women tomore accept back. a big step While in pushed were women As a result, ideologicalthe beginning the mobilization and was very its intensified, ideological the war theoretical, when and to often pushed secondeducational place. were elements began actually to hair very cut their that time, women At masculine:short to appear to the idea was more copy capable. equally were that they to prove in order men Öcalan,women from with encouragement In the nineties, discrimination ranks who experienced their own within been supportive began Öcalan to mobilize. has always and has liberation contributed significantly women’s of to the theoretical justifications the autonomous around within the PKK. Because women of organization this, of he has also opposition. faced The nineties saw however, but in Movement, Women’s the initiation the Kurdish of has gained more much the movement ten years, the last as have class divisions Contradictions such strength. lib women’s been tackled towards approaches new and women’s to transform been adopted in order have eration cause. an elitist ideal to a grassroots from liberation with a major backlash, In 2004 the PKK experienced talking peopleactually many the organi of about the end the PKK began.Furthermore, against tional offensives - - - - When I first met Fadile Yıldırım, an activist of the Fadile met I first When In national liberation movements, there is always the is always there In national movements, liberation Kurdish Women’s Movement, at the first New World New at the first Movement, Women’s Kurdish of the said that the struggle Summit in 2012, she On one hand, is twofold. Movement Women’s Kurdish state and its re it is a struggle against the Turkish pression of Kurdish culture and history; on the other and history; on the other culture Kurdish of pression the itselfhand, it is a struggle within the PKK for fighters asto men. equal of women acknowledgment JS: danger that women’s rights will be compromised fol women’s that danger DD: - state a desiring from acknowl an was away shift This one’s the state that edgement represent actually cannot be in will always power on the monopoly that interests, want they people can who do whatever a few of the hands specifically becausewith you, state the is implicated in the North including international agreements, several began the PKK That is why Organization. Treaty Atlantic to understand the importance top-down rejecting of It concluded that and governance. toapproaches power needed tothere be political that could serve structures that would structures the people, of the empowerment internalize that they a degree politicize to such them Movement Women’s the Kurdish of The work democracy. older is much process.was pivotal in that Patriarchy than the nation-state, but nation-states its adopted have the disassociation is why mechanisms. That democra of cy from the state from is alsocy a disassociation patriarchy. from eration. When the PKK started When eration. in war to its wage guerilla lowing liberation. Women were part of the PKK from the part the PKK from of were Women liberation. lowing the late Sakine like founders, beginning. its Some of key The PKK started women. out in university Cansız, were exposed to socialist ideas; people were where circles lib women’s of easily accepted the concept circles such 38–39 - - - - - 1984 and its grassroots element began to take full force, began to element force, takefull its and grassroots 1984 areas — people rural and the villages people from many littlewith to no education — joined The struggle. the socioeconomic back different people of from presence tional offensives against the PKK began. Furthermore, the PKK began.Furthermore, against tional offensives zation. at the same time This was major interna when In the nineties, with encouragement from Öcalan, women Öcalan,women from with encouragement In the nineties, discrimination ranks who experienced their own within been supportive began Öcalan to mobilize. has always and has liberation contributed significantly women’s of to the theoretical justificationsthe autonomous around within the PKK. Because women of organization this, of he has also opposition. faced The nineties saw however, but in Movement, Women’s the initiation the Kurdish of has gained more much the movement ten years, the last as have class divisions Contradictions such strength. lib women’s been tackled towards approaches new and As a result, women were pushed a big step back. a big step While in pushed were women As a result, ideologicalthe beginning the mobilization and was very its intensified, ideological the war theoretical, when and to often pushed secondeducational place. were elements began actually to hair very cut their that time, women At masculine:short to appear to the idea was more copy capable. equally were that they to prove in order men with a major backlash, In 2004 the PKK experienced talking peopleactually many the organi of about the end grounds exposed many class divisions at the early stage at the early class divisions exposed many grounds back due to their different the movement. Moreover, of the villages were the people who came from grounds, as to men. equals reluctant women tomore accept women’s to transform been adopted in order have eration cause. an elitist ideal to a grassroots from liberation - - - - When I first met Fadile Yıldırım, an activist of the Fadile met I first When In national liberation movements, there is always the is always there In national movements, liberation Kurdish Women’s Movement, at the first New World New at the first Movement, Women’s Kurdish of the said that the struggle Summit in 2012, she On one hand, is twofold. Movement Women’s Kurdish state and its re it is a struggle against the Turkish and history; on the other culture Kurdish of pression the itselfhand, it is a struggle within the PKK for fighters asto men. equal of women acknowledgment JS: danger that women’s rights will be compromised fol women’s that danger DD: - state a desiring from acknowl an was away shift This one’s the state that edgement represent actually cannot be in will always power on the monopoly that interests, want they people can who do whatever a few of the hands specifically becausewith you, state the is implicated in the North including international agreements, several began the PKK That is why Organization. Treaty Atlantic to understand the importance top-down rejecting of It concluded that and governance. toapproaches power needed tothere be political that could serve structures that would structures the people, of the empowerment internalize they that a degree politicize to such them Movement Women’s the Kurdish of The work democracy. older is much process.was pivotal in that Patriarchy than the nation-state, but nation-states its adopted have the disassociation is why mechanisms. That democra of the state from is alsocy a disassociation patriarchy. from lowing liberation. Women were part of the PKK from the part the PKK from of were Women liberation. lowing the late Sakine like founders, beginning. its Some of key The PKK started women. out in university Cansız, were exposed to socialist ideas; people were where circles lib women’s of easily accepted the concept circles such the PKK started When eration. in war to its wage guerilla 40–41 ------confederal democratic the ideal of Öcalan declared as being inherently anti-democratic,as beinginherently to due the embodies it relations patriarchal and its complic ityglobal of capital. structures in the In Öcalan’s to the politicalprison writings, alternative he refers is essentially which confederalism,” as “democratic without the state, of democracy a form based and communalinstead structures, on self-governance, politicaland gender-equal representation. did How he articulated when respond movement the Kurdish proposal?this radical DD: ple within the movement. In recent years, however, and however, years, In recent ple within the movement. democratic confed the notion of practice, active through has people. begun to with many resonate eralism The PKK and affiliated organizations managed to intro through democratic confederalism duce of the concept com autonomous organizations, council movements, In other schools in Turkey. alternative and munities, models self-organization — central to of the idea of words, used to communicate confederalism — were democratic to the masses. same concept active Through that very to the state that an alternative was showed they practice, ism in 2005, while still in prison. at that time As I said, in 2005, ism nation- the Kurdish for the strife rejected he had already comprising people millions of who state. a movement For anticipated state, demo of an independent this concept difficult to grasp. initially was very cratic confederalism a of with the idea the grassroots reach It to is difficult accused without the state. have many democracy In fact, Öcalan on abandoning the cause “,” of because within the understand only they independence the state. of important It is very framework to bear in realities and of peoconsciousness mind the different - - - - You have described how the Kurdish Women’s Women’s described have Kurdish the how You JS: Movement and Abdullah Öcalan critiqued Öcalan and Abdullah the stateMovement gardless of the forms such cooperating institutions such forms might the of gardless due all part movement. Today, are one large of they take, is talk mobilization, the whole world massive this to Ever since, the women’s movement has restructured has restructured movement the women’s since, Ever its main body is organizations.itself Now, to new create (KJK). The aim Communities Kurdistan of the Women’s than a single, organization, rather an umbrella to form is of branch the women’s This could include party. decisive or a women’s , a a women’s particular party, possibilities. to a few name but Re Europe, in council cles around Osman Öcalan. The morale of the women’s the women’s of Öcalan. morale The Osman around cles at this time becauseof the severely suffered movement like behave just should women that Kurdish perception movement the women’s be clear, To wives. “normal” was the oppose the problem assuch; marriage doesn’t Öcalan tried that Osman the women’s to undermine way and thus their that their militancy, saying by movement “normal.” was not liberation, least not Movement, ing about Women’s the Kurdish Statebecause the Islamic against its Iraq of resilience of (ISIS). and Syria Öcalan’s brother, Osman Öcalan,caused Osman in split a major brother, Öcalan’s taking by a feudal-nationalisticOne line. the movement to be want to able was “We slogans Öcalan’s Osman of because too,” and the gue the PKK, in marry the cadres stance as an explicit was perceived Öcalan’s Osman broke women Many movement. attackon the women’s the PKK, in the cir and some men married from away rillas are not allowed to marry or have sexual relationships sexual or have to marry allowed not rillas are due to their militancy. 40–41 ------confederal democratic the ideal of Öcalan declared ity in the structures of global capital. In Öcalan’s ityglobal of capital. structures in the In Öcalan’s to the politicalprison writings, alternative he refers is essentially which confederalism,” as “democratic without the state, of democracy a form based and communalinstead structures, on self-governance, politicaland gender-equal representation. did How he articulated when respond movement the Kurdish proposal?this radical as being inherently anti-democratic,as beinginherently to due the embodies it relations patriarchal and its complic DD: duce the concept of democratic confederalism through through democratic confederalism duce of the concept com autonomous organizations, council movements, In other schools in Turkey. alternative and munities, models self-organization — central to of the idea of words, used to communicate confederalism — were democratic to the masses. same concept active Through that very to the state that an alternative was showed they practice, The PKK and affiliated organizations managed to intro eralism has people. begun to with many resonate eralism ple within the movement. In recent years, however, and however, years, In recent ple within the movement. democratic confed the notion of practice, active through cratic confederalism was initially very difficult to grasp. difficult to grasp. initially was very cratic confederalism a of with the idea the grassroots reach It to is difficult accused without the state. have many democracy In fact, Öcalan on abandoning the cause “independence,” of because within the understand only they independence the state. of important It is very framework to bear in realities and of peoconsciousness mind the different ism in 2005, while still in prison. at that time As I said, in 2005, ism nation- the Kurdish for the strife rejected he had already comprising people millions of who state. a movement For anticipated state, demo of an independent this concept - - - - You have described how the Kurdish Women’s Women’s described have Kurdish the how You JS: Movement and Abdullah Öcalan critiqued Öcalan and Abdullah the stateMovement Öcalan’s brother, Osman Öcalan,caused Osman in split a major brother, Öcalan’s taking by a feudal-nationalisticOne line. the movement to be want to able was “We slogans Öcalan’s Osman of because too,” and the gue the PKK, in marry the cadres relationships sexual or have to marry allowed not rillas are due to their militancy. stance as an explicit was perceived Öcalan’s Osman broke women Many movement. attackon the women’s the PKK, in the cir and some men married from away the women’s of Öcalan. morale The Osman around cles at this time becauseof the severely suffered movement like behave just should women that Kurdish perception movement the women’s be clear, To wives. “normal” was the oppose the problem assuch; marriage doesn’t Öcalan tried that Osman the women’s to undermine way and thus their that their militancy, saying by movement “normal.” was not liberation, has restructured movement the women’s since, Ever its main body is organizations.itself Now, to new create (KJK). The aim Communities Kurdistan of the Women’s than a single, organization, rather an umbrella to form is of branch the women’s This could include party. decisive or a women’s cooperative, a a women’s particular party, possibilities. to a few name but Re Europe, in council cooperating institutions such forms might the of gardless due all part movement. Today, are one large of they take, is talk mobilization, the whole world massive this to least not Movement, ing about Women’s the Kurdish Statebecause the Islamic against its Iraq of resilience of (ISIS). and Syria 42–43 ------The model of democratic confederalism has The model re democratic of confederalism Rojava is the Kurdish word for “West,” referring to referring “West,” for word is the Kurdish Rojava cently found its full implications its full found in the northern partcently of Syria, in the so-called led by Revolution, Rojava the what explain you Could revolutionaries. Kurdish is? Revolution Rojava JS: importance of women’s liberation. What is explicit in is explicit What liberation. importance women’s of work thoughts of is the idea Öcalan’s and Bookchin both DD: West Kurdistan, or if we look at the present geopolitical look at the present or if we Kurdistan, West a large part the northern it is knows Syria, which of map, trig was Revolution The Rojava population Kurds. of the so-called by gered 2012, of but Spring uprisings Arab go back the movement of the origins and background ic confederalism that stand dispute. beyond ic confederalism ing “despite of” what is happening around you — in other of” other you — in around is happening what ing “despite the is not Bookchin But practice. to through act words, thoughts; Öcalan’s who shaped thinker foundational only Imma and Foucault Michel he references in his writings, others. many among nuel Wallerstein, many of on the work is built confederalism Democratic to but it is customized the particularities the of thinkers, the It considers that takes place in Kurdistan. oppression to the state — for to build an alternative how question of the international the people — independent of and by while also taking into account the specific oppres order, insistence is the This is why the region. of regimes sive autonomy, and regional governments on regional always is confederalism though the model democratic of even has region Each region. Kurdish the entire proposed for it, all the while adhering for best what works to discover and radical ecology, equality, gender to the principles of democrat of the pillars These are democracy. grassroots ------At what level is democratic confederalism a po is democratic confederalism what level At Öcalan reads a lot in prison. It was there that he in prison. It was there a lot Öcalan reads litical its blueprint, inspirations? and what are JS: tive. Gender equality on all levels is one of the founda is one of equality on all levels Gender tive. but one can put it to tions confederalism, democratic of but also in autonomous only regions, not directly practice to lead the way have political You in existing structures. practice. through DD: ested in democracy, because democratic of the concept ested democracy, in establish by yourself to liberate just not is confederalism state, the spite of in ing autonomy but also to democra despite in Turkey, example, For structures. tize existing established the movement the Kurdish state repression, political idea that each co-presidency: the principle of representa a male and female have organization should in fact possible. Essentially, this boils down to teaching boilsthis down possible. Essentially, fact in politics — topolitics practicing over through radically need to cooperate inter with all people who are You come and practice. theory the separation between ish quest for alternatives to the state. alternatives just for This was not quest ish but also the ecology of nature, an ecology of in terms and non-centralized, diversified, the foundation of life: link to which questions egalitarian power of structures education, politics, co-existence, and the economy, of ized structures of power, reminiscent of the early Soviets the early of reminiscent power, of ized structures libertarian-socialistand the 1936 in Revolution Spanish concepts, Catalonia. Öcalan recognized that Bookchin’s resonated with the Kurd ecology,” as “social of that such encountered, among others, the work of the American of the work among others, encountered, who Bookchin, ecologist and radical Murray anarchist self- “communalism”: of the concept had developed without the state,administration central of in rejection 42–43 ------The model of democratic confederalism has The model re democratic of confederalism Rojava is the Kurdish word for “West,” referring to referring “West,” for word is the Kurdish Rojava cently found its full implications its full found in the northern partcently of Syria, in the so-called led by Revolution, Rojava the what explain you Could revolutionaries. Kurdish is? Revolution Rojava JS: importance of women’s liberation. What is explicit in is explicit What liberation. importance women’s of work thoughts of is the idea Öcalan’s and Bookchin both DD: West Kurdistan, or if we look at the present geopolitical look at the present or if we Kurdistan, West a large part the northern it is knows Syria, which of map, trig was Revolution The Rojava population Kurds. of the so-called by gered 2012, of but Spring uprisings Arab go back the movement of the origins and background Democratic confederalism is built on the work of many many of on the work is built confederalism Democratic to but it is customized the particularities the of thinkers, the It considers that takes place in Kurdistan. oppression to the state — for to build an alternative how question of the international the people — independent of and by while also taking into account the specific oppres order, ing “despite of” what is happening around you — in other of” other you — in around is happening what ing “despite the is not Bookchin But practice. to through act words, thoughts; Öcalan’s who shaped thinker foundational only Imma and Foucault Michel he references in his writings, others. many among nuel Wallerstein, insistence is the This is why the region. of regimes sive autonomy, and regional governments on regional always is confederalism though the model democratic of even has region Each region. Kurdish the entire proposed for it, all the while adhering for best what works to discover and radical ecology, equality, gender to the principles of democrat of the pillars These are democracy. grassroots ic confederalism that stand dispute. beyond ic confederalism ------At what level is democratic confederalism a po is democratic confederalism what level At Öcalan reads a lot in prison. It was there that he in prison. It was there a lot Öcalan reads litical its blueprint, inspirations? and what are JS: in fact possible. Essentially, this boils down to teaching boils this down possible. Essentially, fact in politics — topolitics practicing over through radically come and practice. theory the separation between need to cooperate inter with all people who are You because democratic of the concept ested democracy, in establish by yourself to liberate just not is confederalism the state, of in spite ing autonomy but also to democra despite in Turkey, example, For structures. tize existing established the movement the Kurdish state repression, political idea that each co-presidency: the principle of representa a male and female have organization should the founda is one of equality on all levels Gender tive. but one can it to put tions confederalism, democratic of but also in autonomous only regions, not directly practice to lead the way have political You in existing structures. practice. through DD: encountered, among others, the work of the American of the work among others, encountered, who Bookchin, ecologist and radical Murray anarchist self- “communalism”: of the concept had developed without the state,administration central of in rejection Soviets the early of reminiscent power, of ized structures libertarian-socialistand the 1936 in Revolution Spanish concepts, Catalonia. Öcalan recognized that Bookchin’s resonated with the Kurd ecology,” as “social of that such to the state. alternatives just for This was not quest ish but also the ecology of nature, an ecology of in terms and non-centralized, diversified, the foundation of life: link to which questions egalitarian power of structures education, politics, co-existence, and the economy, of 44–45 ------Leyla Şaylemez, and Sakine and latter the Cansız, being a Şaylemez, Leyla it community, the Kurdish the PKK. of For co-founder by attempt desperate a were murders that the clear was to show negotiation power, the Kurds’ to weaken Turkey in Europe. even to Kurds a blow couldserve that they enemies: several faced Revolution the Rojava Meanwhile, jihad emerging and then of Assad, regimewas it the first be should in the war, actors as key tion emerged and who ist groups, such as the Jabhat al-Nusra or al-Nusra Front, Front, or al-Nusra as al-Nusra the Jabhat such groups, ist supported the by and funded explicitly an organization state of autonomous the to structures undermine Turkish the organiza resistance. that followed After the Kurdish tion that calls itself ISIS. had to that they 2012, the fact despite of end the Towards started have Kurds found to the forces, fight these jihadist autonomous councils and administrations andtheir own In the region. alliances partiesbuilt with all over from its declared Rojava of the Revolution 2013, November within the state. operated autonomy: it no longer difficult, as the whole increasingly The situation grew Europe, into was being the war: dragged world US, the Iran… Turkey, Gulf, statesRussia, the Arab the Persian of fight Assad It became a second of something . all the interna of a microcosm was just ing the rebels Due to in the region. invested tional that were interests in top and their interests membership NATO Turkey’s were the Kurds autonomy, Assad and Kurdish pling both to invited the so-callednot Conference II Peace Geneva was supposedly which intended 2014, in January on Syria Syria.to really find a solutionfor the in If this had conflict parties toto bring different been attempt a genuine been a no-brainer to a find would have gether solution, it the popula of percent up 10–15 who make that the Kurds, - - - - The Assad regime engaged in heavy clashes with the clashes in heavy engaged The Assad regime in areas the main opposition group, Army, Syrian Free with the regime a result, As Damascus and Aleppo. like activists Kurdish female three 2013, January on 9 Then, killed assassination-style Fidan Doğan, were in Paris: position would not necessarily provide them with better them necessarilyposition provide not would and western manipulated by were as they alternatives, self- their own by driven who were actors non-western a true than Assad rather of the fall in serving interests or aiding the liberation democracy in a Syrian investment fighters radical and more the people. more of As a result, supported Today forces. and importedwere foreign by as part them ISIS. of know we in the northern part areas the of the Kurdish from drew took to their chance take over: and the Kurds country, at once and the northern cities, seized control of they the institutionsreplaced with their the Assad regime of Revolution 2012, the Rojava July On 19 system. new own because only not it angry, was very Turkey was declared. in Syria, but even the Kurds alongside has a long border is ideologically Revolution so becausemore the Rojava gov moment, the Turkish that exact to the PKK.linked At start would announced that they ernment peace negotia to the pressure. tions had to respond PKK: they with the much further. The Kurds had opposed had regime Syrian the Kurds The further. much the Qamişlo was there 2004, in time. a long Already for killed several regime Assad’s during which massacre, the Assad an uprising. Under in involved activists Kurdish and they rights had no to citizenship the Kurds regime, ways, In many to speak their language. allowed not were opposition, than the Arab their situation worse much was took in uprising part naturally and so they in the general that the op however, soon realized, 2012. The Kurds 44–45 ------tion and who emerged as key actors in the war, should be should in the war, actors as key tion emerged and who The situation grew increasingly difficult, as the whole increasingly The situation grew Europe, into was being the war: dragged world US, the Iran… Turkey, Gulf, statesRussia, the Arab the Persian of fight Assad It became a second of something Cold War. Towards the end of 2012, despite the fact that they had to that they 2012, the fact despite of end the Towards started have Kurds found to the forces, fight these jihadist autonomous councils and administrations andtheir own In the region. alliances partiesbuilt with all over from its declared Rojava of the Revolution 2013, November within the state. operated autonomy: it no longer tion that calls itself ISIS. all the interna of a microcosm was just ing the rebels Due to in the region. invested tional that were interests in top and their interests membership NATO Turkey’s been a no-brainer to a find would have gether solution, it the popula of percent up 10–15 who make that the Kurds, Leyla Şaylemez, and Sakine and latter the Cansız, being a Şaylemez, Leyla it community, the Kurdish the PKK. of For co-founder by attempt desperate a were murders that the clear was to show negotiation power, the Kurds’ to weaken Turkey in Europe. even to Kurds a blow couldserve that they enemies: several faced Revolution the Rojava Meanwhile, jihad emerging and then of Assad, regimewas it the first ist groups, such as the Jabhat al-Nusra or al-Nusra Front, Front, or al-Nusra as al-Nusra the Jabhat such groups, ist supported the by and funded explicitly an organization state of autonomous the to structures undermine Turkish the organiza resistance. that followed After the Kurdish were the Kurds autonomy, Assad and Kurdish pling both to invited the so-callednot Conference II Peace Geneva was supposedly which intended 2014, in January on Syria Syria.to really find a solutionfor the in If this had conflict parties toto bring different been attempt a genuine - - - - much further. The Kurds had opposed had regime Syrian the Kurds The further. much the Qamişlo was there 2004, in time. a long Already for killed several regime Assad’s during which massacre, the Assad an uprising. Under in involved activists Kurdish and they rights had no to citizenship the Kurds regime, ways, In many to speak their language. allowed not were opposition, than the Arab their situation worse much was took in uprising part naturally and so they in the general that the op however, soon realized, 2012. The Kurds with better them necessarilyposition provide not would and western manipulated by were as they alternatives, self- their own by driven who were actors non-western a true than Assad rather of the fall in serving interests or aiding the liberation democracy in a Syrian investment fighters radical and more the people. more of As a result, supported Today forces. and importedwere foreign by as part them ISIS. of know we with the clashes in heavy engaged The Assad regime in areas the main opposition group, Army, Syrian Free with the regime a result, As Damascus and Aleppo. like in the northern part areas the of the Kurdish from drew took to their chance take over: and the Kurds country, at once and the northern cities, seized control of they the institutionsreplaced with their the Assad regime of Revolution 2012, the Rojava July On 19 system. new own because only not it angry, was very Turkey was declared. in Syria, but even the Kurds alongside has a long border is ideologically Revolution so becausemore the Rojava gov moment, the Turkish that exact to the PKK.linked At start would announced that they ernment peace negotia to the pressure. tions had to respond PKK: they with the activists Kurdish female three 2013, January on 9 Then, killed assassination-style Fidan Doğan, were in Paris: 46–47 - - - - That is to say that the revolutionary conditions That is to the revolutionary that say Exactly. It self-sustained was a completely ef Exactly. tures of the Kurdish resistance and to of the Kurdish strengthen tures sophisticated?become more even JS: that made it possible for the Rojava Revolution to Revolution that made it possiblethe Rojava for also partly to due were of the the denial develop struc cell-like the forced which international order, - The revolu anywhere. no support was from fort — there so and embargoes, this war tion of in spite had to work people solutions. had to come with creative up The Peo Units Defense Units (YPG) and Women’s Defense ple’s even Rojava, of forces armed self-organized the (YPJ), tanks! often regime had to build their own The Syrian certain that used in Rojava, to say grow cannot products experimentation,but through people that many learned have and in Rojava well very vegetables grow actually since created sustainable This gen projects. agricultural the course of over successful proved self-reliance eral Rojava of especially as the fightingforces the revolution, than relying rather themselves by handled their defense abroad. or instructions from on weapons had support, to have been great have it would Of course, leftist movements the right places — from from but only no was that there the fact Yet and parties, example. for outside support also nurtured the politicization the of But on their own. topeople, who learned do everything high. very the costswere and sacrifice the Rojava Revolution even happened in persisted and even Revolution Rojava the theseobstacles. of spite obstacles Such account actually it had has been for so successful, Rojava in part why for undemocratic very with been co-opted force, a wider by become revolution. a genuine have it might not interests, DD: - - - - - The independent cantons of the autonomous region of The independent were modelled after confederalism, democratic Rojava, II convention announced at the same time that the Geneva Revo Rojava the of the response took basically, place. So, II, to this us to Geneva invite don’t if you lution “Well, was: announce our cantons; we major international conference, ap without your with or independence our full claim we stance democratic confeder is the general This of proval.” invited. The so-called The invited. the by opposition hand-picked was meant not This is Assad. that wanted rid of to get powers had to Assad — Assad as be an apology toppled — but for own an opposition construct one’s simply one cannot for similar to many the conference, of The results interests. at all reflect did not international major decisions, other people it certainly and the Syrian the will of aim did not solution.at a democratic After this, jihadist attacks on Rojava only intensified. There intensified. There only attacks jihadist Rojava on this, After hospitals. jihadis being reports of treated in Turkish were could massacres several then, listened Had the world the the co-president of Salih Muslim, been avoided. have main political the Democratic Union Party party Rojava, of to the US times five to travel denied visas was four, (PYD), state-sponsored of the threat in theto explain terrorism repre TEV-DEM a prominent Mohammed, Sinem region. alism, this is what it is all about:alism, and move together to work you. no matter what is happening around forward a visa to the United Kingdom, all receive sentative, did not because outside political of this, On top all of of interests. economic political and on embargoes several are there of Government Regional the Kurdish even In 2014, Rojava. to in an attempt marginal collaborated with Turkey Iraq because wanted to be they Revolution, the the Rojava ize that It in the region. is remarkable force dominant Kurdish 46–47 - - - - That is to say that the revolutionary conditions That is to the revolutionary that say Exactly. It self-sustained was a completely ef Exactly. tures of the Kurdish resistance and to of the Kurdish strengthen tures sophisticated?become more even JS: that made it possible for the Rojava Revolution to Revolution that made it possiblethe Rojava for also partly to due were of the the denial develop struc cell-like the forced which international order, Of course, it would have been great to have had support, to have been great have it would Of course, leftist movements the right places — from from but only no was that there the fact Yet and parties, example. for outside support also nurtured the politicization the of But on their own. topeople, who learned do everything high. very the costswere and sacrifice ple’s Defense Units (YPG) and Women’s Defense Units Defense Units (YPG) and Women’s Defense ple’s even Rojava, of forces armed self-organized the (YPJ), tanks! often regime had to build their own The Syrian certain that used in Rojava, to say grow cannot products experimentation,but through people that many learned have and in Rojava well very vegetables grow actually since created sustainable This gen projects. agricultural the course of over successful proved self-reliance eral Rojava of especially as the fightingforces the revolution, than relying rather themselves by handled their defense abroad. or instructions from on weapons - The revolu anywhere. no support was from fort — there so and embargoes, this war tion of in spite had to work people solutions. had to come with creative up The Peo DD: the Rojava Revolution even happened in persisted and even Revolution Rojava the theseobstacles. of spite obstacles Such account actually it had has been for so successful, Rojava in part why for undemocratic very with been co-opted force, a wider by become revolution. a genuine have it might not interests, - - - - - invited. The so-called The invited. the by opposition hand-picked was meant not This is Assad. that wanted rid of to get powers had to Assad — Assad as be an apology toppled — but for own an opposition construct one’s simply one cannot for similar to many the conference, of The results interests. at all reflect did not international major decisions, other people it certainly and the Syrian the will of aim did not solution.at a democratic cantons of the autonomous region of The independent were modelled after confederalism, democratic Rojava, II convention announced at the same time that the Geneva Revo Rojava the of the response took basically, place. So, II, to this us to Geneva invite don’t if you lution “Well, was: announce our cantons; we major international conference, ap without your with or independence our full claim we stance democratic confeder is the general This of proval.” this is what it is all about:alism, and move together to work you. no matter what is happening around forward intensified. There only attacks jihadist Rojava on this, After hospitals. jihadis being reports of treated in Turkish were could massacres several then, listened Had the world the the co-president of Salih Muslim, been avoided. have main political the Democratic Union Party party Rojava, of to the US times five to travel denied visas was four, (PYD), state-sponsored of the threat in theto explain terrorism repre TEV-DEM a prominent Mohammed, Sinem region. a visa to the United Kingdom, all receive sentative, did not because outside political of this, On top all of of interests. economic political and on embargoes several are there of Government Regional the Kurdish even In 2014, Rojava. to in an attempt marginal collaborated with Turkey Iraq because wanted to be they Revolution, the the Rojava ize that It in the region. is remarkable force dominant Kurdish 48–49 ------java — Afrîn, Cizîre, and Kobanê — are affiliated, but they affiliated, but they and Kobanê — are Cizîre, java — Afrîn, of the princi One autonomously. their affairs organize understand will region its each ples is that best. realities while Kurds, inhabitedis mostly by example, for Kobanê, population. multiethnic hasCizîre a very canton has one ministry hasEach each 22 ministries; then deputies. and two is Kurdish, If the minister minister and one by one Arab be must filled deputy chairs the two has them to be one of at least a woman. Assyrian — and and one man. one woman by canton Each is chaired called to TEV- the cantons is a social movement Parallel Their task a Democratic Society. for DEM, the Movement is to link the administration and the people, to guarantee in all matters. assume a leading role that the grassroots re were which canton the In spite of administrations, geo several to as address necessarygarded measures political during this transitional moment, threats Rojava councils — neighborhood by is essentially run councils, people and cityvillage councils, councils — where make committeesdecisions and form together to implement these decisions. It is important that the admin to know society: civil separate from is not Rojava body of istrative to reshape tries to do, revolution that is what the Rojava into issue. a collective governance organ is also autonomously movement The women’s of Star, the coordinating of body Yekîtiya ized in the form Star decides on women’s is a part. Yekîtiya the YPJ which of democratic confederalism, a secular model politics of democratic confederalism, of principles the upholds equality, gender guarantees that socialof communalist, that meaning collectivist practice, reduced to and that a minimum, are powers centralized uphold components, local communities, grassroots the cantons Ro The three of politicalmaximum agency. ------How is democratic confederalism practiced is democratic in confederalism How In every revolution, however tragic, there seems there tragic, however revolution, every In The Rojava administration is founded on The Social is founded administration The Rojava What is unique about the Rojava Revolution is that it is Revolution about the Rojava unique What is JS: JS: Rojava today? to benecessity the a situation of the creation for in collectively is to left nothing lose:there which total a you. that is oppressing structure with the break DD: DD: nians, and Chechens. It contains and Chechens. nians, the of the pillars model Contract, also referred to as the Charter. It was collec to as the Charter. alsoContract, referred tively written by all peoples inhabiting the region: Kurds, all peoples written inhabiting by Kurds, tively the region: Arme Turkmen, Arameans, Chaldeans, Assyrians, Arabs, already had a solid ideologicalalready base. on the It was built self-, of confederalism, ideas democratic of not independence: true autonomy, self-governance, the state, ap without through living in the sense but of proval. This is in fact the legacy of the Kurdish movement movement the Kurdish of the legacy in fact This is proval. philosophically affiliated with the PKK. It is something themselves, will tell you this revolution of that the actors those Rojava’s who appropriate to for accept but it is hard Ro Before ends. their own resistance ISIS for against java, there were the autonomous councils created by the autonomous the councils by created were there java, people were many which for example, for PKK in Turkey, be scared, not were imprisoned. The people Rojava of the costs of the costs their revolution, of cause knew they domi establishing oppressive the something in spite of nant system and its attacks. the resistance That is why nant system That peoplemany for to grasp. was so difficult in Kobanê to the last people continue down right would to resist philosophy and collec life — this a different bullet, all for mobilizationtive be cannot treated the in isolation from military ISIS. victories against 48–49 ------The women’s movement is also autonomously organ is also autonomously movement The women’s istrative body of Rojava is not separate from : civil separate from is not Rojava body of istrative to reshape tries to do, revolution that is what the Rojava into issue. a collective governance of Star, the coordinating of body Yekîtiya ized in the form Star decides on women’s is a part. Yekîtiya the YPJ which garded as necessary measures to address several geo several to as address necessarygarded measures political during this transitional moment, threats Rojava councils — neighborhood by is essentially run councils, people and cityvillage councils, councils — where make committeesdecisions and form together to implement these decisions. It is important that the admin to know Each canton has one ministry hasEach each 22 ministries; then deputies. and two is Kurdish, If the minister minister and one by one Arab be must filled deputy chairs the two has them to be one of at least a woman. Assyrian — and and one man. one woman by canton Each is chaired called to TEV- the cantons is a social movement Parallel Their task a Democratic Society. for DEM, the Movement is to link the administration and the people, to guarantee in all matters. assume a leading role that the grassroots re were which canton the In spite of administrations, ples is that each region will understand will region its each ples is that best. realities while Kurds, inhabitedis mostly by example, for Kobanê, population. multiethnic hasCizîre a very of democratic confederalism, a secular model politics of democratic confederalism, of principles the upholds equality, gender guarantees that socialof communalist, that meaning collectivist practice, reduced to and that a minimum, are powers centralized uphold components, local communities, grassroots the cantons Ro The three of politicalmaximum agency. java — Afrîn, Cizîre, and Kobanê — are affiliated, but they affiliated, but they and Kobanê — are Cizîre, java — Afrîn, of the princi One autonomously. their affairs organize ------How is democratic confederalism practiced is democratic in confederalism How In every revolution, however tragic, there seems there tragic, however revolution, every In The Rojava administration is founded on The Social is founded administration The Rojava What is unique about the Rojava Revolution is that it is Revolution about the Rojava unique What is JS: JS: Rojava today? to benecessity the a situation of the creation for in collectively is to left nothing lose:there which total a you. that is oppressing structure with the break DD: DD: Contract, also referred to as the Charter. It was collec to as the Charter. alsoContract, referred all peoples written inhabiting by Kurds, tively the region: Arme Turkmen, Arameans, Chaldeans, Assyrians, Arabs, It contains and Chechens. nians, the of the pillars model already had a solid ideologicalalready base. on the It was built self-sustainability, of confederalism, ideas democratic of not independence: true autonomy, self-governance, the state, ap without through living in the sense but of movement the Kurdish of the legacy in fact This is proval. philosophically affiliated with the PKK. It is something themselves, will tell you this revolution of that the actors those Rojava’s who appropriate to for accept but it is hard Ro Before ends. their own resistance ISIS for against the autonomous the councils by created were there java, people were many which for example, for PKK in Turkey, be scared, not were imprisoned. The people Rojava of the costs of the costs their revolution, of cause knew they domi establishing oppressive the something in spite of and its attacks. the resistance That is why nant system That peoplemany for to grasp. was so difficult in Kobanê to the last people continue down right would to resist philosophy and collec life — this a different bullet, all for mobilizationtive be cannot treated the in isolation from military ISIS. victories against 50–51 - - - velop and flourish, particularly flourish, and is canton, in velop which Cizîre area, situated in the eastern-most and safest the largest the university, an alternative ago, long Not part Rojava. of Social was of founded Sciences, Mesopotamia Academy dominant assumptions There, the ongoing war. despite and as knowledge such concepts around and methods the One of reinvigorated. and challenged science are do is that if you learned in the process peoplethings have armed struggle, establish to parallel your not something is in Rojava The social will crumble. revolution everything the fight. for also a guarantee you establish It means that willing that people are structures create you something, that they a perspective because represent to protect they need. desperately is understood as need radicalism of often the idea Very opposed toing something very is happening what at the moment. you around My understanding what of in the case constitutes feminism or radical radicalism, recognized now are is that women issue, the Kurdish of that men; alongside life capable running as of equally an army; an autonomous even organization, have they actively that they in schools; teachers are that they participate is no longer in the economy; that patriarchy has liberation become seen that women’s as the norm; to the that seeks change a revolution aim of a cherished the where this in a region And all of mentality society. of could beto a married off that a twelve-year-old fact man used to be tolerated. seventy-year-old society indi ISIS or change through defeat do not You appear because radical actionsvidualistic that may they has been feminism radical is how which shocking, are In spite of this, however, democratic confederalism and and confederalism democratic however, this, of spite In continued to de have autonomy democratic its aim of - - - - affairs, in matters such as, for example, who should be should be who example, for as, such matters in affairs, certain a co-president of canton. It is also the body that to as liberation understand central women’s pushes Certain as quotas such operational mechanisms and these but bureaucratic, co-presidencies might seem very is true change that to help guarantee mechanisms are is struggle, real the social The real work, implemented. advocated that these princi liberation widely to ensure has which in Kobanê, The intensitythe war — especially of forced ISIS — has the fight against of been at the forefront aspects down. the political of many to be project slowed ing and instituting democracy. Many cooperatives have have cooperatives Many ing and instituting democracy. integrationof systemic the tobeen guarantee founded women’s Autonomous in politics and economy. women councils on people’s to the general parallel councils exist neighborhood communes from to the canton all levels, to the unconditionally veto the power have They level. councils. people’s to ples become society, across accepted and internalized to be want understanda society that if we dif in which must we then peacefully, together people can live ferent truly If we this society equally. and collectively all govern need we to set in place then quotasappreciate women, recognized in their fully are that women to guarantee quotaspotential. no longer It might be are that one day are there example, for needed. goes ways: And this both so dominate, a 40 per women where areas many now introducedcent quota so in these was recently regions in one women of presence an overwhelming as to avoid do not that men committee. sure This is also to make certainavoid aspects political of as in the and social life, must committees, men in which case family-related of also take part responsibility. and assume 50–51 - - - Very often the idea of radicalism is understood as need radicalism of often the idea Very society indi ISIS or change through defeat do not You velop and flourish, particularly flourish, and is canton, in velop which Cizîre area, situated in the eastern-most and safest the largest the university, an alternative ago, long Not part Rojava. of Social was of founded Sciences, Mesopotamia Academy dominant assumptions There, the ongoing war. despite and as knowledge such concepts around and methods the One of reinvigorated. and challenged science are do is that if you learned in the process peoplethings have armed struggle, establish to parallel your not something is in Rojava The social will crumble. revolution everything the fight. for also a guarantee you establish It means that willing that people are structures create you something, that they a perspective because represent to protect they need. desperately opposed toing something very is happening what at the moment. you around My understanding what of in the case constitutes feminism or radical radicalism, recognized now are is that women issue, the Kurdish of that men; alongside life capable running as of equally an army; an autonomous even organization, have they actively that they in schools; teachers are that they participate is no longer in the economy; that patriarchy has liberation become seen that women’s as the norm; to the that seeks change a revolution aim of a cherished the where this in a region And all of mentality society. of could girl beto a married off that a twelve-year-old fact man used to be tolerated. seventy-year-old appear because radical actionsvidualistic that may they has been feminism radical is how which shocking, are In spite of this, however, democratic confederalism and and confederalism democratic however, this, of spite In continued to de have autonomy democratic its aim of - - - - affairs, in matters such as, for example, who should be should be who example, for as, such matters in affairs, certain a co-president of canton. It is also the body that to as liberation understand central women’s pushes have cooperatives Many ing and instituting democracy. integrationof systemic the tobeen guarantee founded women’s Autonomous in politics and economy. women councils on people’s to the general parallel councils exist neighborhood communes from to the canton all levels, to the unconditionally veto the power have They level. councils. people’s Certain as quotas such operational mechanisms and these but bureaucratic, co-presidencies might seem very is true change that to help guarantee mechanisms are is struggle, real the social The real work, implemented. advocated that these princi liberation widely to ensure to ples become society, across accepted and internalized to be want understanda society that if we dif in which must we then peacefully, together people can live ferent truly If we this society equally. and collectively all govern need we to set in place then quotasappreciate women, recognized in their fully are that women to guarantee quotaspotential. no longer It might be are that one day are there example, for needed. goes ways: And this both so dominate, a 40 per women where areas many now introducedcent quota so in these was recently regions in one women of presence an overwhelming as to avoid do not that men committee. sure This is also to make certainavoid aspects political of as in the and social life, must committees, men in which case family-related of also take part responsibility. and assume has which in Kobanê, The intensitythe war — especially of forced ISIS — has the fight against of been at the forefront aspects down. the political of many to be project slowed 52–53 - - - - At the end of the day, the geopolitical order of the day, the end At It is very interesting indeed interesting to see nobody wants It how is very The Rojava Revolution, in Kobanê for example, is very very is example, for in Kobanê Revolution, The Rojava JS: as ISIS, a product of imperialist product a politics radical, and as ISIS, totalizingpatriarchal, state policies — but cru more cantons of operate face in the Rojava how cially — in a geopolitical able to that is not through think order of liberating of democracy, premises the radical state. of the structure the from democracy seems more afraid of a democracy that is capable afraid seems more itself outsideof organizing of the state — critiquing the idea of order — than that very and undermining so-called terrorism. often reduced to a fight that is only about self-defense, asoften reduced about to fight that is only a self-defense, is indeed which a major about only toppling ISIS, if it were the system genocide. But or else face issue people would and its structure that is being in Rojava, implemented inter the and ISIS mentality — thatfrustrates really what is because already the same to Turkey, not are systems” ist or support funding instance, receive for not did the PYD, while ISIS did. At Turkey, from approval or at least silent years two has for the same time, the international order re ISIS despite of blind to the threat willfully remained the Kurds. from peated warnings national order alike. In a sense, this is self-defense also in this is self-defense In a sense, alike. national order existence. setting your of of the terms a philosophical way, The terrorists. and ISIS all calls PKK, the PYD, Turkey the Kurds, one for sensitive “terror” is a very word because been criminalized as our communities have that these “terror it is clear two so long. But for terrorists DD: DD: to acknowledge the cantons, despite it now being very being very now it despite the cantons, to acknowledge ------? What have they seen in the concept of the of seen concept in the they ? What have What you are describing seems to eve are What you have rything torything do with defining in practice a genuine This is apparent democratic and cultural revolution. cantons organize that the Rojava the way in not only their opponents, confront such they how themselves, JS: reaucratic policies, refugees in Rojava continue to starve. in Rojava refugees policies, reaucratic For instance,For the United Nations on state- only focuses states statesactors: aid, support, will receive will receive not states This is why acknowledgement. will receive humanitarianmuch the people in Rojava, aid reached as states,because acknowledged the cantons not are applies there. no longer regime though the Syrian even land. Because bu these of absurd it is a no man’s Legally, thermore, one has to ask why they call themselves the call themselves they has to why ask one thermore, StateIslamic in this perpetuates tion that the state effectively very of ISIS is a product is what.world — that ways, many In the exploiting actively live, we in which order the world conditions, while at the same timeexisting being a result Revolu conditions. the Rojava these That is why of very but is in opposition an alternative totion only ISIS, is not also opposition an and that region the policies of against generally. more the global of order the mechanisms state that appeals to them? The mechanisms of domina of The mechanisms state that appeals to them? The Islamic State of Iraq and Syria is in many ways just just ways State is in many The Islamic Syria and Iraq of at large. in the world is happening what of an extension finds its attacks , Its on women, systematic Fur Movement. Women’s its in the Kurdish nemesis lenge society truly — collectively — attackinglenge by the roots and politicizing empowering and radically oppression of communities. grassroots perceived in recent times. On the contrary, you chal you times. in recent contrary, the On perceived 52–53 - - - - At the end of the day, the geopolitical order of the day, the end At It is very interesting indeed interesting to see nobody wants It how is very The Rojava Revolution, in Kobanê for example, is very very is example, for in Kobanê Revolution, The Rojava JS: as ISIS, a product of imperialist product a politics radical, and as ISIS, totalizingpatriarchal, state policies — but cru more cially — in how Rojava cantons of operate face in the Rojava how cially — in a geopolitical able to that is not through think order of liberating of democracy, premises the radical state. of the structure the from democracy seems more afraid of a democracy that is capable afraid seems more itself outsideof organizing of the state — critiquing the idea of order — than that very and undermining so-called terrorism. ist systems” are not the same to Turkey, already because already the same to Turkey, not are systems” ist or support funding instance, receive for not did the PYD, while ISIS did. At Turkey, from approval or at least silent years two has for the same time, the international order re ISIS despite of blind to the threat willfully remained the Kurds. from peated warnings often reduced to a fight that is only about self-defense, asoften reduced about to fight that is only a self-defense, is indeed which a major about only toppling ISIS, if it were the system genocide. But or else face issue people would and its structure that is being in Rojava, implemented inter the and ISIS mentality — thatfrustrates really what is Turkey calls the PKK, PYD, and ISIS all terrorists. The The terrorists. and ISIS all calls PKK, the PYD, Turkey the Kurds, one for sensitive “terror” is a very word because been criminalized as our communities have that these “terror it is clear two so long. But for terrorists national order alike. In a sense, this is self-defense also in this is self-defense In a sense, alike. national order existence. setting your of of the terms a philosophical way, DD: DD: to acknowledge the cantons, despite it now being very being very now it despite the cantons, to acknowledge ------? What have they seen in the concept of the of seen concept in the they ? What have What you are describing seems to eve are What you have rything torything do with defining in practice a genuine This is apparent democratic and cultural revolution. cantons organize that the Rojava the way in not only their opponents, confront such they how themselves, JS: perceived in recent times. On the contrary, you chal you times. in recent contrary, the On perceived society truly — collectively — attackinglenge by the roots and politicizing empowering and radically oppression of communities. grassroots just ways State is in many The Islamic Syria and Iraq of at large. in the world is happening what of an extension finds its attacks femicide, Its on women, systematic Fur Movement. Women’s its in the Kurdish nemesis the call themselves they has to why ask one thermore, StateIslamic domina of The mechanisms state that appeals to them? in this perpetuates tion that the state effectively very of ISIS is a product is what.world — that ways, many In the exploiting actively live, we in which order the world conditions, while at the same timeexisting being a result Revolu conditions. the Rojava these That is why of very but is in opposition an alternative totion only ISIS, is not also opposition an and that region the policies of against generally. more the global of order the mechanisms instance,For the United Nations on state- only focuses states statesactors: aid, support, will receive will receive not states This is why acknowledgement. will receive humanitarianmuch the people in Rojava, aid reached as states,because acknowledged the cantons not are applies there. no longer regime though the Syrian even land. Because bu these of absurd it is a no man’s Legally, continue to starve. in Rojava refugees policies, reaucratic clear to everyone that the Kurds in Syria are the strongest opponents of ISIS. What would be a better way of sup- porting the resistance than acknowledging its admin- istration? There is no challenging the system. Even the ideology with which women are battling ISIS is labeled as terrorist. To acknowledge Rojava would mean to confront NATO-member Turkey, to hold several Gulf countries accountable, to admit that Western foreign policy has failed, to expose the global arms trade. All that would cause a dramatic chaos.

JS: So, what you are saying is that when you ac- knowledge Rojava, you have to go through a similar process of confronting one’s own internal oppressive structures, as those leading the Rojava revolution have done themselves in order to arrive at the model of democratic confederalism.

DD: Why on earth would ISIS emerge to begin with? Why did states exploit the genuine desire for social change in Arab countries? Why did states promote new tyrants to take their place in these governments? Why did they support sectarianism? Why are so many young people in Europe joining ISIS? Why is the Rojava alternative, which looks like a potential perspective for the region, so marginalized?

The answer lies in the fact that the global system is in- herently flawed. That is why Rojava will continue to fight the system.

Dilar Dirik is a Kurdish activist and a PhD student at the University of Cambridge, Cambridge. This is an edited version of the interview that took place on 22 October 2014 at De Balie in Amsterdam. It was revis- ited by Dirik and Staal via e-mail in February 2015. clear to everyone that the Kurds in Syria are the strongest opponents of ISIS. What would be a better way of sup- porting the resistance than acknowledging its admin- istration? There is no challenging the system. Even the ideology with which women are battling ISIS is labeled as terrorist. To acknowledge Rojava would mean to confront NATO-member Turkey, to hold several Gulf countries accountable, to admit that Western foreign policy has failed, to expose the global arms trade. All that would cause a dramatic chaos.

JS: So, what you are saying is that when you ac- knowledge Rojava, you have to go through a similar process of confronting one’s own internal oppressive structures, as those leading the Rojava revolution have done themselves in order to arrive at the model of democratic confederalism.

DD: Why on earth would ISIS emerge to begin with? Why did states exploit the genuine desire for social change in Arab countries? Why did states promote new tyrants to take their place in these governments? Why did they support sectarianism? Why are so many young people in Europe joining ISIS? Why is the Rojava alternative, which looks like a potential perspective for the region, so marginalized?

The answer lies in the fact that the global system is in- herently flawed. That is why Rojava will continue to fight the system.

Dilar Dirik is a Kurdish activist and a PhD student at the University of Cambridge, Cambridge. This is an edited version of the interview that took place on 22 October 2014 at De Balie in Amsterdam. It was revis- ited by Dirik and Staal via e-mail in February 2015. A classroom at the Women’s Academy in Rimelan, where portraits of martyrs and revolutionaries are displayed in the background. The slogan sembola jinên şoreşger, which translates to “symbols of women warriors,” hangs below portraits of revolutionaries Fidan Doğan, Clara Zetkin, Sakine Cansız, , and Leyla Şaylemez. Also visible are the portraits of martyrs Zîlan (Zeynep Kınacı) and (Sema Yüce). Havin Güneşer Feminicide A classroom at the Women’s Academy in Rimelan, where portraits of martyrs and revolutionaries are displayed in the background. The slogan sembola jinên şoreşger, which translates to “symbols of women warriors,” hangs below portraits of revolutionaries Fidan Doğan, Clara Zetkin, Sakine Cansız, Rosa Luxemburg, and Leyla Şaylemez. Also visible are the portraits of martyrs Zîlan (Zeynep Kınacı) and Serhildan (Sema Yüce). Feminicide Havin Güneşer 58–59 - - - - - Dear Friends, Dear importantI suppose beginnings very are everything for Yet there was a striking uniqueness about was a striking uniqueness it. there The found Yet It would be unfair to claim that the depth of understand to depth that the It be would claim unfair I first of all would like to say that I am indeed very happy happy to indeedthat I am very to say would like all of I first all in discussing struggle amongst you the be here women’s Kurdish but specifically the in general of women times.especiallystruggle never such during I personally mo history-making such go through I would thought that indeed witnessing are the lifetime. We own my ments in Kurdistan. the I thank West in Kobanê, history making of an opportunity. such for organizers politicalbut especially for The movements. and everyone and political the basis values moral that form principles ability it the give tomovement transform given of any freedom can One put the Kurdish itself. and transcend Abdullah its and main strategist and leader, movement Indeed, the Kurdistan Workers’ Öcalan, in this category. Party (PKK) revolu came just after to the tremendous life tionizing effects of 1968. Early group formation began in group Early tionizing1968. effects of founded1978. in was the PKK and finally, the early up being Thus, it did not end an organization that can totally be to considered the within the old-left nor reside categories.new-left question as was profound ing and analysis of the women’s ers of the PKK came from all different walks of life — dif all different of the PKK came from ers its formed ethnicities, women and beliefs, different ferent and urban on. This combination early of rural group core a tremendous students, gave mostyouth, of whom were to dynamism movement. this young a combination Such chauvinism, dogmatism.also for did not allow Feudalism, rejected nationalism, were male domination and in general a good the movement base the onset and gave uponfrom itself. towhich develop 58–59 - - - - - Yet there was a striking uniqueness about was a striking uniqueness it. there The found Yet Dear Friends, Dear importantI suppose beginnings very are everything for of understand to depth that the It be would claim unfair tionizing effects of 1968. Early group formation began in group Early tionizing1968. effects of founded1978. in was the PKK and finally, 1970s the early up being Thus, it did not end an organization that can totally be to considered the within the old-left nor reside categories.new-left question as was profound ing and analysis of the women’s I first of all would like to say that I am indeed very happy happy to indeedthat I am very to say would like all of I first all in discussing struggle amongst you the freedom be here women’s Kurdish but specifically the in general of women times.especiallystruggle never such during I personally mo history-making such go through I would thought that politicalbut especially for The movements. and everyone and political the basis values moral that form principles ability it the give tomovement transform given of any freedom can One put the Kurdish itself. and transcend Abdullah its and main strategist and leader, movement Indeed, the Kurdistan Workers’ Öcalan, in this category. Party (PKK) revolu came just after to the tremendous life ments in my own lifetime. We are indeed witnessing are the lifetime. We own my ments in Kurdistan. the I thank West in Kobanê, history making of an opportunity. such for organizers walks of life — dif all different of the PKK came from ers its formed ethnicities, women and beliefs, different ferent and urban on. This combination early of rural group core a tremendous students, gave mostyouth, of whom were to dynamism movement. this young a combination Such chauvinism, dogmatism.also for did not allow Feudalism, rejected nationalism, were male domination and in general a good the movement base the onset and gave uponfrom itself. towhich develop 60–61 - - -

- - In the nineties, there was a huge influx of women in in women was a huge influx of In the nineties, there While at the beginning, the women’s struggle within struggle within the beginning,While at the women’s the beginning from forces joined the guerilla Women in the face of the horrendous torture was tothe horrendous of she the face in which of intent declaration to first tion the very was of this union organization. targetand separate women’s a unique This compelled of a newforces. formation the the guerilla the very In 1993, forces. organization within the guerilla women This meant that formed. unitswere all-women first subjected, paved the way for women to play a major role role a major to play women subjected, for the way paved to come. days in the of the old left, it the borders not transcend the PKK did is here role could also not be contained Öcalan’s by them. important, both as a strategist as and political the leader movement. the enslave ignore did not He of the Kurdish freedom. struggle and for desire nor their of women ment Despite some male members negative reactions from opened Öcalan of the organization, up political, social, ideological,cultural, space organizational women. for stood He by this. strongly because tribal struc in feudal faced sexism they of the of increasing in the face felt they as as the fury tures well colonialist by and exploitative against oppression the Kurds came tolife of all walks People from Republic. the Turkish coming together and join wage a common struggle. Yet not on its was enough own movement ing a revolutionary the attitudesto overcome colonialist and inherited from began especially to emerge, structures. Problems feudal an attempt was at there women; towards in the approach forces amongst the guerilla traditional roles regenerating those who acand party women were structures. There also were and there of thesecepted roles the regeneration the severity of who rejected Thus, realizing them. women established the organization the problem, the Union of the The founda in 1987. of Kurdistan (YJWK) Women Patriotic - - - - The resistance in and struggle of the PKK members However there was a military coup in Turkey in 1980. in 1980. was a military there coup in Turkey However - and especially mem ance of women that of the founding Cansız — soonber of the PKK Sakine became an almost aspirations of Kurdish mythological The freedom narrative. and more women, people but especially that of Kurdish resistance struggle and her relentless specificallyCansız’s the notorious prison — amidst the resist Diyarbakır them tured. Soon the renewed obedience Soontured. the renewed of society was re- installed — or so thought. they dous torture. of thousands of people hundreds more Many in schools and sports gathered were stadiums tor and back then. In doing so, we would be magical a would giving we so, doing In back at then. and yet young was still very movement The freedom consider that the PKK was we when organized not fully military It was one of the harshest coups 1978. in founded killed. Thousands of peopleof all times. were were Many into horren prisons, put through thrown and arrested, tribute to the past happened what the On years. 40 over solid was a of the view footing, there although contrary, developed to thus freedom and the enslavement women’s participation of the it did asextent that a result of women dialectical as the approach and Öcalan’s numbers in larger strategist. main importantmovement’s Another factor is was There question itself. the complexity of the Kurdish question, and or solutionno easy answer to the Kurdish tothe status way it did not give around that formed quo between of 1945 Conference an easy solution. The Yalta the Unitedthe and States exasperated the situation terrible and policies of their denial already of deception; for no room was all elimination. Thus there of dominant assimilated that or venues forms the before down shut into the system were movements PKK. led This, I believe, and to to quest the true freedom and ideologies. movements see different the disguise over 60–61 - - -

- - In the nineties, there was a huge influx of women in in women was a huge influx of In the nineties, there Women joined the guerilla forces from the beginning from forces joined the guerilla Women While at the beginning, the women’s struggle within struggle within the beginning,While at the women’s the guerilla forces. This compelled of a newforces. formation the the guerilla the very In 1993, forces. organization within the guerilla women This meant that formed. unitswere all-women first cepted the regeneration of these roles and there were also were and there of thesecepted roles the regeneration the severity of who rejected Thus, realizing them. women established the organization the problem, the Union of the The founda in 1987. of Kurdistan (YJWK) Women Patriotic of intent declaration to first tion the very was of this union organization. targetand separate women’s a unique tures as well as the fury they felt in the face of increasing of increasing in the face felt they as as the fury tures well colonialist by and exploitative against oppression the Kurds came tolife of all walks People from Republic. the Turkish coming together and join wage a common struggle. Yet not on its was enough own movement ing a revolutionary the attitudesto overcome colonialist and inherited from began especially to emerge, structures. Problems feudal an attempt was at there women; towards in the approach forces amongst the guerilla traditional roles regenerating those who acand party women were structures. There because tribal struc in feudal faced sexism they of the ment of women nor their desire and struggle for freedom. struggle and for desire nor their of women ment Despite some male members negative reactions from opened Öcalan of the organization, up political, social, ideological,cultural, space organizational women. for stood He by this. strongly the PKK did not transcend the borders of the old left, it the borders not transcend the PKK did is here role could also not be contained Öcalan’s by them. important, both as a strategist as and political the leader movement. the enslave ignore did not He of the Kurdish subjected, paved the way for women to play a major role role a major to play women subjected, for the way paved to come. days in the in the face of the horrendous torture was tothe horrendous of she the face in which - - - - However there was a military coup in Turkey in 1980. in 1980. was a military there coup in Turkey However The resistance in and struggle of the PKK members back then. In doing so, we would be magical a would giving we so, doing In back at then. tribute to the past happened what the On years. 40 over solid was a of the view footing, there although contrary, developed to thus freedom and the enslavement women’s of the participation it did asextent that a result of women dialectical as the approach and Öcalan’s numbers in larger strategist. main importantmovement’s Another factor is was There question itself. the complexity of the Kurdish question, and or solutionno easy answer to the Kurdish tothe status way it did not give around that formed quo between of 1945 Conference an easy solution. The Yalta the Unitedthe Soviet Union and States exasperated the situation terrible and policies of their denial already of deception; for no room was all elimination. Thus there of dominant ideologies assimilated that or venues forms the before down shut into the system were movements PKK. led This, I believe, and to to quest the true freedom and ideologies. movements see different the disguise over and yet young was still very movement The freedom consider that the PKK was we when organized not fully military It was one of the harshest coups 1978. in founded killed. Thousands of peopleof all times. were were Many into horren prisons, put through thrown and arrested, dous torture. of thousands of people hundreds more Many in schools and sports gathered were stadiums tor and obedience Soontured. the renewed of society was re- installed — or so thought. they the notorious prison — amidst the resist Diyarbakır them - and especially mem ance of women that of the founding Cansız — soonber of the PKK Sakine became an almost aspirations of Kurdish mythological The freedom narrative. and more women, people but especially that of Kurdish resistance struggle and her relentless specificallyCansız’s 62–63 - - - Öcalan determined that the enslavement of women of women that the enslavement Öcalan determined Without analyzing the process through which woman woman which the process through analyzing Without away from real socialism real capitalist thus and from away modernity. canOne the define 1993 periodof to 2003 as a transition periodtried that to establish to alternative an capitalist theoretical material, the past The available modernity. and feminism, movements, other of various experiences to of PKK itselfexperience led the movement the very constituted the very enslavement that women’s conclude as as all social well basis enslavements all subsequent of Thus, the PKK beganproblems. todisassociate the from stance.classical Marxist-Leninist It also began to differ that it beganin the way to view the state apparatus — an and exploitation of power instrument that is not necessary its continuation the Lastly, for life. of and natural also violence and was changed perception of revolutionary as self-defense. framed had been the last perpetuated throughout levels on three the ideological was First, there construction years. 5,000 of the seizure and lastly, the use then, of force; of slavery; the to was quick make Öcalan women. the economy from enslave connection between of woman’s the deep extent ment and the intentional masking of this fact with the rise intentional and the ment of this fact masking and statist As women of hierarchical within society. power the enslave the path for is paved habituatedare to slavery, ment of other sections of society. The enslavement of men of men The enslavement sections of other ment of society. women’s However, women. of comes after enslavement the class-based from and ways in some differs enslavement national enslavement. Its legitimization is attained through combined and intenserepression, with lies that refined is used biological as difference on emotions.play Woman’s she doesjustificationwork is enslavement.All the her for work.” taken granted and deemed unworthy “woman’s for can one not properly not only was socially overpowered, understand the fundamental characteristics of the conse ------Later, in 1995, the Union of Free Women of Kurdistan Women the Union of Free 1995, in Later, the principles of down laid women approached, As 1998 these all of attempts overcome did not entirely However, ganization, time, the same but by society work At at large. international solidarityfor also began. It is during these began that Öcalan talkingyears about a new concept: kill free the women’s thereon, male. From ing the dominant becamedom struggle radicalized. It began more discuss- break culturally and psychologically, toing how mentally, to this Parallel notions dominant of modernity. from away effort, also of sought a project transforming the movement bestowed women educa this end, To the male mentality. (YAJK) was formed. From then on, political then and societal From was formed. (YAJK) was taken or in the work the women among only up not to liberation; implement in order the ideology women’s of Party Workers’ the Kurdistan Women’s formed they them, and widened their organizational they 2000, By (PJKK). Party Women’s the Free struggle perspectives, founding One of the most important of this era achievements (PJA). Social Contract.” of the “Women’s was the declaration just the Not of patriarchy. the old limits and framework organization, was in but the entire movement, women’s the PKK was no longer Although of an alternative. search the old-left organization it had started out as, it was also unable to come up with a solution that completely broke mations. since It second was the the heroic breakthrough prisons and it led to revo resistance in Turkish of women within perceived were women in how changes lutionary particularly men. among society, Kurdish tion upon men. fighters would no longer be under the direct command direct the no longer would under be fighters be own their would and able to make guerrillas of male decisions, implementation and plans, of those This plans. significant women and self-confidence gave development ideological,led to enormous political, and social transfor 62–63 - - - Öcalan determined that the enslavement of women of women that the enslavement Öcalan determined woman which the process through analyzing Without had been the last perpetuated throughout levels on three the ideological was First, there construction years. 5,000 of the seizure and lastly, the use then, of force; of slavery; the to was quick make Öcalan women. the economy from enslave connection between of woman’s the deep extent can one not properly not only was socially overpowered, understand the fundamental characteristics of the conse away from real socialism real capitalist thus and from away modernity. canOne the define 1993 periodof to 2003 as a transition periodtried that to establish to alternative an capitalist theoretical material, the past The available modernity. and feminism, movements, other of various experiences to of PKK itselfexperience led the movement the very constituted the very enslavement that women’s conclude as as all social well basis enslavements all subsequent of Thus, the PKK beganproblems. todisassociate the from stance.classical Marxist-Leninist It also began to differ that it beganin the way to view the state apparatus — an and exploitation of power instrument that is not necessary its continuation the Lastly, for life. of human and natural also violence and was changed perception of revolutionary as self-defense. framed with the rise intentional and the ment of this fact masking and statist As women of hierarchical within society. power the enslave the path for is paved habituatedare to slavery, of men The enslavement sections of other ment of society. women’s However, women. of comes after enslavement the class-based from and ways in some differs enslavement national enslavement. Its legitimization is attained through combined and intenserepression, with lies that refined is used biological as difference on emotions.play Woman’s she doesjustificationwork is enslavement.All the her for work.” taken granted and deemed unworthy “woman’s for ------Later, in 1995, the Union of Free Women of Kurdistan Women the Union of Free 1995, in Later, the principles of down laid women approached, As 1998 these all of attempts overcome did not entirely However, fighters would no longer be under the direct command direct the no longer would under be fighters be own their would and able to make guerrillas of male decisions, implementation and plans, of those This plans. significant women and self-confidence gave development ideological,led to enormous political, and social transfor mations. since It second was the the heroic breakthrough prisons it led and to revo resistance in Turkish of women within perceived were women in how changes lutionary particularly men. among society, Kurdish on, political then and societal From was formed. (YAJK) was taken or in the work the women among only up not ganization, time, the same but by society work At at large. international solidarityfor also began. It is during these began that Öcalan talkingyears about a new concept: kill free the women’s thereon, male. From ing the dominant becamedom struggle radicalized. It began more discuss- break culturally and psychologically, toing how mentally, to this Parallel notions dominant of modernity. from away effort, also of sought a project transforming the movement bestowed women educa this end, To the male mentality. tion upon men. to liberation; implement in order the ideology women’s of Party Workers’ the Kurdistan Women’s formed they them, and widened their organizational they 2000, By (PJKK). Party Women’s the Free struggle perspectives, founding One of the most important of this era achievements (PJA). Social Contract.” of the “Women’s was the declaration just the Not of patriarchy. the old limits and framework organization, was in but the entire movement, women’s the PKK was no longer Although of an alternative. search the old-left organization it had started out as, it was also unable to come up with a solution that completely broke 64–65 ------But unambiguously clarifying the status clarifying is unambiguously of women But In order to beIn order able to stop the perpetuationcapital of and to accomplish this are religionism, gender discrimination, gender toreligionism, accomplish are this and scientism as a positivist ideological Without . with politicalmilitary and alone, oppression , maintaining modernity will be impossible. While capital ism uses religionism to control society’s cognizance,it uses toism uses society’s religionism control nationalism to a phenome classes and citizenship, control capitalism.hasnon that around risen The objective of gen hope discrimination any der of change. is to women deny ideologyfor sexist functionway to The most is by effective and by rendering relations the male in power entrapping impotent constantwoman through positivist Through rape. scientism, capitalism the academic and neutralizes world but no choice have that they its it convinces them youth; to concessions, integrate for into and in return the system, this integration is assured. one aspect importantonly more Far of this issue. is the the resolution toquestion the words, of liberation; in other exceeds the importanceproblem and analyz of revealing ing it. During the last quarter of the twentieth century, ing it. quarter During the last of the twentieth century, managed tofeminism disclose, to a certain extent, the movement freedom the Kurdish truth about But women. tookand Öcalan it a step further and based their analysis a drew They and politicalof society society.” on “moral and and freedom between and morals relationship freedom politics. expand that would to structures develop In order defined as the collective were morals of freedom, our area conscience of society and politics defined to be its com mon wisdom. But how do we now work towards this? towards work now do we mon wisdom. how But we accumulation,power of hierarchy, and the reproduction need a democratic, ecological, to towards create structures this, the disman achieve To society. and gender-liberated The is an absolute necessity. and hierarchy tling of power social democratic of system modernity democratic is con - - - - - 1 - A main objective of capitalist modernity’s ideologicalA main objective of capitalist modernity’s Capitalismand the nation-state the dominant represent formed into nationalism,formed the divinity of the nation-state. The ultimate goal is to of its ideological ensure warfare its monopolyon thought. Its main weapons with which hegemony is tohegemony obliterate the historical social and facts itsconcerning conception and essence. This is because the capitalist economic and societal is not a social form and historical necessity; a is a construct, it through forged beencomplex process. and philosophy have trans Religion newed increase in the violence, exploitation, suppres and in the so-called This is happening not only sion of women. the world. countries, but all over World Third male in its most institutionalized Capitalist form. society is the continuation and culmination of all the old exploitative societies. It against is indeed society a continuous warfare capitalism and the nation- put it succinctly, To and woman. state the monopoly of the tyrannical are and exploitative male. It to and see is enough look the world a re all around ploitation of peoples. The social was subjugation of woman out. carried ever counter-revolution vilest the pointsÖcalan wielded in state of war out that “the sword of and the hand The symbols of hegemony. are family the man within the lay to its lower its upper layers from classed society, entire is clamped and the hand.” betweeners, the sword quent male-dominantquent social also but to what culture build understandingin its place. Without masculinity how was the institution one cannot analyze socially formed, the of nation-state, will not be able to accurately and therefore related culture to statehood.war and define the power This needis something we to emphasize because this is what the colonization and and ex feminicide for way paved the

Liberating Life: Woman’s Öcalan,Abdullah Liberating Life: Woman’s Publish (London: Transmedia Revolution ing, 2013), p. 29. p. 2013), ing,

1. 64–65 ------But unambiguously clarifying the status clarifying is unambiguously of women But to beIn order able to stop the perpetuation capital of and ing it. During the last quarter of the twentieth century, ing it. quarter During the last of the twentieth century, managed tofeminism disclose, to a certain extent, the movement freedom the Kurdish truth about But women. tookand Öcalan it a step further and based their analysis a drew They and politicalof society society.” on “moral and and freedom between and morals relationship freedom politics. expand that would to structures develop In order defined as the collective were morals of freedom, our area conscience of society and politics defined to be its com only one aspect importantonly more Far of this issue. is the the resolution toquestion the words, of liberation; in other exceeds the importanceproblem and analyz of revealing we accumulation,power of hierarchy, and the reproduction need a democratic, ecological, to towards create structures this, the disman achieve To society. and gender-liberated ism uses religionism to control society’s cognizance,it uses toism uses society’s religionism control nationalism to a phenome classes and citizenship, control capitalism.hasnon that around risen The objective of gen hope discrimination any der of change. is to women deny ideologyfor sexist functionway to The most is by effective and by rendering relations the male in power entrapping impotent constantwoman through positivist Through rape. scientism, capitalism the academic and neutralizes world but no choice have that they its it convinces them youth; to concessions, integrate for into and in return the system, this integration is assured. this? towards work now do we mon wisdom. how But The is an absolute necessity. and hierarchy tling of power social democratic of system modernity democratic is con to accomplish this are religionism, gender discrimination, gender toreligionism, accomplish are this and scientism as a positivist ideological Without religion. with politicalmilitary and alone, oppression hegemony, maintaining modernity will be impossible. While capital - - - - - 1 - Capitalismand the nation-state the dominant represent ideologicalA main objective of capitalist modernity’s male in its most institutionalized Capitalist form. society is the continuation and culmination of all the old exploitative societies. It against is indeed society a continuous warfare capitalism and the nation- put it succinctly, To and woman. state the monopoly of the tyrannical are and exploitative male. It to and see is enough look the world a re all around newed increase in the violence, exploitation, suppres and in the so-called This is happening not only sion of women. the world. countries, but all over World Third is tohegemony obliterate the historical social and facts itsconcerning conception and essence. This is because the capitalist economic and societal is not a social form and historical necessity; a is a construct, it through forged beencomplex process. and philosophy have trans Religion into nationalism,formed the divinity of the nation-state. The ultimate goal is to of its ideological ensure warfare its monopolyon thought. Its main weapons with which quent male-dominantquent social also but to what culture build understandingin its place. Without masculinity how was the institution one cannot analyze socially formed, the of nation-state, will not be able to accurately and therefore related culture to statehood.war and define the power This needis something we to emphasize because this is what the colonization and and ex feminicide for way paved the ploitation of peoples. The social was subjugation of woman out. carried ever counter-revolution vilest the pointsÖcalan wielded in state of war out that “the sword of and the hand The symbols of hegemony. are family the man within the lay to its lower its upper layers from classed society, entire is clamped and the hand.” betweeners, the sword Liberating Life: Woman’s Öcalan,Abdullah Liberating Life: Woman’s Publish (London: Transmedia Revolution 29. p. 2013), ing,

1. 66–67 - - - - -

Economy, Industrialism, Ecology Industrialism, Economy, Intellectual Duties and Education Duties Intellectual If the woman’s enslavement has been perpetuated enslavement If the woman’s ment from life and the environment. life from ment after ideology and vio force, The economy is the third simultaneously as well. of can trace we the enslavement look we When at history, This devel the whole of society. and, subsequently, women ideological;foremost indeed, and hierar was first opment by the priest.” is a profound means “rule literally There chy need to of the colonization expose the history of women, economic, social, political, and intel and with it, women’s lectual of the colonization. mean the exposure This would The more of humanity of society. the whole history for tied to down capital were science and knowledge and the began they to the more target moral monopoly of power, Civilization establishedand political society. a monopoly thus detachingon both science and knowledge, from them society meant detach and especially This in turn women. and all of society women which through lence, were literally intoentrapped Economy dependence. and forced however, order, In the women’s means “house-holding.” taking Other decisions of society. whole the concern that the professionals, sections society — the of elderly, youth, so too, organized are masses,pious craftworkers — they, and structures formations and hierarchical that power cannot be perpetuated, as attempt any is stopped through mechanisms. such construction levels — the on three of ideological slavery, economy of the from and the seizure the use of force, must be these areas dealt with three her — then - - - - Thus, the women’s freedom movement went through through went movement freedom Thus, the women’s tory. Thus, majority and the elite- rules decide on funda tory. the on Democratic autonomy, mental on our behalf. issues organized hand, is radical with woman’s democracy other participation decision-making and placed forefront, at the with all sections society of partici and directly organizing and to create the ethics and aesthetics tization of society, from themselves thus organizing are Women life. of free of decision-making. take They the local in all forms level and are on their own themselves all decisions regarding when levels the local to level all different from represented federalism and democratic autonomy. This system is not is system This democraticand autonomy. federalism to alternative state-formation, to but alternative the state. developed after the Roman present-day Our is representative than participa which rather democracy, periods. a a need was restructuring for There several that transcended organization party structures women’s confederal and flexible comprehensive and was a more Council High Women’s the In 2005, organization. women’s action As a result, (KJB) was founded. and organizational tookrestructuring of place the formation to implement basedthe new paradigm and ecological on democracy Council was The High Women’s freedom. and women’s established to become the coordination point between units, socialthe self-defense the Women’s organizations, wom Party and the young of Kurdistan (PAJK), Freedom pating to in decision-making be in order able to decide on indirectly. and directly matters them that concern the women’s organization. In September of 2014, en’s and transformation another through organization went has in the meantime changed its to name accordingly KJK. to was needed equally in order This transformation deal with the needs of societyand comprehensively and institutions, of required sothe formation as to continue democra of the male mentality, with the transformation 66–67 - - - - -

If the woman’s enslavement has been perpetuated enslavement If the woman’s and Education Duties Intellectual Economy, Industrialism, Ecology Industrialism, Economy, on three levels — the construction of ideological slavery, construction levels — the on three of ideological slavery, economy of the from and the seizure the use of force, must be these areas dealt with three her — then of can trace we the enslavement look we When at history, This devel the whole of society. and, subsequently, women taking Other decisions of society. whole the concern that the professionals, sections society — the of elderly, youth, so too, organized are masses,pious craftworkers — they, and structures formations and hierarchical that power cannot be perpetuated, as attempt any is stopped through mechanisms. such simultaneously as well. ideological;foremost indeed, and hierar was first opment chy literally means “rule by the priest.” is a profound means “rule literally There chy need to of the colonization expose the history of women, economic, social, political, and intel and with it, women’s lectual of the colonization. mean the exposure This would The more of humanity of society. the whole history for tied to down capital were science and knowledge and the began they to the more target moral monopoly of power, Civilization establishedand political society. a monopoly thus detachingon both science and knowledge, from them society meant detach and especially This in turn women. The economy is the third force, after ideology and vio force, The economy is the third ment from life and the environment. life from ment and all of society women which through lence, were literally intoentrapped Economy dependence. and forced however, order, In the women’s means “house-holding.” - - - - Thus, the women’s freedom movement went through through went movement freedom Thus, the women’s federalism and democratic autonomy. This system is not is system This democraticand autonomy. federalism to alternative state-formation, to but alternative the state. developed democracies after the Roman present-day Our is representative than participa which rather democracy, Thus, majority and the elite- rules decide on funda tory. the on Democratic autonomy, mental on our behalf. issues organized hand, is radical with woman’s democracy other participation decision-making and placed forefront, at the with all sections society of partici and directly organizing pating to in decision-making be in order able to decide on indirectly. and directly matters them that concern periods. a a need was restructuring for There several that transcended organization party structures women’s confederal and comprehensive flexible and was a more Council High Women’s the In 2005, organization. women’s action As a result, (KJB) was founded. and organizational tookrestructuring of place the formation to implement basedthe new paradigm and ecological on democracy Council was The High Women’s freedom. and women’s established to become the coordination point between units, socialthe self-defense the Women’s organizations, wom Party and the young of Kurdistan (PAJK), Freedom the women’s organization. In September of 2014, en’s and transformation another through organization went has in the meantime changed its to name accordingly KJK. to was needed equally in order This transformation deal with the needs of societyand comprehensively and institutions, of required sothe formation as to continue democra of the male mentality, with the transformation and to create the ethics and aesthetics tization of society, from themselves thus organizing are Women life. of free of decision-making. take They the local in all forms level and are on their own themselves all decisions regarding when levels the local to level all different from represented this accumulation was neither for the merchant nor for impose a more right-wing system on the world population the market — it was for the family. We must return it to its and in particular on women. The chaos has focused on the rightful place. Middle East and within it, on Kobanê, in West Kurdistan. But for capitalist economists, only work that is produc- The plight there has a double meaning: it is a struggle for tive and visible is measured in monetary terms. We see the the Kurds and a struggle for women and freedom at large. link between women’s invisible work and capital accumu- We need to see beyond the clouds. This also presents an lation when we examine what role housework plays in opportunity for democratic forces to emerge as the win- capitalism. Those who want to appropriate domestic work ners out of this chaos. That which has been constructed without establishing wage relations must do so by means by the human hand can also be demolished by the human of structural and direct violence. Indeed, this structural and hand. The enslavement of women is neither a law of nature direct violence characterizes all exploitative relationships, nor is it destiny. whether between and nature, industry and peas- I would like to commemorate the three revolutionary ants, or capital cities and colonies. This is one of the reasons women who were murdered in Paris: Sakine Cansız, Fidan why Öcalan considers the man-woman relationship to be Doğan, and Leyla Şaylemez. Moreover, I wish to honor colonial at its very core, and woman as the very first colony. the brave young women who are, as we speak, fighting to stop the spread of fascism. They cannot be left alone. Self-Defense They are the Mujeres Libres of 1937 Spain. Listen to them; they are singing a beautiful freedom song, make their This is an issue of utmost importance. As violence com- voices be heard. bined with ideological and economical offensives against the women led to obtaining results. Today violence is under Havin Güneşer is a journalist and spokesperson for the International the monopoly of state. It has the exclusive right to it. Over Initiative “Freedom for Abdullah Öcalan – Peace in Kurdistan.” This is an edited transcript of the speech she delivered at the Women’s Con- the last 5,000 years, women were not easy to oppress; it ference on 8 October 2014 in Rome. It is published here with permis- meant they were burnt as witches, or buried alive for being sion of the author. born a woman, beaten with or without excuses; and the list can go on and on. But the important thing is that they should no longer leave themselves at the mercy of others; no matter who they are. In times of chaos, such as what we are currently going through, the possibility of change seems more palpable than ever. Capitalism is experiencing a systemic crisis and is trying to overcome this by changing and transforming itself. This transformation does not necessarily mean that it will be a progressive one. On the contrary, reactionary forces all over the world, in different forms, are trying to this accumulation was neither for the merchant nor for impose a more right-wing system on the world population the market — it was for the family. We must return it to its and in particular on women. The chaos has focused on the rightful place. Middle East and within it, on Kobanê, in West Kurdistan. But for capitalist economists, only work that is produc- The plight there has a double meaning: it is a struggle for tive and visible is measured in monetary terms. We see the the Kurds and a struggle for women and freedom at large. link between women’s invisible work and capital accumu- We need to see beyond the clouds. This also presents an lation when we examine what role housework plays in opportunity for democratic forces to emerge as the win- capitalism. Those who want to appropriate domestic work ners out of this chaos. That which has been constructed without establishing wage relations must do so by means by the human hand can also be demolished by the human of structural and direct violence. Indeed, this structural and hand. The enslavement of women is neither a law of nature direct violence characterizes all exploitative relationships, nor is it destiny. whether between humans and nature, industry and peas- I would like to commemorate the three revolutionary ants, or capital cities and colonies. This is one of the reasons women who were murdered in Paris: Sakine Cansız, Fidan why Öcalan considers the man-woman relationship to be Doğan, and Leyla Şaylemez. Moreover, I wish to honor colonial at its very core, and woman as the very first colony. the brave young women who are, as we speak, fighting to stop the spread of fascism. They cannot be left alone. Self-Defense They are the Mujeres Libres of 1937 Spain. Listen to them; they are singing a beautiful freedom song, make their This is an issue of utmost importance. As violence com- voices be heard. bined with ideological and economical offensives against the women led to obtaining results. Today violence is under Havin Güneşer is a journalist and spokesperson for the International the monopoly of state. It has the exclusive right to it. Over Initiative “Freedom for Abdullah Öcalan – Peace in Kurdistan.” This is an edited transcript of the speech she delivered at the Women’s Con- the last 5,000 years, women were not easy to oppress; it ference on 8 October 2014 in Rome. It is published here with permis- meant they were burnt as witches, or buried alive for being sion of the author. born a woman, beaten with or without excuses; and the list can go on and on. But the important thing is that they should no longer leave themselves at the mercy of others; no matter who they are. In times of chaos, such as what we are currently going through, the possibility of change seems more palpable than ever. Capitalism is experiencing a systemic crisis and is trying to overcome this by changing and transforming itself. This transformation does not necessarily mean that it will be a progressive one. On the contrary, reactionary forces all over the world, in different forms, are trying to

Posters of the Women’s Defense Units (YPJ) on the streets of Qamişlo.

Zîlan Diyar Zîlan is Talking about The Whole World Women Kurdish Us, Posters of the Women’s Defense Units (YPJ) on the streets of Qamişlo. Women Kurdish Us, is Talking about The Whole World Zîlan Diyar Zîlan 74–75 -

- And I wonder about them. I am surprised at how they they at how about surprised I am them. And I wonder Now, one-half of us are missing. If there is no past one-half missing. or If there of us are Now, der where they get their courage from, how they can they laugh how courage get their from, they where der so sincerely. I of us before. noticed knew never us so they late, at how came they to how bewonder so late in hearing the voices of the borders who expanded women valiant of the many I do not want patience, hope, and beauty. belief, courage, The whole world is talking about us, Kurdish women. It talking is women. world whole The about Kurdish us, has become to a common come phenomenon across news magazines, in and news fighters aboutpapers, women news sites, and social filled media are outlets. Televisions, take They of praise. photoswith words of these women’s our them, glances. hopeful,determined, To and radiant rooted began tradition recently to only a reality is that they women’s The with everything. impressed are They know. and the details long braids, naturalness, of their laughter, extending to hands those like struggling feel lives young some who even are There of despair. waters in the dark wearing are that the women by the clothes so inspired are to want startthat they is The world trend! a new fashion that who fight amazedmen against the by these women and won to black, want of the Middle East paint the colors to complain too just did not match. our eras Perhaps much. to to say now words those only a few who are I just have beginning to notice us, that is all. a sound, up- an like one feels environment, in your future The that gets lost hole of the universe. in the black surge and beautyexcitement of today can be by only measured it to and their ability this day able to those carry who were (Zeynep of Zîlan it further to In the cry the future. to carry of is the breath Kınacı), who detonated in 1996, herself upris Dersîm in the cliffs off the herself Besê, who threw cannot And catch me alive.” “You saying ing in the 1930s, her neither the voiceof Berîtan, who surrendered there’s 74–75 -

- Now, one-half of us are missing. If there is no past one-half missing. or If there of us are Now, And I wonder about them. I am surprised at how they they at how about surprised I am them. And I wonder ing in the 1930s, saying “You cannot And catch me alive.” “You saying ing in the 1930s, her neither the voice Berîtan, of who surrendered there’s future in your environment, one feels like a sound, up- an like one feels environment, in your future The that gets lost hole of the universe. in the black surge and beautyexcitement of today can be by only measured it to and their ability this day able to those carry who were (Zeynep of Zîlan it further to In the cry the future. to carry of is the breath Kınacı), who detonated in 1996, herself upris Dersîm in the cliffs off the herself Besê, who threw to complain too just did not match. our eras Perhaps much. to to say now words those only a few who are I just have beginning to notice us, that is all. noticed us so late, at how they never knew of us before. I of us before. noticed knew never us so they late, at how came they to how bewonder so late in hearing the voices of the borders who expanded women valiant of the many I do not want patience, hope, and beauty. belief, courage, der where they get their courage from, how they can they laugh how courage get their from, they where der so sincerely. The whole world is talking about us, Kurdish women. It talking is women. world whole The about Kurdish us, has become to a common come phenomenon across news magazines, in and news fighters aboutpapers, women news sites, and social filled media are outlets. Televisions, take They of praise. photoswith words of these women’s our them, glances. hopeful,determined, To and radiant rooted began tradition recently to only a reality is that they women’s The with everything. impressed are They know. and the details long braids, naturalness, of their laughter, extending to hands those like struggling feel lives young some who even are There of despair. waters in the dark wearing are that the women by the clothes so inspired are to want startthat they is The world trend! a new fashion that who fight amazedmen against the by these women and won to black, want of the Middle East paint the colors 76–77 - - - - I wake up on a cold spring morning of Cirav in 1997. I in 1997. of Cirav on a cold up spring morning I wake Our calendar did not run parallel to the world’s calen to parallel the world’s run did not Our calendar dar. These women’s gazes were focused deep into the gazes were These women’s dar. distance,far fast. their steps and were to bring In order impatientlya single left not they bridge closer, the future us apartbehind. the reali These two kept from reasons the did not know the world ties That is why the world. of in the mountains — thewomen and tens, hundreds, then it’s Now same time the them — in later thousands of frame. time to to set combine calendars, clocks. It is time to tell storiesthat swung between life and dream these women’s tales fairy as that sound happy moments their like reality, to be loss has which in our most proven as the ways well perfect is the truth. Now for egregious teacher in our quest the past to from time to I was able to what entrust carry our I will carry calendar, to join the world’s In order this day. past to present. the past my be May present. your night, of the previous the frost moist from the nylon, throw from of me, different faceoff of me and I front see in a It is as hadthose only if the sun of the swarthy warriors. smile, radiated hands, her asmildly if her on this face; I am happy that a war described elegance and nobility. become that I have than me has arrived, rior who is newer guerrilla a little old. I later find out that I had a fifth-year code her only name, the time, I knew of me. At in front Zinarîn. Had it not been the white hair for strings in her you sometimes smile away, her carried sorrow or the way been able to not have would understand had been that she hasshe of the pains unaware I am years. five for a guerrilla for experienced, the sacrificesshe hasquest made in her is writing about curious what she truth. I am going crazy, notebookin her of a takes shadow as the she under refuge who was murdered in 1998 and whose bones were thrown whose and thrown 1998 in bones were murdered was who and whose couldinto not be memorial a mass toler grave, ated the state. by ------lusioned state by the protests, would after the Gezi Park had if they join the mountains, the answer know would revolution a Turkish (Amara), Doğruak Ceren Ekin known Party (PKK) whose in the Kurdistan Workers’ woman ary stone “The says grave with love in girl of the sea who fell guer the mountains,” (Mizgin), a Turkish Hüsne Akgül and Thosesurprised fighter1995. rilla of the PKK who died in the YPG do not know at Americans and Canadians joining international in the PKK, a German (Ronahî), Wolf Andrea lious Zarîfe, who also fought in the Dersîm uprising. In the in the Dersîm who also fought lious Zarîfe, who child while poses with her fighter, smile of the YPJ a Çolak, psycholo a rifle, is the hopeMeryem of carrying gist who chose to in the mountains fight and who often behind. left the daughter she longing for with us her shared killed Fırat, News who was by ISIS Deniz a Fırat journalist from truth for to learned search 2014, in August in Mêxmûr fighterwho died guerrilla and a journalist Gurbetelli Ersöz, who set herself (Serhildan), Yüce Sema in 1997. in clashes whispered the 1992, prison in Turkish in a in protest on fire who Soran), Wali Hussein (Viyan secrets of the fire to Leyla in 2006 attentionself-immolated to draw to the situation Those Öcalan. about who todayof Abdullah why wonder girl who was disil a Turkish Scarf,” with the the “Girl body nor her weapon to the enemy when she threw herself herself threw body she when weapon toher nor enemy the YPJ mountainoff the reasonwhy the It is 1992. in cliffs fighter Mîrxan Arîn mademountain a through wind blow a desert than sur detonated town she when rather herself rendering to ISIS, in order to cover her retreating comrades comrades retreating toher cover in order to ISIS, rendering women, the hearts In of the Yezidi this October. in Kobanê is who take flag, black with the against the men up arms who woman a Yezidi of BinevsAgal, the homesickness crossing in the 1980s, from joined the guerilla of Ayşe In the words continents to country. to her return Assembly, the co-president People’s of the Kobanê Efendî, the ode is hidden of the rebel homeland,” “I will die in my 76–77 - - - - Our calendar did not run parallel to the world’s calen to parallel the world’s run did not Our calendar I in 1997. of Cirav on a cold up spring morning I wake rior who is newer than me has arrived, that I have become that I have than me has arrived, rior who is newer guerrilla a little old. I later find out that I had a fifth-year code her only name, the time, I knew of me. At in front Zinarîn. Had it not been the whitestrings hair for in her you sometimes smile away, her carried sorrow or the way been able to not have would understand had been that she hasshe of the pains unaware I am years. five for a guerrilla for experienced, the sacrificesshe hasquest made in her is writing about curious what she truth. I am going crazy, notebookin her of a takes shadow as the she under refuge throw the nylon, moist from the frost of the previous night, of the previous the frost moist from the nylon, throw from of me, different faceoff of me and I front see in a It is as hadthose only if the sun of the swarthy warriors. smile, radiated hands, her asmildly if her on this face; I am happy that a war described elegance and nobility. who was murdered in 1998 and whose bones were thrown whose and thrown 1998 in bones were murdered was who and whose couldinto not be memorial a mass toler grave, ated the state. by the did not know the world ties That is why the world. of in the mountains — thewomen and tens, hundreds, then it’s Now same time the them — in later thousands of frame. time to to set combine calendars, clocks. It is time to tell storiesthat swung between life and dream these women’s tales fairy as that sound happy moments their like reality, to be loss has which in our most proven as the ways well perfect is the truth. Now for egregious teacher in our quest the past to from time to I was able to what entrust carry our I will carry calendar, to join the world’s In order this day. past to present. the past my be May present. your dar. These women’s gazes were focused deep into the gazes were These women’s dar. distance,far fast. their steps and were to bring In order impatientlya single left not they bridge closer, the future us apartbehind. the reali These two kept from reasons ------body nor her weapon to the enemy when she threw herself herself threw body she when weapon toher nor enemy the YPJ mountainoff the reason why It is the 1992. in cliffs fighter Mîrxan Arîn mademountain a through wind blow a desert than sur detonated town she when rather herself comrades retreating toher cover in order to ISIS, rendering women, the hearts In of the Yezidi this October. in Kobanê is who take flag, black with the against the men up arms who woman a Yezidi of BinevsAgal, the homesickness crossing in the 1980s, Germany from joined the guerilla of Ayşe the words In continents to to country. her return Assembly, the co-president People’s of the Kobanê Efendî, the ode is hidden of the rebel homeland,” “I will die in my uprising. In the in the Dersîm who also fought lious Zarîfe, who child while poses with her fighter, smile of the YPJ a Çolak, psycholo a rifle, is the hopeMeryem of carrying gist who chose to in the mountains fight and who often behind. left the daughter she longing for with us her shared killed Fırat, News who was by ISIS Deniz a Fırat journalist from truth for to learned search 2014, in August in Mêxmûr fighterwho died guerrilla and a journalist Gurbetelli Ersöz, who set herself (Serhildan), Yüce Sema in 1997. in clashes whispered the 1992, prison in Turkish in a in protest on fire who Soran), Wali Hussein (Viyan secrets of the fire to Leyla in 2006 attentionself-immolated to draw to the situation Those Öcalan. about who todayof Abdullah why wonder girl who was disil a Turkish Scarf,” with the Red the “Girl lusioned state by the protests, would after the Gezi Park had if they join the mountains, the answer know would revolution a Turkish (Amara), Doğruak Ceren Ekin known Party (PKK) whose in the Kurdistan Workers’ woman ary stone “The says grave with love in girl of the sea who fell guer the mountains,” (Mizgin), a Turkish Hüsne Akgül and Thosesurprised fighter1995. rilla of the PKK who died in the YPG do not know at Americans and Canadians joining international in the PKK, a German (Ronahî), Wolf Andrea tree. The feelings that she felt in the short life that I shared These women could not catch up with our time because with her, I later read in Zinarîn’s diary after her martyrdom. they rushed towards the fire like butterflies. But they have I am in autumn 1997. A day on which the weary feet been living on for three generations. Three generations of autumn try to drag us towards winter. A day in which grow up with their stories, carry their names, listen to the sorrow does not conquer Haftanin, but our hearts. I learn burning songs dedicated to them. They pick up the rifles about Zinarîn’s martyrdom months later. I’m still vulner- that these women left behind and take off to Sengal, Kob- able to the pain of loss. As I wander around with unchained anê, Botan, Serhat. They leave to bring light to the world rage, Meryem Çolak reads on my face how my soul boils that the men with the black flag want to darken. And their with pain. As I stopped talking to anyone upon news of names are Zinarîn, Berîtan, Zîlan, Meryem, Sorxwîn, Arjîn, Zinarîn’s death, she asks “Are you mad at us?” and answers Amara, Viyan, Sara… the question herself: “Don’t be angry at us, be angry at the enemy.” From that day on, my immunity towards loss Zîlan Diyar is a Kurdish woman guerrilla fighter. This is an edited version increases. A few months later, I learn that Meryem Çolak, of the text that first appeared in Kurdish Question on 23 December 2014, reprinted here with the permission of the publisher. while heading towards Metîna in order to exit the opera- tion field with a group of women on her side, was killed in a tank ambush. I learn from witnesses of the moment that she spent her last energy to speak — not to send greetings to her daughter, but to entrust her companions with her weapon, cartridge belt, and codes. It is 1999. I am in the Zagros Mountains that did not permit Alexander’s army passage, but where the guerrilla managed to open paths. We are halfway through a long journey that would last a month. With me is the 22-year- old Özgür Kaya (Sorxwîn). Our Sorxwîn, who allows the mountain conditions to rule over her body, but who will not allow her child’s heart to submit to the laws of war. A commander, a companion, a woman, and a child. Each one of her identities adds a different beauty to her. The best part of the one-month-long arduous journey is her cheering us on to keep marching. Of course it was this child called Sorxwîn who invented children’s games to give us strength. Mischievously laughing, she says, “This is nothing. I can carry a BKC with 400 bullets on my back, so I will climb this hill in four hours without a break.” tree. The feelings that she felt in the short life that I shared These women could not catch up with our time because with her, I later read in Zinarîn’s diary after her martyrdom. they rushed towards the fire like butterflies. But they have I am in autumn 1997. A day on which the weary feet been living on for three generations. Three generations of autumn try to drag us towards winter. A day in which grow up with their stories, carry their names, listen to the sorrow does not conquer Haftanin, but our hearts. I learn burning songs dedicated to them. They pick up the rifles about Zinarîn’s martyrdom months later. I’m still vulner- that these women left behind and take off to Sengal, Kob- able to the pain of loss. As I wander around with unchained anê, Botan, Serhat. They leave to bring light to the world rage, Meryem Çolak reads on my face how my soul boils that the men with the black flag want to darken. And their with pain. As I stopped talking to anyone upon news of names are Zinarîn, Berîtan, Zîlan, Meryem, Sorxwîn, Arjîn, Zinarîn’s death, she asks “Are you mad at us?” and answers Amara, Viyan, Sara… the question herself: “Don’t be angry at us, be angry at the enemy.” From that day on, my immunity towards loss Zîlan Diyar is a Kurdish woman guerrilla fighter. This is an edited version increases. A few months later, I learn that Meryem Çolak, of the text that first appeared in Kurdish Question on 23 December 2014, reprinted here with the permission of the publisher. while heading towards Metîna in order to exit the opera- tion field with a group of women on her side, was killed in a tank ambush. I learn from witnesses of the moment that she spent her last energy to speak — not to send greetings to her daughter, but to entrust her companions with her weapon, cartridge belt, and codes. It is 1999. I am in the Zagros Mountains that did not permit Alexander’s army passage, but where the guerrilla managed to open paths. We are halfway through a long journey that would last a month. With me is the 22-year- old Özgür Kaya (Sorxwîn). Our Sorxwîn, who allows the mountain conditions to rule over her body, but who will not allow her child’s heart to submit to the laws of war. A commander, a companion, a woman, and a child. Each one of her identities adds a different beauty to her. The best part of the one-month-long arduous journey is her cheering us on to keep marching. Of course it was this child called Sorxwîn who invented children’s games to give us strength. Mischievously laughing, she says, “This is nothing. I can carry a BKC with 400 bullets on my back, so I will climb this hill in four hours without a break.”

Raperîn Derik leads a class of local women organizers of Yekîtiya Star in Dêrîk.

Gönül KayaGönül Sciences the Re-Constructing WhyJineology? Communal and and Communal Towards a Free Life Raperîn Derik leads a class of local women organizers of Yekîtiya Star in Dêrîk. Free Life and Communal Towards a Sciences the Re-Constructing WhyJineology? Gönül KayaGönül 84–85

------Jineology is described as the “creation of a women’s par of a women’s Jineology is described as the “creation ety, this was the beginning a national of resistanceety, phase the In this regard, character. with a new women-focused advanced its theoretical movement and practical women’s such as intellect, culture, in fields work politics, society, stages key with the following aiding itsand self-defense, (1993); army development: of the women’s the formation the establishment and practice emancipa for of the theory of the development (1996); system patriarchal the tion from liberation ideology (beginning party in 1998); for women’s and the constructionmation of a democratic social (1999); of a democratic, ecological,system within the framework and gender-egalitarian societal paradigm (2000–ongoing). The Kurdish Women’s Movement evaluates jineology evaluates Movement as Women’s Kurdish The an important step in its intellectual, ongoing ideological- political and mobilization self-defense struggle spanning to introduce, like albeit I would years. 30 approximately Kurd the which of jineology, main principles the briefly, movements women’s to offers Movement Women’s ish the world. around nization of Kurdistan started (Serhildan), which after 1989, soci the viewpoint of Kurdish From led by women. were councils, academies, and coop The creation of women’s adigm” by the freedom struggle of Kurdish women. It rep women. of Kurdish struggle by the freedom adigm” the perspective a new phaseresents of the Kurdish from and developed within emerged which Movement, Women’s it on, 1987 national liberation struggle. From the Kurdish organization began with specific and autonomouswomen’s important this development, many After works. changes occurred in Kurdistan, have which and transformations also determined its societal struggle. On the one hand, advanced its specific Movement and Women’s the Kurdish hand, the other and on autonomous organization internally, it transmitted of its all areas findings with and thus shared societal uprisings against struggle. The peoples’ the colo 84–85

------Jineology is described as the “creation of a women’s par of a women’s Jineology is described as the “creation The Kurdish Women’s Movement evaluates jineology evaluates Movement as Women’s Kurdish The an important step in its intellectual, ongoing ideological- political and mobilization self-defense struggle spanning to introduce, like albeit I would years. 30 approximately Kurd the which of jineology, main principles the briefly, ish Women’s Movement offers to women’s movements movements women’s to offers Movement Women’s ish the world. around adigm” by the freedom struggle of Kurdish women. It rep women. of Kurdish struggle by the freedom adigm” the perspective a new phaseresents of the Kurdish from and developed within emerged which Movement, Women’s it on, 1987 national liberation struggle. From the Kurdish organization began with specific and autonomouswomen’s important this development, many After works. changes occurred in Kurdistan, have which and transformations also determined its societal struggle. On the one hand, advanced its specific Movement and Women’s the Kurdish hand, the other and on autonomous organization internally, it transmitted of its all areas findings with and thus shared societal uprisings against struggle. The peoples’ the colo nization of Kurdistan started (Serhildan), which after 1989, soci the viewpoint of Kurdish From led by women. were this was the beginning a national of resistanceety, phase the In this regard, character. with a new women-focused advanced its theoretical movement and practical women’s such as intellect, culture, in fields work politics, society, stages key with the following aiding itsand self-defense, (1993); army development: of the women’s the formation the establishment and practice emancipa for of the theory of the development (1996); system patriarchal the tion from liberation ideology (beginning party in 1998); for women’s councils, academies, and coop The creation of women’s mation (1999); and the constructionmation of a democratic social (1999); of a democratic, ecological,system within the framework and gender-egalitarian societal paradigm (2000–ongoing). 86–87 ------is derived from the the from is derived The term jineology means “women’s science.”Jin is the jineologyThe term means “women’s as is evaluated the woman of humanity, In the history Upon examination closer of the stages of the patriarchal munal society jineology. need a strong for have and logy “woman” for word Kurdish in the Middle East, and the words group ropean language often mean “woman” — are jin, zin, or zen — all of which and vitality. life with synonymous that attained organism first knowledge aboutown self. her and socialityLife coalesced on the basis po and of moral Subject tion is object — Mr. is subject that man and woman object,vs. Object, Mrs. master state vs. subject slave sub ject vs. society object. This logic has of power made both and societywomen believe in this distinction of oppres individuals, societies, of individuals, peoples and carriers not are that to or heirs state the power need and to own their develop socialfree sciences — that these sciences couldbe called “thesociology proposed He of freedom.” that this sociology because be could in turn of freedom based on jineology, democratic and com equal, that aim at a free, movements jin comes from Moreover, logos term Greek [knowledge]. In the Indo-Eu means “life.” jiyan, which term the Kurdish society, Natural litical at its center. principles, with woman and politicalwith its moral was built by women. values, bond between and life. is an unbreakable women There an important represents The woman part of social nature body is oftenwith her woman and meaning. This is why symbolizes life life, associated represents woman with life: science is this reason, jineology as For a women’s woman. to as the sciencelife. of also referred beginningsystem, civilization, it is clear with Sumerian established have positionsthat rulers their power initially in thought. The distinction between and object subject in establishedsocial first example, was for structures, by the sciences.modern This fiction imposed on society the no ------At this point,At propose we jineology as a necessary As you all know from history, rulers and power holders es holders and power rulers history, from all know As you strategy towards overcoming the prevailing, dominant dominant the prevailing, overcoming strategy towards system of the field of science and constructing an alterna ing of sexism and nationalism; develop the unrestrained especially weapon technology the for of technology, ment control of societydestruction the of nature and individuals; urbanization, cancerous and anti- energy, fueled by nuclear ecological of social and issues knots industrialism; Gordian the rise individualization; extreme problems; demographic of sexist policies and practices and rights against women; on paper. exist that only and Jineology sexism. tive system of science liberated was from repre articulatedpeople’s concretely first Kurdish by the sentative The Sociology Öcalan in his 2003 work Abdullah of Freedom all and . In it, that women Öcalan expressed en’s movement focused on ideological, movement philosophical, and en’s unity of the intellectual between frame the work.Within in a transformation towards and practice, it worked theory It society. and and consciousnessthe thinking of women to as: Who is woman? questionswas seeking such answers has How does go? she Where does come from? she Where and in what until lived live today?she women should How devel movement the women’s kind of society? In this way, tions of these scienceshas led to devastating na for results as demonstrated beings and human in general, society, ture, by the normalization of militarism the deepen and violence; eratives were achieved in this context. this in achieved were eratives motto the Under the wom liberation the liberation is of society,” “Women’s oped a critique of the prevailing scientificoped field. a critique of the prevailing tablish in thought. first their systems extension As an of the system, the field of socialpatriarchal class- sciences — male, specific,character — was created.This field and in sexist divorcedparts were up into that different broken was in turn The implementation of isolated interpreta each other. from 86–87 ------is derived from the the from is derived Upon examination closer of the stages of the patriarchal The term jineology means “women’s science.”Jin is the jineologyThe term means “women’s as is evaluated the woman of humanity, In the history system, beginningsystem, civilization, it is clear with Sumerian established have positionsthat rulers their power initially in thought. The distinction between and object subject in establishedsocial first example, was for structures, by the sciences.modern This fiction imposed on society the no individuals, societies, of individuals, peoples and carriers not are that to or heirs state the power need and to own their develop socialfree sciences — that these sciences couldbe called “thesociology proposed He of freedom.” that this sociology because be could in turn of freedom based on jineology, democratic and com equal, that aim at a free, movements society, Natural litical at its center. principles, with woman and politicalwith its moral was built by women. values, bond between and life. is an unbreakable women There an important represents The woman part of social nature body is oftenwith her woman and meaning. This is why symbolizes life life, associated represents woman with life: science is this reason, jineology as For a women’s woman. to as the sciencelife. of also referred Subject tion is object — Mr. is subject that man and woman object,vs. Object, Mrs. master state vs. subject slave sub Kurdish word for “woman” and logy “woman” for word Kurdish that attained organism first knowledge aboutown self. her and socialityLife coalesced on the basis po and of moral munal society jineology. need a strong for have jin comes from Moreover, logos term Greek [knowledge]. In the Indo-Eu means “life.” jiyan, which term the Kurdish in the Middle East, and the words group ropean language often mean “woman” — are jin, zin, or zen — all of which and vitality. life with synonymous ject vs. society object. This logic has of power made both and societywomen believe in this distinction of oppres ------As you all know from history, rulers and power holders es holders and power rulers history, from all know As you this point,At propose we jineology as a necessary eratives were achieved in this context. this in achieved were eratives motto the Under the wom liberation the liberation is of society,” “Women’s focused on ideological, movement philosophical, and en’s unity of the intellectual between frame the work.Within in a transformation towards and practice, it worked theory It society. and and consciousnessthe thinking of women to as: Who is woman? questionswas seeking such answers has How does go? she Where does come from? she Where and in what until lived live today?she women should How devel movement the women’s kind of society? In this way, scientificoped field. a critique of the prevailing tablish in thought. first their systems extension As an of the system, the field of socialpatriarchal class- sciences — male, specific,character — was created.This field and in sexist divorcedparts were up into that different broken was in turn The implementation of isolated interpreta each other. from tions of these scienceshas led to devastating na for results as demonstrated beings and human in general, society, ture, by the normalization of militarism the deepen and violence; ing of sexism and nationalism; develop the unrestrained especially weapon technology the for of technology, ment control of societydestruction the of nature and individuals; urbanization, cancerous and anti- energy, fueled by nuclear ecological of social and issues knots industrialism; Gordian the rise individualization; extreme problems; demographic of sexist policies and practices and rights against women; on paper. exist that only and freedoms dominant the prevailing, overcoming strategy towards system of the field of science and constructing an alterna Jineology sexism. tive system of science liberated was from repre articulatedpeople’s concretely first Kurdish by the sentative The Sociology Öcalan in his 2003 work Abdullah of Freedom all and . In it, that women Öcalan expressed 88–89 Many feminist researchers have done important done have researchers to feminist work Many between women and men. For example, based example, For between their on men. and women ability act birth, to purely women that give claimed it is time,the same to due At the emotionality.” on “based physical attributes it is alleged men, of is that violence Thesenature. statements their partof supposed are to scientific by beexperiments.conceptsthis In and proven while men made to the passive role, are play women way, ascribedare Subjugation an active are and violence role. portrayed as belonging to of humanity the nature and are presented as insurmountable Science is exploited facts. for it are the system that propel of this purpose and the pillars thus strengthened. point and societal out the links between knowledge sexism have work, they With their perspectives. different from century the seventeenth science, from that modern shown has subscribedonward, to and a masculine language demonstratedthat the have These researchers structure. between subject and object, in the relationship problem as founded on the wasthe basisbasisknowledge, of scientific start. metaphorsof sexist the very from they example, For science of modern in the thought of much how shown have Bacon, who is considered to be one of the pioneers Francis a sexist attitude science, displays of modern and language. between and Bacon considered the relationship nature tothe human spirit as one of domination. liked use He as metaphors and marriage family the patriarchal and he the perspectiveengaged of Bacon, in witch-hunting. From is power,” the quote “knowledge who is responsible for The relationship is female. reason is male while nature between abstracted he discarded which and nature, reason conquest, be could only one of mastery, as soulless matter, and seduction. consisted And so his utopia Atlantis of New and science the knowledge who make of men, of an island basis of their power. - -

- - - - -

Knowledge structures require free discussions. if free But require structures Knowledge that up the fact cover The social sciences in general Today, woman also represents an entity also in whose represents woman name Today, of science does not reveal all that which belongs all that which toof science does women, reveal not and their In describing women starting history. with her understanding the dominant of science in society, role statutesdetermines on the biological differences sors and the oppressed. It used mythology, philosophy, and and philosophy, Itthe oppressed. and usedsors mythology, this purpose. science has of sexism The paradigm for been in this sense.built and power, between lookwe knowledge relationship at the this is difficult to detect.questioning the regard, of this In Likewise, is crucial. structures power-centered patriarchal, of human an epistemology favor in to wish follow if we understanding The prevailing a social are reality. women ity, women, nature, and society, there is a need for a new is a need a new for there and society, nature, women, ity, investigation, The interpretation, and awareness. renewal, principles, hypotheses, existing of the social and results sciences must be discussed and critically reexamined. must be separated information and incorrect from Correct importance It is of great a truth reach that we each other. especially in clusion of ethics, has been indefinitely, pushed science has of modern age. deep The sexist nature today’s extent. irresolvable more toened these an even problems many policies beingmany made. are These policies not de are ful interpretationful of historical society. signed to will. Because her or to liberate woman strengthen killed suppressed, more of these policies, is even woman past that obscures her and present. way in a soft or hard fun of rows in the first and science are knowledge Today, tion of hostile ideologies and women and policies towards economics,society religion, of politics, in the areas society, The a major role. the sciences play philosophy, technology, together the ex with and power, link between knowledge damental spheres of power. Within this constant Within reproduc damental of power. spheres 88–89 Many feminist researchers have done important done have researchers to feminist work Many point and societal out the links between knowledge sexism have work, they With their perspectives. different from century the seventeenth science, from that modern shown has subscribedonward, to and a masculine language demonstratedthat the have These researchers structure. between subject and object, in the relationship problem as founded on the wasthe basisbasisknowledge, of scientific start. metaphorsof sexist the very from they example, For science of modern in the thought of much how shown have Bacon, who is considered to be one of the pioneers Francis a sexist attitude science, displays of modern and language. between and Bacon considered the relationship nature tothe human spirit as one of domination. liked use He as metaphors and marriage family the patriarchal and he the perspectiveengaged of Bacon, in witch-hunting. From is power,” the quote “knowledge who is responsible for The relationship is female. reason is male while nature between abstracted he discarded which and nature, reason conquest, be could only one of mastery, as soulless matter, and seduction. consisted And so his utopia Atlantis of New and science the knowledge who make of men, of an island basis of their power. between women and men. For example, based example, For between their on men. and women ability act birth, to purely women that give claimed it is time,the same to due At the emotionality.” on “based physical attributes it is alleged men, of is that violence Thesenature. statements their partof supposed are to scientific by beexperiments.conceptsthis In and proven while men made to the passive role, are play women way, ascribedare Subjugation an active are and violence role. portrayed as belonging to of humanity the nature and are presented as insurmountable Science is exploited facts. for it are the system that propel of this purpose and the pillars thus strengthened. - -

- - - - -

Knowledge structures require free discussions. if free But require structures Knowledge an entity also in whose represents woman name Today, that up the fact cover The social sciences in general sors and the oppressed. It used mythology, philosophy, and and philosophy, Itthe oppressed. and usedsors mythology, this purpose. science has of sexism The paradigm for been in this sense.built and power, between lookwe knowledge relationship at the this is difficult to detect.questioning the regard, of this In Likewise, is crucial. structures power-centered patriarchal, of human an epistemology favor in to wish follow if we is a need a new for there and society, nature, women, ity, investigation, The interpretation, and awareness. renewal, principles, hypotheses, existing of the social and results sciences must be discussed and critically reexamined. must be separated information and incorrect from Correct importance It is of great a truth reach that we each other. interpretationful of historical society. policies beingmany made. are These policies not de are signed to will. Because her or to liberate woman strengthen killed suppressed, more of these policies, is even woman past that obscures her and present. way in a soft or hard fun of rows in the first and science are knowledge Today, this constant Within reproduc damental of power. spheres tion of hostile ideologies and women and policies towards economics,society religion, of politics, in the areas society, The a major role. the sciences play philosophy, technology, together the ex with and power, link between knowledge especially in clusion of ethics, has been indefinitely, pushed science has of modern age. deep The sexist nature today’s extent. irresolvable more toened these an even problems understanding The prevailing a social are reality. women belongs all that which toof science does women, reveal not and their In describing women starting history. with her the dominant understanding of science in society, role statutesdetermines on the biological differences 90–91 ------Jineology in a proposal intervention radical of presents existence to the of It is necessary scientificallyexpress The Kurdish Women’s Movement began to Movement construct Women’s The Kurdish - and systematically knowl any criticizesively and interpret and nature, society, to relating edge history, structures Because leads the woman a generally. more the universe social and historical existence that has its origins in nature, radical and a requires existence female the definition of and spirit. of knowledge change the his profound From torical spirit to colonization economic, her of the feminine social, political, emotional, and physical colonization, a has never appeared as pressing before. A corresponding corresponding A appeared before. as pressing has never systems of alternative the development and organization inescapable. is and structures analy system extensive An its jineology as both a solution of to paradoxes the greatest the spiritual of our agedevelopment the and a method for of women. world paradigm. In mindset patriarchal and the the patriarchal this sense, jineology is an epistemological process. Its aim and society women is to provide access direct the within controlled by the and science currently of knowledge realm roots the and The goal towards is to the way rulers. pave been have detached which identity and society, of women disci their own create should Women their truth. from ethics and aesthetics. feminine mographics, with all its dimensions as as well towomen comprehen sis and the overcoming of sexism are in our view important in our are of sexism sis and the overcoming pos Movement Women’s goals. In this context, the Kurdish interpretations their own plines, reach and meanings, and these all of society. with share the field of jineology an It is building educational in 2011. acad women’s including and society, women for system as held on topics such regularly Discussionsemies. are and the social and economics,women sciences, women and politics, and de women women and history, women ------The Kurdish Women’s Movement rates the twenty-first rates the twenty-first Movement Women’s The Kurdish Women scientists, feminist movements, and academics scientists, movements, feminist Women tion equality all the oppressed and equality of gender for century as the century of women and peoples. of women as The ques the century century sal, to strengthen scientificsal, to and the intersections. flow strengthen have madeimportant have and contributions with their research on jineology. our work critical strengthens analyses, which has work exposed male analysis of history. the Valuable studies women’s universities, women’s are there Moreover, the around centers research departments, and women’s Itworld. is one of the main objectives of jineology to build a bridge between these important the From achievements. perspective it is important of women, to together work to field of build an alternative social sciences, to establish the disper studies, the current to overcome system of women’s derstanding of power. The attitude of the existing sciences derstanding of power. and all the oppressed is biased. nature, women, towards In the modern understanding self the the modern In is of knowledge, constructed as in distinction subject a controlling from while these the feminine, and the nature i.e., the “other,” reason, is objectified. the other con For this are “others” trolled and placed under tyranny. René Descartes, René for placedtrolled and tyranny. under soughtexample, to intuitive, elements empathic exclude a masculin This expresses scienceand philosophy. from ized understanding of science. Positivism, too, illustrates the basis this understanding of are Realities of knowledge. of deprived are problems disconnected each other, from sought within are reasons definition,any of problems the historical Accord disregarded. borders, roots are current it has been through is lifeless; lived history ing to this view, positivism, applies which its Moreover, and reached end. un as the only fact presents to laws society, universal and biased truth. This sexist changeable science explains art, culture, aesthetics, economy, politics, society, history, topicsand other of the social sciences according to its un 90–91 ------It is necessary to scientifically express the existence to the of It is necessary scientificallyexpress The Kurdish Women’s Movement began to Movement construct Women’s The Kurdish Jineology in a proposal intervention radical of presents - and systematically knowl any criticizesively and interpret and nature, society, to relating edge history, structures Because leads the woman a generally. more the universe social and historical existence that has its origins in nature, radical and a requires existence female the definition of and spirit. of knowledge change the his profound From torical spirit to colonization economic, her of the feminine social, political, emotional, and physical colonization, a women with all its dimensions as as well towomen comprehen emies. Discussions are regularly held on topics such as held on topics such regularly Discussionsemies. are and the social and economics,women sciences, women and politics, and de women women and history, women ethics and aesthetics. feminine mographics, the field of jineology in 2011. the field of jineology an It is building educational in 2011. acad women’s including and society, women for system plines, reach their own interpretations their own plines, reach and meanings, and these all of society. with share the patriarchal mindset and the patriarchal paradigm. In paradigm. In mindset patriarchal and the the patriarchal this sense, jineology is an epistemological process. Its aim and society women is to provide access direct the within controlled by the and science currently of knowledge realm roots the and The goal towards is to the way rulers. pave been have detached which identity and society, of women disci their own create should Women their truth. from has never appeared as pressing before. A corresponding corresponding A appeared before. as pressing has never systems of alternative the development and organization inescapable. is and structures analy system extensive An view important in our are of sexism sis and the overcoming pos Movement Women’s goals. In this context, the Kurdish its jineology as both a solution of to paradoxes the greatest the spiritual of our agedevelopment the and a method for of women. world ------Women scientists, feminist movements, and academics scientists, movements, feminist Women rates the twenty-first Movement Women’s The Kurdish In the modern understanding self the the modern In is of knowledge, constructed as in distinction subject a controlling from while these the feminine, and the nature i.e., the “other,” reason, is objectified. the other con For this are “others” Descartes, René for placedtrolled and tyranny. under soughtexample, to intuitive, elements empathic exclude a masculin This expresses scienceand philosophy. from ized understanding of science. Positivism, too, illustrates the basis this understanding of are Realities of knowledge. of deprived are problems disconnected each other, from sought within are reasons definition,any of problems the historical Accord disregarded. borders, roots are current it has been through is lifeless; lived history ing to this view, positivism, applies which its Moreover, and reached end. un as the only fact presents to laws society, universal and biased truth. This sexist changeable science explains art, culture, aesthetics, economy, politics, society, history, topicsand other of the social sciences according to its un The attitude of the existing sciences derstanding of power. and all the oppressed is biased. nature, women, towards madeimportant have and contributions with their research on jineology. our work critical strengthens analyses, which has work exposed male analysis of history. the Valuable studies women’s universities, women’s are there Moreover, the around centers research departments, and women’s Itworld. is one of the main objectives of jineology to build a bridge between these important the From achievements. perspective it is important of women, to together work to field of build an alternative social sciences, to establish the disper studies, the current to overcome system of women’s scientificsal, to and the intersections. flow strengthen and peoples. of women as The ques the century century tion equality all the oppressed and equality of gender for 92–93 -

- - - There is a need toThere as conceptualize the woman a social the historical colonization re research of women To nist movements. It arises as a reality, which also includes also includes which It arisesnist movements. as a reality, itself it sets While for the goal step of going one feminism. of the principle is to on the trail its walk underlying further, movements. of women’s experiences existence toreal define her own according to her reality, to determine what does to not belong explain to her, ity, the specificities liberation to and of her express the “how” it is importantof womanhood. to not detach Additionally, the social and science from field, to not make knowledge the connections but instead keep the basisthem of power, between of society elements In pre- various strong. always societies, and science natural were patriarchal knowledge integral parts As long as the of ethical and political society. vital needs of society did not necessitate it, not pos it was with the Together ends. other for sible to knowledge exploit and society civilization, women robbedpatriarchal of were and governmental holders and science. Power knowledge and became with the help of knowledge forces stronger science. This led to separation the radical knowledge of Jineology woman. the aims especially from society, from at restoring this link. Jineology will us to of humanity. rewrite the history quires it possible links between us tomake for restore knowledge been torn apart have each other which and freedom, from As women’s movements and social movements that fight social and fight that movements movements women’s As against capitalist the to have we system, and patriarchal new phase a transformation. and go through change of Questioningexistingsystem of the the influence on our and our actionsthinking be and must is crucial deepened. and transformation, change, the experience, Undoubtedly, paved the have movements processes of feminist renewal this questioning. Jineology for this sense is in a result way and continuation and effortsfemi the experiences of of ------In all of human history, women and the oppressed have have and the oppressed women history, In all of human importanceit is of great this reason, For us, aswom for This is another reason for jineology. Its goal is to not only jineology. reason for This is another racy have failed to create a system for their freedom, equal to their freedom, a system failed create for have racy resituating of needed. is woman to Itnecessary is revisit and deepen the scientificdata interpretations and that physiology, been of the fields in psychology, achieved have politics, aesthetics, ethics, economics, history, , The solutionand demographics. to of women’s issue the will befreedom possible and structures with organizations of the fields towards based approach an extensive on such and science. knowledge it However, resisted and democracy. freedom as actors for was not possible the existing system. dominant to overcome and democ of freedom is that the forces The main problem ity, and justice, to historicize and to out the parable lift them ity, all, systematization Above and historicizing need of power. the construction in mind. paradigm of an alternative decipher the paradigm of power, but to push forward a but to forward push of power, decipher the paradigm solution. criticize the existing It to sys is not enough merely en’s liberation movements, to create a mentality, i.e., a field i.e., to liberation movements, create a mentality, en’s of social and society sciences that puts women center. at the need to be to able sys We the spirit of our alternative create In the name of an alter tem. What if this does not happen? native, the same mental patterns, methods,instruments and system couldof the ruling be repeated and reproduced again, this time the oppressed. on behalf and of women tem, tothe inadequacies decipher of this field or state what It is important look should like. an alternative to liberate one the disease essentially says: which self of liberalism, from me, what be. Tell it should me, how criticism. Tell “Practice the solution,the solution implement just pretend is, but don’t a good, For just, do.” you and beautiful knowledge like life, the existing to It overcome enough. is necessary is no longer and tosystem limits the build a new one beyond of the old. 92–93 -

- - - There is a need toThere as conceptualize the woman a social the historical colonization re research of women To ity, to explain what does not belong to her, to determine what does to not belong explain to her, ity, the specificities liberation to and of her express the “how” it is importantof womanhood. to not detach Additionally, the social and science from field, to not make knowledge the connections but instead keep the basisthem of power, between of society elements In pre- various strong. always societies, and science natural were patriarchal knowledge integral parts As long as the of ethical and political society. vital needs of society did not necessitate it, not pos it was reality, to define her existence toreal define her own according to her reality, As women’s movements and social movements that fight social and fight that movements movements women’s As against capitalist the to have we system, and patriarchal new phase a transformation. and go through change of Questioningexistingsystem of the the influence on our and our actionsthinking be and must is crucial deepened. and transformation, change, the experience, Undoubtedly, paved the have movements processes of feminist renewal this questioning. Jineology for this sense is in a result way and continuation and effortsfemi the experiences of of also includes which It arisesnist movements. as a reality, itself it sets While for the goal step of going one feminism. of the principle is to on the trail its walk underlying further, movements. of women’s experiences with the Together ends. other for sible to knowledge exploit and society civilization, women robbedpatriarchal of were and governmental holders and science. Power knowledge and became with the help of knowledge forces stronger science. This led to separation the radical knowledge of Jineology woman. the aims especially from society, from at restoring this link. Jineology will us to of humanity. rewrite the history quires it possible links between us tomake for restore knowledge been torn apart have each other which and freedom, from ------In all of human history, women and the oppressed have have and the oppressed women history, In all of human importanceit is of great this reason, For us, aswom for This is another reason for jineology. Its goal is to not only jineology. reason for This is another resituating of needed. is woman to Itnecessary is revisit and deepen the scientificdata interpretations and that physiology, been of the fields in psychology, achieved have politics, aesthetics, ethics, economics, history, anthropology, The solutionand demographics. to of women’s issue the will befreedom possible and structures with organizations of the fields towards based approach an extensive on such and science. knowledge it However, resisted and democracy. freedom as actors for was not possible the existing system. dominant to overcome and democ of freedom is that the forces The main problem equal to their freedom, a system failed create for have racy and justice, to historicize and to out the parable lift them ity, all, systematization Above and historicizing need of power. the construction in mind. paradigm of an alternative en’s liberation movements, to create a mentality, i.e., a field i.e., to liberation movements, create a mentality, en’s of social and society sciences that puts women center. at the need to be to able sys We the spirit of our alternative create In the name of an alter tem. What if this does not happen? native, the same mental patterns, methods,instruments and system couldof the ruling be repeated and reproduced again, this time the oppressed. on behalf and of women a but to forward push of power, decipher the paradigm solution. criticize the existing It to sys is not enough merely tem, tothe inadequacies decipher of this field or state what It is important look should like. an alternative to liberate one the disease essentially says: which self of liberalism, from me, what be. Tell it should me, how criticism. Tell “Practice the solution,the solution implement just pretend is, but don’t a good, For just, do.” you and beautiful knowledge like life, the existing to It overcome enough. is necessary is no longer and tosystem limits the build a new one beyond of the old. despite there being an inherent relationship between them. lishment of a liberationist mindset, ethical and political Knowledge requires freedom, and freedom in turn requires structures, and a free society that puts women’s liberation knowledge and wisdom. The participation of woman in at its center. We believe that by developing jineology and societal life depends on her degree of freedom. Woman’s the sociology of freedom as a new social science, by turn- desire for knowledge and freedom is also an aspiration for ing it into the ground base of our societal struggles, it will truth. All that was substantial before the patriarchal sys- be possible to unravel the 5,000 year-old Gordian knots tem has been distorted; the stages of normal development and blind spots of history that await discovery. in the system of natural society represent what we call truth. For this reason, jineology also describes the desire Gönül Kaya is a journalist and representative of the Kurdish Women’s for these distorted truths. This effort will be combined Movement. This is an edited transcript of the speech she delivered at the conference “Jineology: Radical Thinking and Constructing from with our quest for knowledge, wisdom, and freedom. the Women’s Perspective,” held on 28 February–2 March 2014 at the Important tasks await us in the twenty-first century: University of Cologne, Cologne. It was first published in Kurdish Ques- the philosophical-theoretical and scientific framework of tion on 28 December 2014 and is reprinted here with permission of the author and publisher. women’s liberation; the historical development of women’s liberation and resistance; mutual complementary dia- logues within feminist, ecological, and democratic move- ments; renewed descriptions of all social institutions (e.g., the family) according to liberationist principles; the basic structures of free togetherness; and the construction of an alternative understanding of social science on the basis of women’s liberation. The field of a new social science for all those circles that are not part of power and the state must be built. This is the task of all anti-colonialist, anti- capitalist, and anti-power movements, individuals, and women. We refer to these alternative social sciences as the sociology of freedom. Jineology can build and develop the ground base of these social sciences. It is a vanguard in this regard. It will both construct the sociology of freedom and be part of this sociology itself. The Kurdish Women’s Movement is very keen on dis- cussing, sharing results, cooperating with, and learning from all those who fight for the freedom of women. As Kurdish women, we say, “the twenty-first century will be the century of revolution of women and peoples.” We believe that jineology will play a crucial role in the estab- despite there being an inherent relationship between them. lishment of a liberationist mindset, ethical and political Knowledge requires freedom, and freedom in turn requires structures, and a free society that puts women’s liberation knowledge and wisdom. The participation of woman in at its center. We believe that by developing jineology and societal life depends on her degree of freedom. Woman’s the sociology of freedom as a new social science, by turn- desire for knowledge and freedom is also an aspiration for ing it into the ground base of our societal struggles, it will truth. All that was substantial before the patriarchal sys- be possible to unravel the 5,000 year-old Gordian knots tem has been distorted; the stages of normal development and blind spots of history that await discovery. in the system of natural society represent what we call truth. For this reason, jineology also describes the desire Gönül Kaya is a journalist and representative of the Kurdish Women’s for these distorted truths. This effort will be combined Movement. This is an edited transcript of the speech she delivered at the conference “Jineology: Radical Thinking and Constructing from with our quest for knowledge, wisdom, and freedom. the Women’s Perspective,” held on 28 February–2 March 2014 at the Important tasks await us in the twenty-first century: University of Cologne, Cologne. It was first published in Kurdish Ques- the philosophical-theoretical and scientific framework of tion on 28 December 2014 and is reprinted here with permission of the author and publisher. women’s liberation; the historical development of women’s liberation and resistance; mutual complementary dia- logues within feminist, ecological, and democratic move- ments; renewed descriptions of all social institutions (e.g., the family) according to liberationist principles; the basic structures of free togetherness; and the construction of an alternative understanding of social science on the basis of women’s liberation. The field of a new social science for all those circles that are not part of power and the state must be built. This is the task of all anti-colonialist, anti- capitalist, and anti-power movements, individuals, and women. We refer to these alternative social sciences as the sociology of freedom. Jineology can build and develop the ground base of these social sciences. It is a vanguard in this regard. It will both construct the sociology of freedom and be part of this sociology itself. The Kurdish Women’s Movement is very keen on dis- cussing, sharing results, cooperating with, and learning from all those who fight for the freedom of women. As Kurdish women, we say, “the twenty-first century will be the century of revolution of women and peoples.” We believe that jineology will play a crucial role in the estab- Democratic Confederalism (excerpts)

Abdullah Öcalan A water tower in Qamişlo is covered with the flags of the Rojava Revolution, the People’s Defense Units (YPG) and Women’s Defense Units (YPJ). Democratic Confederalism (excerpts)

Abdullah Öcalan A water tower in Qamişlo is covered with the flags of the Rojava Revolution, the People’s Defense Units (YPG) and Women’s Defense Units (YPJ). 98–99 ------

Democratic confederalism is open towards other politi other is open towards Democratic confederalism Democratic Confederalism Democratic the of and the Diversity Participation Political landscape Political mined by decree, even though it may be though it may in partminedby decree, even legitimized by elections. elections. Democracies use direct state The uses as coercion a legitimate on means. rest Democracies voluntary participation. and factions.cal It multicultural, groups is flexible, anti-mo nopolistic, and consensus-oriented. and feminism Ecology of this kind of self-admin In the frame pillars. central are This kind of rule or administration or kind of rule This can be calleda non- state political administration without a a democracy or state. Democratic decision-making processesmust not be admin public from confused with the processes known istration. States administrate only while democracies Statesgovern. on power; founded are democracies are based on collective consensus. Office in the state is deter economyistration, will become an alternative necessary, of the society the one that increases instead and thus does them of exploiting justice to the manifold needs of the society. and localtions. regional, need groups Central, to be bal- able to deal are itself, each for they, Only anced in this way. with its special concrete situation appropriate and develop social It is a natural problems. solutions far-reaching for ethnic, or national cultural, identity one’s right to express this right with the help of political associations. However, nation-needs Whether an ethical and political society. state, or democracy — democratic confederalism republic, The contradictory compositionThe contradictory of the society necessitates political with both groups vertical and horizontalforma 98–99 ------

Democratic confederalism is open towards other politi other is open towards Democratic confederalism Democratic Confederalism Democratic the of and the Diversity Participation landscape Political mined by decree, even though it may be though it may in partminedby decree, even legitimized by elections. elections. Democracies use direct state The uses as coercion a legitimate on means. rest Democracies voluntary participation. and factions.cal It multicultural, groups is flexible, anti-mo nopolistic, and consensus-oriented. and feminism Ecology of this kind of self-admin In the frame pillars. central are This kind of rule or administration or kind of rule This can be calleda non- state political administration without a a democracy or state. Democratic decision-making processesmust not be admin public from confused with the processes known compositionThe contradictory of the society necessitates political with both groups vertical and horizontalforma istration. States administrate only while democracies Statesgovern. on power; founded are democracies are based on collective consensus. Office in the state is deter economyistration, will become an alternative necessary, of the society the resources one that increases instead and thus does them of exploiting justice to the manifold needs of the society. and localtions. regional, need groups Central, to be bal- able to deal are itself, each for they, Only anced in this way. with its special concrete situation appropriate and develop social It is a natural problems. solutions far-reaching for ethnic, or national cultural, identity one’s right to express this right with the help of political associations. However, nation-needs Whether an ethical and political society. state, or democracy — democratic confederalism republic, 100–101 ------Our project of “democratic modernity”is meant as an of “democratic Our project Capitalist the centralization of the modernity enforces racy and republicanism. racy it. todraft modernity alternative know as we It builds as a fundamentalon democratic confederalism political paradigm. Democratic modernity roof of an ethics- is the the mistakebased As long as make we to political society. that societiesbelieve need to be homogeneous monolithic entities it will be difficult to understand confederalism. centuries of of four is also a history history Modernity’s physical and genocidecultural of an im in the name as a Democratic confederalism unitaryaginary society. sociological category is the counterpart and of this history will to on the well as on ethnic, it rests as fight if necessary political and cultural, diversity. ages the withdrawal from active participation, from ages the withdrawal a reaction that is often called with politics. disenchantment How societiesessentially political are and value-oriented. ever, political,Economic, ideological, and military monopolies constructionsare contradict that of society the nature by do the accumulation They striving for of surplus. merely soci create a new can values.not create Nor a revolution It can influence the ethical and only politicalweb of ety. Anything else is at the discretion of the ethics- a society. based political society. state. The political and military within the centers power society The nation- been of their influence. deprived have state substitute as left a weakened a modern of monarchy societyand defenseless behind. respect, In this legal order of the bourgeoiand public peace rule class the imply only constitutessie. Power itself state in the central and be comes one of the fundamental administrative paradigms of This puts the nation-statemodernity. in contrast to democ not what you are but what you appear you but what toare be. you what not putative The alienation the society of existence its encour own from - - -

The state orientates continuously central itself towards The Heritage of the Society and the Accumulation the SocietyThe Heritage and the Accumulation of Knowledge Historical of Within living memory people have always formed formed people always have memory living Within Awareness and Political Ethics Democratic confederalism rests on the historical rests experienceDemocratic confederalism of the society and its collective heritage. Itis not an arbitrary accumulates andhistory politicalmodern but, system rather, of the society. of the life It offspring experience. is the is open for compromises concerning state concerning compromises openis for or governmental coexistence.traditions. equal for It allows ism in order to pursue the interests of the power monopo of the power the interests to pursue ism in order lies. the Just the opposite Not confederalism. is true for monopolies but the society at the center is of political focus. of the society heterogeneous The structure is in Distinctcontradiction of centralism. central- to all forms loose tribes, communities of clans, or other groups with able to preserve were they qualities. In this way federal of government the internal Even autonomy. their internal methods of self-administration diverse employed empires parts,religious authori included which their different for The classification of the society in categories and terms after a certain pattern is produced artificially the by capitalist monopolies. What counts in a society that is like ism only results in social results eruptions.only ism ties, Hence tribal republics. councils, kingdoms, and even it is important to understand seeming centralist that even The structure. organizational a confederate follow empires modelcentralist is not an administrative model wanted by Instead, of it has its in the preservation source the society. monopolies. of the power 100–101 ------Capitalist the centralization of the modernity enforces Our project of “democratic modernity”is meant as an of “democratic Our project state. The political and military within the centers power society The nation- been of their influence. deprived have state substitute as left a weakened a modern of monarchy societyand defenseless behind. respect, In this legal order of the bourgeoiand public peace rule class the imply only not what you are but what you appear you but what toare be. you what not putative The alienation the society of existence its encour own from societiesessentially political are and value-oriented. ever, political,Economic, ideological, and military monopolies constructionsare contradict that of society the nature by do the accumulation They striving for of surplus. merely soci create a new can values.not create Nor a revolution It can influence the ethical and only politicalweb of ety. Anything else is at the discretion of the ethics- a society. based political society. constitutessie. Power itself state in the central and be ages the withdrawal from active participation, from ages the withdrawal a reaction that is often called with politics. disenchantment How comes one of the fundamental administrative paradigms of This puts the nation-statemodernity. in contrast to democ alternative draft to modernity as we know it. todraft modernity alternative know as we It builds as a fundamentalon democratic confederalism political paradigm. Democratic modernity roof of an ethics- is the the mistakebased As long as make we to political society. that societiesbelieve need to be homogeneous monolithic entities it will be difficult to understand confederalism. centuries of of four is also a history history Modernity’s physical and genocidecultural of an im in the name racy and republicanism. racy as a Democratic confederalism unitaryaginary society. sociological category is the counterpart and of this history will to on the well as on ethnic, it rests as fight if necessary political and cultural, diversity. - - -

The Heritage of the Society and the Accumulation the SocietyThe Heritage and the Accumulation of Knowledge Historical of The state orientates continuously central itself towards formed people always have memory living Within Awareness and Political Ethics is open for compromises concerning state concerning compromises openis for or governmental coexistence.traditions. equal for It allows on the historical rests experienceDemocratic confederalism of the society and its collective heritage. Itis not an arbitrary accumulates and history politicalmodern system but, rather, of the society. of the life It offspring experience. is the monopo of the power the interests to pursue ism in order lies. the Just the opposite Not confederalism. is true for monopolies but the society at the center is of political focus. of the society heterogeneous The structure is in Distinctcontradiction of centralism. central- to all forms in social results eruptions.only ism loose tribes, communities of clans, or other groups with able to preserve were they qualities. In this way federal of government the internal Even autonomy. their internal methods of self-administration diverse employed empires parts,religious authori included which their different for ties, Hence tribal republics. councils, kingdoms, and even it is important to understand seeming centralist that even The structure. organizational a confederate follow empires modelcentralist is not an administrative model wanted by Instead, of it has its in the preservation source the society. monopolies. of the power The classification of the society in categories and terms after a certain pattern is produced artificially the by capitalist monopolies. What counts in a society that is like 102–103 - - - I have already addressed the point already that the local is I have level Self-Defense and Confederalism Democratic Social actors, each comprising in themselves federative Social actors, eachcomprising federative in themselves cal units involved in participatorycal units involved democracy is essentially call what we democracy is the democratic. In this way, application of democratic processes of decision-making of the local to in the framework the globalfrom level level a continuous political process. This process the will affect of the socialstructure of the society web in contrast to the homogeneity for striving of the nation-state, construct a brings about and thus be thethat can by force only realized loss of freedom. very the thinking made. decisions However, are where the level leading to these decisions needs to beglobal in line with need that even to fact of the becomeissues. We aware and urbanvillages neighborhoods confederate require of society areas structures. All need to to be self- given administration, of it need to all levels to be free participate. the nation-state is a militarily Essentially, structured entity. Nation-states the products of all kinds of eventually are of the existing None nation- warfare. and external internal they states Invariably, has come into existence all by itself. This process is not limited of wars. to a record their have it builds on the militarization of phasefounding but, rather, of the state leadership The civil is only society. the entire cratic process. They cellsof participatory the germ units, are democracy. can combine and associate into and confed new groups situation. according of the politi toerations Each given a ticipatory democracy. The stronger the participation, the stronger The the ticipatory democracy. is. democracy kind of this nation- While the powerful more stateit, denies even and stands contrast in to democracy, constitutesdemocratic confederalism a continuous demo ------

Democratic Confederalism and Confederalism Democratic System Political a Democratic chical levels of the administration the nation-statechical levels of but tools as central rather of social and participa expression tion. will advance the politicization This, in turn, of society. need what we not need do is the will big theories here; We toto the social expression the lend needs by strengthening autonomy of the social and by creating actors structurally the conditions of society the organization for as a whole. all kinds where The creation of this on an operational level, of social and political communities, religious or groups, in directly themselves intellectual can tendencies express all local decision-making processes, can also be called par In contrast to a centralist and bureaucratic understandIn contrast to and bureaucratic a centralist quence of the capitalist nation-state. However, all efforts of the capitalistquence nation-state. However, to neoliberals of the the nation-state change re have instruc mained provides unsuccessful. The Middle East tive examples. confederal power, of ing of administration and exercise ism poses a type of political all self-administration where of the societygroups identities and all cultural can express in local and conventions, themselves meetings, general councils. This understanding of democracy opens the political space to all strata of the society the for and allows political and diverse In this groups. of different formation it also the political advances integration of society way, With life. as Politics a whole. becomes a part of everyday out politics the crisis of the state cannot be since solved, of representationthe crisis by a lack is fuelled of political or self-administration as they federalism like Terms society. democracies needcan in liberal be to found be conceived not be should conceived they as hierar Essentially, anew. The crisis of the financial system is an inherent conse system crisisThe financial of the inherent is an 102–103 - - - Democratic Confederalism and Self-Defense and Confederalism Democratic I have already addressed the point already that the local is I have level Social actors, each comprising in themselves federative Social actors, eachcomprising federative in themselves Essentially, the nation-state is a militarily Essentially, structured entity. Nation-states the products of all kinds of eventually are of the existing None nation- warfare. and external internal they states Invariably, has come into existence all by itself. This process is not limited of wars. to a record their have it builds on the militarization of phasefounding but, rather, of the state leadership The civil is only society. the entire the level where decisions are made. However, the thinking made. decisions However, are where the level leading to these decisions needs to beglobal in line with need that even to fact of the becomeissues. We aware and urbanvillages neighborhoods confederate require of society areas structures. All need to to be self- given administration, of it need to all levels to be free participate. erations according to a given situation. according of the politi toerations Each given a in participatorycal units involved democracy is essentially call what we democracy is the democratic. In this way, application of democratic processes of decision-making of the local to in the framework the globalfrom level level a continuous political process. This process the will affect of the socialstructure of the society web in contrast to the homogeneity for striving of the nation-state, construct a brings about and thus be thethat can by force only realized loss of freedom. very units, are the germ cells of . They They cellsof participatory the germ units, are democracy. can combine and associate into and confed new groups cratic process. ticipatory democracy. The stronger the participation, the stronger The the ticipatory democracy. is. democracy kind of this nation- While the powerful more stateit, denies even and stands contrast in to democracy, constitutesdemocratic confederalism a continuous demo ------

Democratic Confederalism and Confederalism Democratic System Political a Democratic The crisis of the financial system is an inherent conse system crisisThe financial of the inherent is an all efforts of the capitalistquence nation-state. However, to neoliberals of the the nation-state change re have instruc provides mained East The Middle unsuccessful. tive examples. understandIn contrast to and bureaucratic a centralist confederal power, of ing of administration and exercise ism poses a type of political all self-administration where of the societygroups identities and all cultural can express in local and conventions, themselves meetings, general councils. This understanding of democracy opens the political space to all strata of the society the for and allows political and diverse In this groups. of different formation it also the political advances integration of society way, With life. as Politics a whole. becomes a part of everyday out politics the crisis of the state cannot be since solved, of representationthe crisis by a lack is fuelled of political or self-administration as they federalism like Terms society. democracies needcan in liberal be to found be conceived not be should conceived they as hierar Essentially, anew. of the administration the nation-statechical levels of but tools as central rather of social and participa expression tion. the politicization will advance This, in turn, of society. need what we not need do is the will big theories here; We toto the social expression the lend needs by strengthening autonomy of the social and by creating actors structurally the conditions of society the organization for as a whole. all kinds where The creation of this on an operational level, of social and political communities, religious or groups, in directly themselves intellectual can tendencies express all local decision-making processes, can also be called par 104–105 ------

Democratic Confederalism Versus Strife for Hegemony for Strife Democratic Confederate Structures Structures Confederate Democratic Scale at a Global In democratic confederalism there is no room for any kind kind any for is no room there In democratic confederalism This is particularly striving. of hegemony the field of true in followed principle that is usually is a Hegemony ideology. typeby the classic of civilization. Democratic civilizations and ideologies. of ex ways hegemonic powers Any reject pression that cut across the boundaries across that cut of democraticpression self- self-administration and free administration carry would sions nation-state of diametrically opposed are character to the democratic-confederate in line with ethic leadership insti leadership foundations. In democratic confederalism tutions do not need ideological legitimization. they Hence, hegemony. need for not strive is on the the focus in democratic confederalism Although globally is not exclud confederalism local organizing level, needed. of national we Contrariwise, to put up a platform societiescivil to assembly op of a confederate in terms pose the United Nations as an association of nation-states we In this way of the . the leadership under might get better decisions with a view to peace, ecology, justice, and productivity in the world. can beDemocratic confederalism described as a kind of self-administration in contrast to the administration by dom of expression ad absurdum. The collective ad of absurdum. handling dom of expression matters of the society needs understanding, respect of dis senting of decision-making. opinions and democratic ways This is in contrast to the understanding in the of leadership capitalist deci bureaucratic arbitrary modernity where - - - Against this background democratic confederalism democratic confederalism this background Against This means in particular that the social of paradigm This militarization be can back only with the pushed can be called a system of self-defense of the society. can be of the society. called a system of self-defense be networks with the help of confederate can there Only a basis to oppose the global domination of the monopo a military does monopoly not involve for confederalism the task have do only which of ensuring forces, the armed direct under are They security. and external the internal control of the democratic institutions. The society itself must be able to their duties. determine One of their tasks the society will of of the free will be the defense from interventions. The composition external and internal of the military needs to be leadership determined in equal and partsterms by both the political institutions and the groupings. confederate ervation of its identity, its own political awareness, and a its political and a own awareness, of its identity, ervation process of . can talk then we Only about self-defense. lies and nation-state militarism. the network Against of network strong monopolies must build up an equally we of social confederacies. help of self-defense. Societies help of self-defense. mechanism without any lose their identities,of self-defense their capability of democratic and their political decision-making, nature. of a society the self-defense is not limited toTherefore, the militaryalone. It dimension also presupposespres the est form of the nation-state.est form an accessory of the military the of accessory an apparatus. democracies Liberal outdoby painting this even militaristic their in structures does this not keep colors. However, democraticliberal and seeking authoritarian from them solutions the highpoint at of Fascist exercise of a crisis caused itself. by the system of the nation-state. is the nature power Fascism pur is the 104–105 ------

Democratic Confederate Structures Structures Confederate Democratic Scale at a Global Democratic Confederalism Versus Hegemony for Strife Democratic confederalism can beDemocratic confederalism described as a kind of self-administration in contrast to the administration by pose the United Nations as an association of nation-states we In this way of the superpowers. the leadership under might get better decisions with a view to peace, ecology, justice, and productivity in the world. ed. Contrariwise, we needed. of national we Contrariwise, to put up a platform societiescivil to assembly op of a confederate in terms Although in democratic confederalism the focus is on the is on the the focus in democratic confederalism Although globally is not exclud confederalism local organizing level, sions nation-state of diametrically opposed are character to the democratic-confederate in line with ethic leadership insti leadership foundations. In democratic confederalism tutions do not need ideological legitimization. they Hence, hegemony. need for not strive dom of expression ad absurdum. The collective ad of absurdum. handling dom of expression matters of the society needs understanding, respect of dis senting of decision-making. opinions and democratic ways This is in contrast to the understanding in the of leadership capitalist deci bureaucratic arbitrary modernity where In democratic confederalism there is no room for any kind kind any for is no room there In democratic confederalism This is particularly striving. of hegemony the field of true in followed principle that is usually is a Hegemony ideology. typeby the classic of civilization. Democratic civilizations and ideologies. of ex ways hegemonic powers Any reject pression that cut across the boundaries across that cut of democraticpression self- self-administration and free administration carry would - - - This militarization be can back only with the pushed democratic confederalism this background Against This means in particular that the social of paradigm est form of the nation-state.est form Societies help of self-defense. mechanism without any lose their identities,of self-defense their capability of democratic and their political decision-making, nature. of a society the self-defense is not limited toTherefore, the militaryalone. It dimension also presupposespres the its political and a own awareness, of its identity, ervation process of democratization. can talk then we Only about self-defense. can be of the society. called a system of self-defense be networks with the help of confederate can there Only a basis to oppose the global domination of the monopo lies and nation-state militarism. the network Against of network strong monopolies must build up an equally we of social confederacies. a military does monopoly not involve for confederalism the task have do only which of ensuring forces, the armed direct under are They security. and external the internal control of the democratic institutions. The society itself must be able to their duties. determine One of their tasks the society will of of the free will be the defense from interventions. The composition external and internal of the military needs to be leadership determined in equal and partsterms by both the political institutions and the groupings. confederate an accessory of the military the of accessory an apparatus. democracies Liberal outdoby painting this even militaristic their in structures does this not keep colors. However, democraticliberal and seeking authoritarian from them solutions the highpoint at of Fascist exercise of a crisis caused itself. by the system of the nation-state. is the nature power Fascism pur is the the nation-state. However, under certain circumstances 2. Democratic confederalism is a non-state is possible as long as the nation-state social paradigm. It is not controlled by a state. At the does not interfere with central matters of self-administra- same time, democratic confederalism is the cultural tion. All such interventions would call for the self-defense organizational blueprint of a democratic nation. of civil society. 3. Democratic confederalism is based on grass- Democratic confederalism is not at war with any nation- roots participation. Its decision-making processes lie state, but it will not stand idly by at assimilation efforts. with the communities. Higher levels only serve the Revolutionary overthrow or the foundation of a new state coordination and implementation of the will of the does not create sustainable change. In the long run, freedom communities that send their delegates to the general and justice can only be accomplished within the dynamic of assemblies. For a limited space of time, they are both a democratic-confederate process. mouthpiece and executive institutions. However, the Neither total rejection nor complete recognition of the basic power of decision rests with the local grassroots state is useful for the democratic efforts of civil society. The institutions. overcoming of the state, particularly the nation-state, is a 4. In the Middle East, democracy cannot be im- long-term process. posed by the capitalist system and its imperial powers, The state will be overcome when democratic confederal- as these only damage democracy. The propagation of ism has proved its problem-solving capacities with a view is fundamental. It is the only ap- to social issues. This does not mean, however, that attacks proach that can cope with diverse ethnical groups, re- by nation-states have to be accepted. Democratic confed- ligions, and class differences. It also goes well together erations will sustain self-defense forces at all times. Demo- with the traditional confederate structure of society. cratic will not be limited to organizing them- 5. Democratic confederalism in Kurdistan is an selves within a single particular territory. They will become anti-nationalist movement as well. It aims at real- cross-border confederations when the societies concerned izing the right of self-defense of the peoples by the so desire. advancement of democracy in all parts of Kurdistan without questioning the existing political borders. Its Principles of Democratic Confederalism goal is not the foundation of a Kurdish nation-state. The movement intends to establish federal structures 1. The right to self-determination of the peoples in Iran, Turkey, Syria, and Iraq that are open for all includes the right to a state of their own. However, the Kurds and, at the same time, form an umbrella confed- foundation of a state does not increase the freedom of eration for all four parts of Kurdistan. a people. The system of the United Nations, which is based on nation-states, has remained inefficient. Mean- Abdullah Öcalan is founding member and leader of the Kurdistan while, nation-states have become serious obstacles for Workers’ Party (PKK). This is an edited selection of excerpts from Öca- lan’s book Democratic Confederalism (London: Transmedia Publishing, any social development. Democratic confederalism is 2011). It appears here with the permission of the publisher. the contrasting paradigm of oppressed peoples. the nation-state. However, under certain circumstances 2. Democratic confederalism is a non-state peaceful coexistence is possible as long as the nation-state social paradigm. It is not controlled by a state. At the does not interfere with central matters of self-administra- same time, democratic confederalism is the cultural tion. All such interventions would call for the self-defense organizational blueprint of a democratic nation. of civil society. 3. Democratic confederalism is based on grass- Democratic confederalism is not at war with any nation- roots participation. Its decision-making processes lie state, but it will not stand idly by at assimilation efforts. with the communities. Higher levels only serve the Revolutionary overthrow or the foundation of a new state coordination and implementation of the will of the does not create sustainable change. In the long run, freedom communities that send their delegates to the general and justice can only be accomplished within the dynamic of assemblies. For a limited space of time, they are both a democratic-confederate process. mouthpiece and executive institutions. However, the Neither total rejection nor complete recognition of the basic power of decision rests with the local grassroots state is useful for the democratic efforts of civil society. The institutions. overcoming of the state, particularly the nation-state, is a 4. In the Middle East, democracy cannot be im- long-term process. posed by the capitalist system and its imperial powers, The state will be overcome when democratic confederal- as these only damage democracy. The propagation of ism has proved its problem-solving capacities with a view grassroots democracy is fundamental. It is the only ap- to social issues. This does not mean, however, that attacks proach that can cope with diverse ethnical groups, re- by nation-states have to be accepted. Democratic confed- ligions, and class differences. It also goes well together erations will sustain self-defense forces at all times. Demo- with the traditional confederate structure of society. cratic confederations will not be limited to organizing them- 5. Democratic confederalism in Kurdistan is an selves within a single particular territory. They will become anti-nationalist movement as well. It aims at real- cross-border confederations when the societies concerned izing the right of self-defense of the peoples by the so desire. advancement of democracy in all parts of Kurdistan without questioning the existing political borders. Its Principles of Democratic Confederalism goal is not the foundation of a Kurdish nation-state. The movement intends to establish federal structures 1. The right to self-determination of the peoples in Iran, Turkey, Syria, and Iraq that are open for all includes the right to a state of their own. However, the Kurds and, at the same time, form an umbrella confed- foundation of a state does not increase the freedom of eration for all four parts of Kurdistan. a people. The system of the United Nations, which is based on nation-states, has remained inefficient. Mean- Abdullah Öcalan is founding member and leader of the Kurdistan while, nation-states have become serious obstacles for Workers’ Party (PKK). This is an edited selection of excerpts from Öca- lan’s book Democratic Confederalism (London: Transmedia Publishing, any social development. Democratic confederalism is 2011). It appears here with the permission of the publisher. the contrasting paradigm of oppressed peoples.

The Meaning of Confederalism , translates to “Everything for a Free Life

Murray Bookchin Her Tist Jibo Jiyanek Azad û Avakirina Civakek Demokratîk and the Foundation of a Democratic Society.” On the right is a portrait of the founder of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), Abdullah Öcalan. Members from neighborhood councils and cooperatives present themselves as candidatesof the city for the of position Qamişlo. of Co-Chair The slogan on of stage, the People’s Council The Meaning of Confederalism , translates to “Everything for a Free Life

Murray Bookchin Her Tist Jibo Jiyanek Azad û Avakirina Civakek Demokratîk and the Foundation of a Democratic Society.” On the right is a portrait of the founder of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), Abdullah Öcalan. Members from neighborhood councils and cooperatives present themselves as candidatesof the city for the of position Qamişlo. of Co-Chair The slogan on of stage, the People’s Council 112–113 - - - - After all, such arguments often run, centralists are all re centralists often are run, arguments all, such After that in the dream democracy? face-to-face But Forget for Brecher’s like of things, arguments On the surface centrated to allow for direct decision-makingcentrated- direct grass at a to for allow presumably, our economy And is tooroots level. “global,” intricacies the to of production In unravel and commerce. transnational, social centralized often highly our present is bettersystem, it to enhance representation in the state, institutions,to of bureaucratic increase the efficiency we advised,are than to advance utopian “localist” of schemes political popular over control and economic life. power in “more in the sense believe that they “localists” ally to the people” — or least, at to their representatives. And a good the to eager surely representative know is always (to use of those another “constituents” of his or her wishes substitutesarrogant “citizens”). for democratic any can have we world modern our “complex” toalternative nation-state! the pragmatic people, Many that kind socialists, including for often dismiss arguments good-natured as conde otherworldly — with of “” scension at best outright and derision at worst. Indeed, in the periodical I was challenged back, in 1972, some years a democratic socialist, Brecher, Root by Jeremy and Branch in Post- I expressed views the decentralist how to explain York, New Troy, Scarcity say, prevent, would dumping its untreated wastesfrom into the Hudson River, Perth their cities Amboy downstream like draw which from drinking water. compelling. seem rather A struc government centralized top- to but still be largely sure, “democratic,” that is ture one locality to is assumed down as necessary prevent from Few arguments have been used more effectively been- chal to effectively used have more arguments Few case the participatoryface-to-face lenge for democracy Modern society.” in a “complex live we that the claim than too told, and toopopulation are are we large centers, con 112–113 - - - - After all, such arguments often run, centralists are all re centralists often are run, arguments all, such After that in the dream democracy? face-to-face But Forget for Brecher’s like of things, arguments On the surface ture that is “democratic,” to be sure, but still largely top- to but still be largely sure, “democratic,” that is ture one locality to is assumed down as necessary prevent from our “complex” modern world we can have any democratic any can have we world modern our “complex” toalternative nation-state! the pragmatic people, Many that kind socialists, including for often dismiss arguments good-natured as conde otherworldly — with of “localism” compelling. seem rather A struc government centralized centrated to allow for direct decision-makingcentrated- direct grass at a to for allow presumably, our economy And is tooroots level. “global,” intricacies the to of production In unravel and commerce. transnational, social centralized often highly our present is bettersystem, it to enhance representation in the state, institutions,to of bureaucratic increase the efficiency we advised,are than to advance utopian “localist” of schemes political popular over control and economic life. power in “more in the sense believe that they “localists” ally to the people” — or least, at to their representatives. And a good the to eager surely representative know is always (to use of those another “constituents” of his or her wishes substitutesarrogant “citizens”). for scension at best outright and derision at worst. Indeed, in the periodical I was challenged back, in 1972, some years a democratic socialist, Brecher, Root by Jeremy and Branch in Post- I expressed views the decentralist how to explain York, New Troy, Scarcity say, prevent, would Anarchism dumping its untreated wastesfrom into the Hudson River, Perth their cities Amboy downstream like draw which from drinking water. Few arguments have been used more effectively been- chal to effectively used have more arguments Few case the participatoryface-to-face lenge for democracy Modern society.” in a “complex live we that the claim than too told, and toopopulation are are we large centers, con 114–115 ------self-sustaining communities agri crafts, in which On the other hand, we cannot ignore the fact that rela the fact cannot ignore hand, we On the other The opportunity to his or her of the individual devote not, should I believe, lose sight of what it means to We ated work week (or in Fourier’s ideal society, over a given a given over ideal society, ated in Fourier’s (or week work was seen as a vitalday) the division factor in overcoming in transcending between and intellectual manual activity, statuswork created, that this major division of differences that came with of experiences the wealth and in enhancing to crafts food through culti industry from movement a free tion in the form of huge and tremendous and tremendous bureaucracies of huge tion form in the in transporting of resources expenditures materials over distances;great it reduces the possibilitiesre of effectively pollution wastes, its source avoiding cycling have may that concentratedin highly industrial and population centers, soundand making materials. use of local raw or regional tively networks definable of con and industries serve culture, communities the opportunities organized enrich federally exposed for and stimuli are and make to individuals which personalities sense rounded selfhood of rich with a more and competence. citizen in ideal of the rounded Greek The in Charles that reappeared environment — one a rounded by the anar utopian long cherished works — was Fourier’s chists and socialists century. the last of productive activity to an attenu different many over tasks one vation. self-sustainability Hence self, a richer made for by variegated competencies,strengthened experiences, this vision has been Alas, and assurances. lost by leftists toward with their shift environmentalistsand many today, tragic movement’s a pragmatic and the radical liberalism past. of its visionary own ignorance sound eco follow an ecological not merely live of life, way logical practices. The multitude of handbooks that teach extremly wasteful in the literal sense of that term. Not only only Not sense wasteful term. of that literal in the extremly overorganiza for does of labor division make an excessive ------It is hardly necessary to explore the sound ecological to explore necessary It is hardly Decentralism and Self-Sustainability and Decentralism reasons for achieving a certain achieving reasons for of self-sustaina measure ing industrial bureaucracies and a competitiveing industrial bureaucracies grow-or-die myopic. economy is incredibly market Most environmentally that oriented people aware are bility. a massive national and international of labor division is its for multinational corporations? Are we to the eco we ignore multinational Are its for corporations? of its logical World consequences the Third of plundering interlocking economic with insanely modern life resources, whosepetroleum-rich areas ultimate products air include ignore pollutants To and petroleum-derived carcinogens? economy” of burgeon is the result that our “global the fact duced by a consciously engineered throwaway economy. economy. throwaway duced engineered a consciously by utter the tens of asideBut from irrationality of crowding millions of people into congested, indeed suffocating urban international belts, extravagant must the present-day to satisfy human division of labor necessarily in order exist Or has it been prof needs? created extravagant to provide afflicting another ecologically. But conventional economic afflicting ecologically. another and political against , rang arguments exists must necessar The assumption that what currently ing from the fate of Perth Amboy’s drinking water to water drinking our of Perth Amboy’s the fate ing from to on a number very of petroleum, rest alleged “addiction” on rest they problematical assumptions. disturbingly, Most an unconscious acceptance of the economic status quo. (as thinking is the acid all visionary exist that corrodes ily to of radicals tendency witness the recent espouse “market of the market than deal with the failings socialism” rather economy as as well ). will we Doubtless to have importfor those coffee people who need a morning fix at the breakfast exotic or table metals for people who to be lasting their wares junk pro than the more want 114–115 ------self-sustaining communities agri crafts, in which We should not, should I believe, lose sight of what it means to We On the other hand, we cannot ignore the fact that rela the fact cannot ignore hand, we On the other The opportunity to his or her of the individual devote live an ecological way of life, not merely follow sound eco follow an ecological not merely live of life, way vation. Hence self-sustainability made for a richer self, one vation. self-sustainability Hence self, a richer made for by variegated competencies,strengthened experiences, this vision has been Alas, and assurances. lost by leftists toward with their shift environmentalistsand many today, tragic movement’s a pragmatic and the radical liberalism past. of its visionary own ignorance logical practices. The multitude of handbooks that teach extremly wasteful in the literal sense of that term. Not only only Not sense wasteful term. of that literal in the extremly overorganiza for does of labor division make an excessive a given over ideal society, ated in Fourier’s (or week work was seen as a vitalday) the division factor in overcoming in transcending between and intellectual manual activity, statuswork created, that this major division of differences that came with of experiences the wealth and in enhancing to crafts food through culti industry from movement a free productive activity to an attenu different many over tasks tion in the form of huge bureaucracies and tremendous and tremendous bureaucracies of huge tion form in the in transporting of resources expenditures materials over distances;great it reduces the possibilitiesre of effectively pollution wastes, its source avoiding cycling have may that concentratedin highly industrial and population centers, soundand making materials. use of local raw or regional tively networks definable of con and industries serve culture, communities the opportunities organized enrich federally exposed for and stimuli are and make to individuals which personalities sense rounded selfhood of rich with a more and competence. citizen in ideal of the rounded Greek The in Charles that reappeared environment — one a rounded by the anar utopian long cherished works — was Fourier’s chists and socialists century. the last of ------Decentralism and Self-Sustainability and Decentralism the sound ecological to explore necessary It is hardly afflicting another ecologically. But conventional economic afflicting ecologically. another and political against decentralization, rang arguments to water drinking our of Perth Amboy’s the fate ing from to on a number very of petroleum, rest alleged “addiction” on rest they problematical assumptions. disturbingly, Most an unconscious acceptance of the economic status quo. exists must necessar The assumption that what currently (as thinking is the acid all visionary exist that corrodes ily to of radicals tendency witness the recent espouse “market of the market than deal with the failings socialism” rather economy as as well state socialism). will we Doubtless to have importfor those coffee people who need a morning fix at the breakfast exotic or table metals for people who to be lasting their wares junk pro than the more want economy. throwaway duced engineered a consciously by utter the tens of asideBut from irrationality of crowding millions of people into congested, indeed suffocatingurban international belts, extravagant must the present-day to satisfy human division of labor necessarily in order exist Or has it been prof needs? created extravagant to provide to the eco we ignore multinational Are its for corporations? of its logical World consequences the Third of plundering interlocking economic with insanely modern life resources, whosepetroleum-rich areas ultimate products air include ignore pollutants To and petroleum-derived carcinogens? economy” of burgeon is the result that our “global the fact and a competitiveing industrial bureaucracies grow-or-die myopic. economy is incredibly market a certain achieving reasons for of self-sustaina measure Most environmentally that oriented people aware are bility. a massive national and international of labor division is 116–117 ------It is not very difficult show — item difficult by item — how the to It is not very Problems of Decentralism of Problems braces new ways of thinking and feeling, and new human and new human and feeling, of thinking new ways braces the experience we the ways including interrelationships, would and “citizenship” “politics” like Words world. natural be they meanings acquired rich by the redefined in the the present.past, for enlarged and international of labor division attenuated canbe greatly by using implementing local ecotech resources, and regional assuredly have been been so visionhave advocating the in have I assuredly piece” not involves thirty than more “one This for years. politics a new only political a new but culture that em nologies, human consumptionresealing along rational (indeed, lines, and emphasizing quality healthful) produc tion that provides lasting (instead of throwaway) means of lastingtion (instead that provides of throwaway) inventory considerable It is unfortunatelife. that the very of these possibilities, I partly which assembled and evalu Technology,” a Liberatory ated “Toward 1965 essay in my of having been written the burden from too long suffers ago to be accessible of ecologi generation to the present cally oriented people. Indeed, I also argued in that essay integration regional and the needfor to interlink resources among ecocommunities. decentralized communities For inevitablyare upon interdependent one another. pragmaticIf many people blind tothe importance are tend in the ecology toof decentralism, many movement that with “localism” — problems problems real very ignore raised by a glo than the problems no less troubling are a totalbalism that fosters interlocking of economic and political wholistic basis. such on a worldwide Without life political and cultural advocated, as changes I have notions of decentralism that emphasize localist isolation and a lead may to cultural parochialism of self-sufficiency degree ------Food thus becomes more than a form of material nu Food becomes thus than a form more Such monumentalSuch as changes the dissolution of the us how to conserve, invest, eat, and buy in an “ecologically invest, to eat, how us conserve, “ecologically in an buy and basic more of the a travesty need are manner responsible” to means what it on reflect reason — and think — yes, to to to ecologically I Thus, live term. meaning of the in the full than a good more is organically hold that towould garden a good and it is source of nutrients; of husbandry form toabove in the food place all a way by oneself web directly substances cultivatingpersonally the very one consumes what one environment to one’s by returning to and live it.elicits from nation-state and its substitution by a participatory democ tririent. The soil one tills, things one cultivates the living unite all the compostand consumes, in an one prepares ecological continuum to feed the spirit as as well the body, sensitivity to the nonhuman and human one’s sharpening us.am often I amused around world by zealous “spiritual landscapes devotees or of rituals, magic, “natural” ingly and pagan to that deities realize all of these) who fail (or food human activities — namely, one of the most eminently cultivation — can to do more foster an ecological sensibility please) if you than all the incantations(and spirituality, and devisedmantras in the name of ecological spiritualism. do not occur then, in a psychological vacuum where racy, the political against I argued alone is changed. structure that in a societyBrecher veering radically that was toward guided by comdecentralistic, participatory democracy, ists,” many of whom are either passive viewers of seem passive viewers either are ists,” of whom many munitarian and ecologicalreasonable principles, it is only to supposepeople that not choose an irrespon would such sible social dispensation of the the waters as allow would Hudson to be so polluted. par Decentralism, a face-to-face and a localist emphasis on commu- ticipatory democracy, nity be viewed as should piece — they values all of one most 116–117 ------Problems of Decentralism of Problems It is not very difficult show — item difficult by item — how the to It is not very balism that fosters a totalbalism that fosters interlocking of economic and political wholistic basis. such on a worldwide Without life political and cultural advocated, as changes I have notions of decentralism that emphasize localist isolation and a lead may to cultural parochialism of self-sufficiency degree If many pragmaticIf many people blind to the importance are tend in the ecology toof decentralism, many movement that with “localism” — problems problems real very ignore raised by a glo than the problems no less troubling are assuredly have been been so visionhave advocating the in have I assuredly piece” not involves thirty than more “one This for years. politics a new only political a new but culture that em nologies, human consumptionresealing along rational (indeed, lines, and emphasizing quality healthful) produc means of lastingtion (instead that provides of throwaway) inventory considerable It is unfortunatelife. that the very of these possibilities, I partly which assembled and evalu cally oriented people. Indeed, I also argued in that essay integration regional and the needfor to interlink resources among ecocommunities. decentralized communities For inevitablyare upon interdependent one another. international of labor division attenuated canbe greatly by using implementing local ecotech resources, and regional braces new ways of thinking and feeling, and new human and new human and feeling, of thinking new ways braces the experience we the ways including interrelationships, would and “citizenship” “politics” like Words world. natural be they meanings acquired rich by the redefined in the the present.past, for enlarged and Technology,” a Liberatory ated “Toward 1965 essay in my of having been written the burden from too long suffers ago to be accessible of ecologi generation to the present ------Food thus becomes more than a form of material nu Food becomes thus than a form more Such monumentalSuch as changes the dissolution of the us how to conserve, invest, eat, and buy in an “ecologically invest, to eat, how us conserve, “ecologically in an buy and basic more of the a travesty need are manner responsible” to means what it on reflect reason — and think — yes, to to to ecologically I Thus, live term. meaning of the in the full than a good more is organically hold that towould garden a good and it is source of nutrients; of husbandry form toabove in the food place all a way by oneself web directly substances cultivatingpersonally the very one consumes what one environment to one’s by returning to and live it.elicits from tririent. The soil one tills, things one cultivates the living unite all the compostand consumes, in an one prepares ecological continuum to feed the spirit as as well the body, sensitivity to the nonhuman and human one’s sharpening us.am often I amused around world by zealous “spiritual of seem passive viewers either are ists,” of whom many landscapes devotees or of rituals, magic, “natural” ingly and pagan to that deities realize all of these) who fail (or food human activities — namely, one of the most eminently cultivation — can to do more foster an ecological sensibility please) if you than all the incantations(and spirituality, and devisedmantras in the name of ecological spiritualism. nation-state and its substitution by a participatory democ do not occur then, in a psychological vacuum where racy, the political against I argued alone is changed. structure that in a societyBrecher veering radically that was toward guided by comdecentralistic, participatory democracy, munitarian and ecologicalreasonable principles, it is only to supposepeople that not choose an irrespon would such sible social dispensation of the the waters as allow would Hudson to be so polluted. par Decentralism, a face-to-face and a localist emphasis on commu- ticipatory democracy, nity be viewed as should piece — they values all of one most 118–119 - - - It is a troubling fact that neither decentralization that neither nor fact It is a troubling scaled that humanly does communitiesNor it follow trolled enterprises that functioned like capitalistic functioned that trolled enterprises like enter them expropriated after workers the prises in Barcelona practice CNT that the anarcho-syndicalist 1936 — a in July Revolution. in the Spanish early fought in itselfPlato’s is necessarily democratic. self-sufficiency was indeedideal city designed in the Republic to be self- was meant to maintainsufficient, but its self-sufficiency a as as well a philosophicalwarrior elite. Indeed, its capacity depended upon its ability, its self-sufficiency to preserve Sparta, influence like to “corruptive” the seemingly resist still that of outside (a say, characteristic, cultures I may closedappears in many societies in the East). Similarly, decentralization that we in itself no assurance provides A decentralized society an ecologicalwill have society. A can easily co-exist rigid hierarchies. with extremely and Orientalstriking is European example a feudalism, ducal, hierar and baronial princely, which in social order based decentralized communities. on highly were chies small is not all due respect toWith Schumacher, Fritz necessarily beautiful. constitute technologies” in themselves and “appropriate against guarantees domineering societies. In fact, for centuries humanity in villages and small towns, often lived socialwith tightly organized communistic ties and even these the material But provided basis for property. of forms despotichighly imperial states. economic on Considered and property high place a in the might earn they terms, but Daly, outlook Herman of economists like “no-growth” system of distribution,system as cooperatives becomeentangled is, in contracts and rights” — that of “bourgeois web in the bookkeeping the exact focus on that amounts community a This to others. what it delivers for in “exchange” will receive deterioration among some occurred the worker-con of - - - I regret to say that there are people are in the ecology to that there say I regret can we produce the basic a means of life — and Today Much as I respectMuch the intentions of those who advocate ing a kind of “collective” capitalism, one com in which - ing a kind of “collective” with a sense munity a single entrepreneur, functions like a system of Such its resources. toward of proprietorship cooperativesonce again marks the beginnings of a market movement who do, in fact, advocate who do, to a highly movement a return not to speak of Stone deities. Age economy, labor-intensive the ideals of localism, must give we decentralism, Clearly, and self-sustainabilitymeaning. and fuller greater good an ecological deal more — in society that is focused still on the production of high-quality useful goods.Yet too in the ecology movement others often up advocat end ple, that if a community can produce the things it needs, self-sustaining do so. But probably communitiesit should cannot produce need — unless all the things they it involves that histori village life of way to a back-breaking a return with aged and women its men cally often prematurely little political time for very life them and allowed work hard beyond the immediate confines of the community itself. and chauvinism. Parochialism can that lead to problems Parochialism chauvinism. and mentality as as serious the overlooks that a “global” are the peculiarities of cultures, uniqueness of ecosystems and ecoregions, scaled the need a humanly and for community a participatory that makes democracy possible.life is This tends that to ecologyan in movement today, issue minor no extremes. naive but rather well-meaning very swing toward tooI cannot repeat of way must find a emphatically that we and with nonhuman humans with other the world sharing a view that is often difficult of life, to attainforms in overly communities. “self-sufficient” these concepts and self-sustainabilty, local self-reliance can I can be misleading. certainly highly with David agree of the Institute exam for LocalMorris for Self-Reliance, 118–119 - - - It is a troubling fact that neither decentralization that neither nor fact It is a troubling scaled that humanly does communitiesNor it follow system of distribution,system as cooperatives becomeentangled is, in contracts and rights” — that of “bourgeois web in the bookkeeping the exact focus on that amounts community a This to others. what it delivers for in “exchange” will receive deterioration among some occurred the worker-con of capitalistic functioned that trolled enterprises like enter self-sufficiency in itself is necessarily democratic. Plato’s in itselfPlato’s is necessarily democratic. self-sufficiency was indeedideal city designed in the Republic to be self- was meant to maintainsufficient, but its self-sufficiency a as as well a philosophicalwarrior elite. Indeed, its capacity depended upon its ability, its self-sufficiency to preserve Sparta, influence like to “corruptive” the seemingly resist still that of outside (a say, characteristic, cultures I may closedappears in many societies in the East). Similarly, decentralization that we in itself no assurance provides A decentralized society an ecologicalwill have society. A can easily co-exist rigid hierarchies. with extremely and Orientalstriking is European example a feudalism, ducal, hierar and baronial princely, which in social order constitute technologies” in themselves and “appropriate against guarantees domineering societies. In fact, for centuries humanity in villages and small towns, often lived socialwith tightly organized communistic ties and even these the material But provided basis for property. of forms despotichighly imperial states. economic on Considered and property high place a in the might earn they terms, but Daly, outlook Herman of economists like “no-growth” prises in Barcelona after the workers expropriated them them expropriated after workers the prises in Barcelona practice CNT that the anarcho-syndicalist 1936 — a in July Revolution. in the Spanish early fought based decentralized communities. on highly were chies small is not all due respect toWith Schumacher, Fritz necessarily beautiful. - - - Much as I respectMuch the intentions of those who advocate people are in the ecology to that there say I regret can we produce the basic a means of life — and Today and chauvinism. Parochialism can that lead to problems Parochialism chauvinism. and mentality as as serious the overlooks that a “global” are the peculiarities of cultures, uniqueness of ecosystems and ecoregions, scaled the need a humanly and for community a participatory that makes democracy possible.life is This tends that to ecologyan in movement today, issue minor no extremes. naive but rather well-meaning very swing toward tooI cannot repeat of way must find a emphatically that we and with nonhuman humans with other the world sharing a view that is often difficult of life, to attainforms in overly communities. “self-sufficient” these concepts and self-sustainabilty, local self-reliance can I can be misleading. certainly highly with David agree of the Institute exam for LocalMorris for Self-Reliance, ple, that if a community can produce the things it needs, self-sustaining do so. But probably communitiesit should cannot produce need — unless all the things they it involves that histori village life of way to a back-breaking a return with aged and women its men cally often prematurely little political time for very life them and allowed work hard beyond the immediate confines of the community itself. in fact, advocate who do, to a highly movement a return not to speak of Stone deities. Age economy, labor-intensive the ideals of localism, must give we decentralism, Clearly, and self-sustainabilitymeaning. and fuller greater good an ecological deal more — in society that is focused still on the production of high-quality goods. useful Yet too in the ecology movement others often up advocat end capitalism, one com in which - ing a kind of “collective” with a sense munity a single entrepreneur, functions like a system of Such its resources. toward of proprietorship cooperatives once again marks the beginnings of a market 120–121 -

------What, then, is confederalism? It is above all a network of What, is confederalism? then, A confederalist view involves a clear distinction a clear be view involves A confederalist ) the history of confederal structures from ancient and ancient from structures of confederal history ) the ship as the Comuneros such to confederations medieval modern least at tends toeration — which counteract the tendency of decentralized communities exclusivity toand drift toward understanding a clear lack If we parochialism. of what con prin a key that it forms means — indeed, the fact federalism I have detailedI have articles many in at length booksand (par The Riseticularly Urbanization of the and Decline of Citizen the through sixteenth the early in Spain during century at recent and more sectional of 1793 Parisian movement tempts particularly at , in Anarchists by the what often Today, 1930s. of the Revolution the Spanish leads to serious misunderstandings among decentralists is in all too cases many their failure to see confed the need for to meaning agenda decentralism — the fuller ciple and gives of a libertarian municipalism can easily become vacuous at best at worst. or be parochial ends highly used for administrative councils or delegates whose members are elected popular face-to-face democratic assemblies, from neighborhoods villages, towns, and even in the various of councils cities. of these confederal large The members mandated, strictly and responsible to recallable, are the assemblies the purpose that choose for of coordi them nating and administering the policies by the formulated assemblies Their function themselves. is thus a purely administrative and practical one, not a policy making one the function of representatives systems like in republican of government. tween policymaking and the coordination and execution of adopted the right of policies. is exclusively Policymaking popular community assemblies based on the practices of Administration and coordination participatory democracy. the responsibility become councils, which are of confederal - - - At the risk of seeming contrary, I feel obliged to I feel empha of seeming contrary, the risk At If we extol such communities extol such If we because the extent to of and Interdependence Confederalism sive and degrading caste systems in different parts caste and degrading sive of the in different systems world-caste the socialIndia to that plague of systems life day. this very and size decentralization, that localism, self-sufficiency, each taken confederation not constitute singly — do even a a rational ecological will achieve that we guarantee society. at one time supported or another have In fact, all of them despotic and even parochial communities, re oligarchies, they were the hard bricks that were usedto most the build were that bricks hard the were they Orientalawesome What and China. in India decentralized thesefeared communities self-sufficient, the were them that ravaged almost as as the armies much them. imperial tax-gatherers that plundered or small, or decentralized, self-sufficient, were they which technologies,” be would obliged we “appropriate employed also culturally were to the extent to they which ignore stagnant and easily dominated by exogenous elites. Their but tradition-bound organic seemingly division of labor oppres the bases highly formed for have well very may and self-sustainability Decentralism a much must involve localism. of social principle broader than mere organization to with decentralization, approximations self- Together humanly scaled communities, ecotechnologies, sufficiency, is a compelling need democratic there and for and the like, communitariantruly short, of interdependence — in forms libertarianfor of confederalism. forms gimes. To be sure, without the institutional without be sure, that structures gimes. To our use and without taking of these terms cluster around cannot we hope to in combinationthem with each other, ecologically a free orientedachieve society. 120–121 -

------A confederalist view involves a clear distinction a clear be view involves A confederalist What, then, is confederalism? It is above all a network of What, is confederalism? then, I have detailedI have articles many in at length booksand (par The Riseticularly Urbanization of the and Decline of Citizen ) the history of confederal structures from ancient and ancient from structures of confederal history ) the ship as the Comuneros such to confederations medieval modern nating and administering the policies by the formulated assemblies Their function themselves. is thus a purely administrative and practical one, not a policy making one the function of representatives systems like in republican of government. tween policymaking and the coordination and execution of adopted the right of policies. is exclusively Policymaking popular community assemblies based on the practices of Administration and coordination participatory democracy. the responsibility become councils, which are of confederal administrative councils or delegates whose members are elected popular face-to-face democratic assemblies, from neighborhoods villages, towns, and even in the various of councils cities. of these confederal large The members mandated, strictly and responsible to recallable, are the assemblies the purpose that choose for of coordi them in Spain during the early sixteenth century through the through sixteenth the early in Spain during century at recent and more sectional of 1793 Parisian movement tempts particularly at confederation, in Anarchists by the what often Today, 1930s. of the Revolution the Spanish leads to serious misunderstandings among decentralists is in all too cases many their failure to see confed the need for least at tends toeration — which counteract the tendency of decentralized communities exclusivity toand drift toward understanding a clear lack If we parochialism. of what con to meaning agenda decentralism — the fuller ciple and gives of a libertarian municipalism can easily become vacuous at best at worst. or be parochial ends highly used for federalism means — indeed, the fact that it forms a key prin a key that it forms means — indeed, the fact federalism - - - If we extol such communities extol such If we because the extent to of obliged to I feel empha of seeming contrary, the risk At and Interdependence Confederalism they were the hard bricks that were usedto most the build were that bricks hard the were they Orientalawesome despotisms What and China. in India decentralized thesefeared communities self-sufficient, the were them that ravaged almost as as the armies much them. imperial tax-gatherers that plundered or small, or decentralized, self-sufficient, were they which technologies,” be would obliged we “appropriate employed also culturally were to the extent to they which ignore stagnant and easily dominated by exogenous elites. Their but tradition-bound organic seemingly division of labor oppres the bases highly formed for have well very may parts caste and degrading sive of the in different systems world-caste the socialIndia to that plague of systems life day. this very and size decentralization, that localism, self-sufficiency, each taken confederation not constitute singly — do even a a rational ecological will achieve that we guarantee society. at one time supported or another have In fact, all of them despotic and even parochial communities, re oligarchies, the institutional without be sure, that structures gimes. To our use and without taking of these terms cluster around cannot we hope to in combinationthem with each other, ecologically a free orientedachieve society. and self-sustainability Decentralism a much must involve localism. of social principle broader than mere organization to with decentralization, approximations self- Together humanly scaled communities, ecotechnologies, sufficiency, is a compelling need democratic there and for and the like, communitariantruly short, of interdependence — in forms libertarianfor of confederalism. forms 122–123 ------— that makes — that makes Impossible? Unless we are toImpossible? are believe that national Unless we of decentralization, is thus the ensemble Confederation for rational active citizenship in a participatory democracy, in a participatory rational active citizenship for democracy, the passive constituents that we unlike and consumers ter called building — what the Greeks paideia is confederalized by placing local farms, factories, and and factories, localplacing by confederalized is farms, neededother in local enterprises municipal hands — that begins or small, to large however a community, is, when net manage in an interlinked economic its own resources between a choice force communities. with other work To system or a market on the one hand self-sufficiency either is a simplistic the other on unnecessary and of exchange ecological to think that a confederal like I would dichotomy. society one, one based be would a sharing pleasure on the in distributingthat is felt communities among according capitalisticto their needs, “cooperative” not one in which of ex quo pro in the quid communities themselves mire relationships. change the political ized property of the power reinforces (which centralized state market with economic or a private power) to threatens under or die” economy of “grow (whose law scend the traditional special workplace, interests work, of status, and property interest and create a general relations, based community on shared problems. more. interdependence — and localism, self-sufficiency, education indispensablemoral the is charac and more This mine the ecological stability planet) entire of the is more to see to I fail what viable altemative have the we workable, rate, any At municipalization confederated of the economy. once be no longer it will for privileged state bureaucrats “collective” even bourgeois entrepreneurs — or or grasping capitalists in so-called enterprises — all workers-controlled with their special with a commu faced to promote who are of their occupa but citizens, irrespective problems, - nity’s once, to it will be tran necessary For tions or workplaces. ------Confederalism as a principle of social organization Confederalism A crucial element in giving reality to confederalism is the is realityto giving confederalism in element crucial A of perpetuating is thus a way the inter Confederalism reaches its fullest development when the economy itself when its development fullest reaches dependence that should exist among communities among exist and dependence that should of democratizingregions — indeed, that inter it is a way the principle of local dependence without surrendering is of self-sufficiency a reasonable measure While control. locality is a confederalism and region, every for desirable local avoiding on the one hand and parochialism means for national and global division of laboran extravagant on the In short, a community in which it is a way can retain other. its identity while participating and roundedness in a shar up a balanced makes whole that with the larger ing way ecological society. the means for interlinking towns,villages, for means the neighborhoods, from thus flows and cities networks. into Power confederal the bottom top the instead up in confed and down, of from communities of interdependence an authentic mutual for erations, the flow of power from the bottomfrom of the flow up diminishes power erations, territorially councilwith the scope ranging of the federal localities tofrom regions ever-broader to from and regions territorial areas. produce, and policymakism based resources, on shared ing. If one community not obliged is to count on another to satisfy important generally or others material needs common politicaland realize that it is a way goals in such to whole, exclusivityinterlinked a greater and parochial networks — can decentralizationeral and localism prevent the communities compose that bodies of associa larger at the into themselves withdrawing parochially tion from of human consociation. areas of wider expense ism are genuine possibilities. genuine ism are as recognize we insofar Only must bethat confederation conceived as an extension of a of participatoryform administration — by means of confed 122–123 ------— that makes — that makes Impossible? Unless we are toImpossible? are believe that national Unless we of decentralization, is thus the ensemble Confederation localism, self-sufficiency, interdependence — and more. more. interdependence — and localism, self-sufficiency, education indispensablemoral the is charac and more This is confederalized by placing local farms, factories, and and factories, localplacing by confederalized is farms, neededother in local enterprises municipal hands — that begins or small, to large however a community, is, when net manage in an interlinked economic its own resources between a choice force communities. with other work To system or a market on the one hand self-sufficiency either is a simplistic the other on unnecessary and of exchange ecological to think that a confederal like I would dichotomy. society one, one based be would a sharing pleasure on the in distributingthat is felt communities among according capitalisticto their needs, “cooperative” not one in which of ex quo pro in the quid communities themselves mire relationships. change the political ized property of the power reinforces (which centralized state market with economic or a private power) to threatens under or die” economy of “grow (whose law mine the ecological stability planet) entire of the is more to see to I fail what viable altemative have the we workable, rate, any At municipalization confederated of the economy. once be no longer it will for privileged state bureaucrats “collective” even bourgeois entrepreneurs — or or grasping capitalists in so-called enterprises — all workers-controlled with their special with a commu faced to promote who are of their occupa but citizens, irrespective problems, - nity’s once, to it will be tran necessary For tions or workplaces. scend the traditional special workplace, interests work, of status, and property interest and create a general relations, based community on shared problems. ter called building — what the Greeks paideia in a participatory rational active citizenship for democracy, the passive constituents that we unlike and consumers ------Confederalism as a principle of social organization Confederalism A crucial element in giving reality to confederalism is the is realityto giving confederalism in element crucial A of perpetuating is thus a way the inter Confederalism dependence that should exist among communities among exist and dependence that should of democratizingregions — indeed, that inter it is a way the principle of local dependence without surrendering is of self-sufficiency a reasonable measure While control. locality is a confederalism and region, every for desirable local avoiding on the one hand and parochialism means for national and global division of laboran extravagant on the In short, a community in which it is a way can retain other. its identity while participating and roundedness in a shar up a balanced makes whole that with the larger ing way ecological society. the economy itself when its development fullest reaches the means for interlinking towns,villages, for means the neighborhoods, from thus flows and cities networks. into Power confederal the bottom top the instead up in confed and down, of from the bottomfrom of the flow up diminishes power erations, territorially councilwith the scope ranging of the federal localities tofrom regions ever-broader to from and regions territorial areas. communities of interdependence an authentic mutual for produce, and policymakism based resources, on shared ing. If one community not obliged is to count on another to satisfy important generally or others material needs common politicaland realize that it is a way goals in such to whole, exclusivityinterlinked a greater and parochial possibilities. genuine ism are as recognize we insofar Only must bethat confederation conceived as an extension of a of participatoryform administration — by means of confed networks — can decentralizationeral and localism prevent the communities compose that bodies of associa larger at the into themselves withdrawing parochially tion from of human consociation. areas of wider expense 124–125 ------If the two — confederalism and — areIf the two — confederalism not seen as Confederation as as Dual Confederation cratic states (as some U.S. Greens have proposed) have is to Greens blur cratic states (as some U.S. the importance tension of the needfor between confedera phasize, societal, not simply a unique is particularly or civic of administration. tradition It is a vibrant municipal, form one that has a centuries-long of humanity, in the affairs behind history it. tried generations to for Confederations long historical equally toward tendency a nearly countervail centralization of the nation-state. and the creation a tension the na in which being in tension with each other, tion-state- has used provin a variety of intermediaries like and state in Canada cial governments in the governments United States to control,” create the illusion then of “local the concept loses of confederation all meaning. Provincial autonomy and states’ in Canada rights in the United States the or councils were than “soviets” confederal no more are popularmedium control that existed for in tension with totalitarianStalin’s state. taken soviets The Russian were who supplanted their with them by the Bolsheviks, over party or two within a year of the October To Revolution. municipalities of confederal as a counter the role weaken to power the nation-statevailing by opportunistically- run candidates state for government — or, ning “confederalist” in seemingly demo governorship for nightmarishly, more us believe about believe us capitalism) liberal point the of rather but eco-social a new departure for a partici by marked history within societyevolution patory between and society and world. the natural writings how previous tried in my to all, I have Above show a municipal on basisconfederation has existed in sharp and the nation- tension state with the centralized generally, statetried I have to times. of recent em Confederalism, ------To argue that the remaking of societyremaking that the and our rela argue To Confederalism, in effect,must Confederalism, be conceived as a whole: kind ever-developing is thus a fluid and Confederalism scious reconstruction of our relationship toscious and reconstruction other each our relationship of world. the natural can by world be only the natural tionship with achieved decentralization or localism or self-sustainabilty leaves incompleteus with an collection of solutions. Whatever omit among these presuppositionswe society a for based on confederated municipalities, a leave to would be sure, hope social we hole in the entire to yawning create. fabric it the fabric destroy eventually and grow That hole would have today. In the end, there is no substitute is a con there end, the In for today. have body that of interdependencies formed a consciously unites participatory in municipalities democracy with a system of coordination. supervised Itscrupulously in of social metabolism the identity in which of an ecological and by virtue society its differences through is preserved Confederal differentiation. of its potential ever-greater for self — just as a market economy, cojoined with “socialism,” cojoined with “socialism,” economy, self — just as a market concept one has or whatever the good of “anarchism,” dominate the society eventually would as a whole. society, can omit the distinctionNor we between policy making the onceand administration, policy from for making slips by itshands of the people, delegates, it is devoured who become quickly bureaucrats. the dialectical and of independence volves development articulated richly intodependence of inter a more form society in a free as just dependence, the individual grows in childhood dependence tofrom independence in youth, toonly sublate the two of interde into a conscious form pendence between and between individuals the individual and society. ism, in fact, of social (as does history not mark a closure of history” have would ideologists years of recent the “end 124–125 ------If the two — confederalism and statism — areIf the two — confederalism not seen as Confederation as Dual Power as Dual Confederation cratic states (as some U.S. Greens have proposed) have is to Greens blur cratic states (as some U.S. the importance tension of the needfor between confedera being in tension with each other, a tension the na in which being in tension with each other, phasize, societal, not simply a unique is particularly or civic of administration. tradition It is a vibrant municipal, form one that has a centuries-long of humanity, in the affairs behind history it. tried generations to for Confederations long historical equally toward tendency a nearly countervail centralization of the nation-state. and the creation tion-state- has used provin a variety of intermediaries like and state in Canada cial governments in the governments United States to control,” create the illusion then of “local the concept loses of confederation all meaning. Provincial autonomy and states’ in Canada rights in the United States the or councils were than “soviets” confederal no more are popularmedium control that existed for in tension with totalitarianStalin’s state. taken soviets The Russian were who supplanted their with them by the Bolsheviks, over party or two within a year of the October To Revolution. municipalities of confederal as a counter the role weaken to power the nation-statevailing by opportunistically- run candidates state for government — or, ning “confederalist” in seemingly demo governorship for nightmarishly, more Above all, I have tried to show in my previous writings how previous tried in my to all, I have Above show a municipal on basisconfederation has existed in sharp and the nation- tension state with the centralized generally, statetried I have to times. of recent em Confederalism, us believe about believe us capitalism) liberal point the of rather but eco-social a new departure for a partici by marked history within societyevolution patory between and society and world. the natural ------To argue that the remaking of societyremaking that the and our rela argue To in effect,must Confederalism, be conceived as a whole: kind ever-developing is thus a fluid and Confederalism have today. In the end, there is no substitute is a con there end, the In for today. have toscious and reconstruction other each our relationship of world. the natural can by be world only the natural tionship with achieved decentralization or localism or self-sustainabilty leaves incompleteus with an collection of solutions. Whatever omit among these presuppositionswe society a for based on confederated municipalities, a leave to would be sure, hope social we hole in the entire to yawning create. fabric it the fabric destroy eventually and grow That hole would cojoined with “socialism,” economy, self — just as a market concept one has or whatever of the good “anarchism,” dominate the society eventually would as a whole. society, can omit the distinctionNor we between policy making the onceand administration, policy from for making slips by itshands of the people, delegates, it is devoured who become quickly bureaucrats. body that of interdependencies formed a consciously unites participatory in municipalities democracy with a system of coordination. supervised Itscrupulously in the dialectical and of independence volves development articulated richly intodependence of inter a more form society in a free as just dependence, the individual grows in childhood dependence tofrom independence in youth, toonly sublate the two of interde into a conscious form pendence between and between individuals the individual and society. of social metabolism the identity in which of an ecological and by virtue society its differences through is preserved Confederal differentiation. of its potential ever-greater for ism, in fact, of social (as does history not mark a closure of history” have would ideologists years of recent the “end 126–127 - - To run a Green for a mayor on a libertarian a mayor for a Green run municipalist To At the risk of repetition, that to this the risk let me say ignore At logic instructs that terms like “executive” make the two the make “executive” logic instructs like terms that positions to is totally interchangeable notion the of remove its context, from it, power executive it into to to reify make because category lifeless trappings of the external a mere attachwe city If the to the word. is to be seen as a whole, and its potentialities a participatory creating for democracy and to be recognized,are governments fully so provincial statethe United and in Canada States governments must beestablished seen as clearly organized small republics representation around entirely rule at best and oligarchical the at worst. for of expression the channels provide They nation-state — and constitute obstacles to the development public realm. of a genuine running in short,from program, is qualitatively different or state libertara provincial on a presumably governor ian muncipalist program. It amountsian muncipalist to program. decontextualizing in a province the institutions in a municipality, that exist or state, placing all thereby the nation-state and in itself, of thesethree executive positions formal a purely under that because say imprecision might with equal One rubric. human beings spinal cords, both and dinosaurs have belongthat they to to the same species the same or even case,genus. In each such an institution — be it a mayoral, or selectperson — must be seen in a municipal councillor, context as just as a whole, a president, minister, prime of parliament, or member congressperson, must in turn, be seen in the state this stand context as a whole. From is fundamentallypoint, to mayors different Greens run for and state provincial running from offices. One can go into detailedendless are of a mayor the powers reasons why than public purview controlled closer and under more far those of state office-holders. and provincial is to abandon sense simply fact contextuality any of and - - - -

- - In describing confederalism as a whole — as a struc In describing confederalism By contrast,By delegated authoritarianor “politics” of levels that the twothat cannot co-exist term. the long over and decentralization, participatory for ture democracy, localism — and as a potentiality dif an ever-greater for all its stand the basic political itself, life of civic nature notwithstanding.malformations to con Greens Thus, for and analytical manner — as modern formal tend in a purely tions nation-states — indeed, and fact the obscure they presuppose the abdication of municipal and citizen power The municipality be must always to or another. one degree com understood To authentic as world. this truly public ferentiation along new lines of development, I would like like I would of development, along new lines ferentiation to emphasize that concept that this same of wholeness betweenapplies to the interdependencies municipalities as The municipality, also applies to the muncipality itself. I pointed writings, out in earlier is the most immediate a that is literally the world political of the individual, arena and the intimacy the family of doorstep privacy beyond the political In that primary arena, of personal friendships. politics be sensewhere should conceived in the Hellenic the individual managing the pollsof literally or community, into person an active mere a from can be transformed a private being intocitizen, this from a public being. Given the citizen a functional renders that literally arena crucial being who can participate of society, in the future directly of human interaction that is dealing with a level are we basic itself)more (apart the family that from level than any where of governance, in representativeis expressed forms transmutedcollective into is literally embod power power The municipality individuals. ied by one or a few is thus the it may much however of public life, most authentic arena been distortedhave of history. the course over executive positions with a governor a mayor even pare like misunder in representative is to of power grossly realms 126–127 - - At the risk of repetition, that to this the risk let me say ignore At To run a Green for a mayor on a libertarian a mayor for a Green run municipalist To fact is to abandon sense simply fact contextuality any of and ian muncipalist program. It amountsian muncipalist to program. decontextualizing in a province the institutions in a municipality, that exist or state, placing all thereby the nation-state and in itself, of thesethree executive positions formal a purely under that because say imprecision might with equal One rubric. human beings spinal cords, both and dinosaurs have belongthat they to to the same species the same or even case,genus. In each such an institution — be it a mayoral, or selectperson — must be seen in a municipal councillor, context as just as a whole, a president, minister, prime of parliament, or member congressperson, must in turn, be seen in the state this stand context as a whole. From is fundamentallypoint, to mayors different Greens run for and state provincial running from offices. One can go into detailedendless are of a mayor the powers reasons why than public purview controlled closer and under more far those of state office-holders. and provincial program, in short, is qualitatively different from running in short,from program, is qualitatively different or state libertara provincial on a presumably governor logic instructs that terms like “executive” make the two the make “executive” logic instructs like terms that positions to is totally interchangeable notion the of remove its context, from it, power executive it into to to reify make because category lifeless trappings of the external a mere attachwe city If the to the word. is to be seen as a whole, and its potentialities a participatory creating for democracy and to be recognized,are governments fully so provincial statethe United and in Canada States governments must beestablished seen as clearly organized small republics representation around entirely rule at best and oligarchical the at worst. for of expression the channels provide They nation-state — and constitute obstacles to the development public realm. of a genuine - - - -

- - In describing confederalism as a whole — as a struc In describing confederalism contrast,By delegated authoritarianor “politics” of levels tions nation-states — indeed, and fact the obscure they the twothat cannot co-exist term. the long over and decentralization, participatory for ture democracy, localism — and as a potentiality dif an ever-greater for like I would of development, along new lines ferentiation to emphasize that concept that this same of wholeness betweenapplies to the interdependencies municipalities as The municipality, also applies to the muncipality itself. I pointed writings, out in earlier is the most immediate a that is literally the world political of the individual, arena and the intimacy the family of doorstep privacy beyond the political In that primary arena, of personal friendships. politics be sensewhere should conceived in the Hellenic the individual managing the pollsof literally or community, into person an active mere a from can be transformed a private being intocitizen, this from a public being. Given the citizen a functional renders that literally arena crucial being who can participate of society, in the future directly of human interaction that is dealing with a level are we basic itself)more (apart the family that from level than any where of governance, in representativeis expressed forms transmutedcollective into is literally embod power power The municipality individuals. ied by one or a few is thus the it may much however of public life, most authentic arena been distortedhave of history. the course over presuppose the abdication of municipal and citizen power The municipality be must always to or another. one degree com understood To authentic as world. this truly public executive positions with a governor a mayor even pare like misunder in representative is to of power grossly realms all its stand the basic political itself, life of civic nature notwithstanding.malformations to con Greens Thus, for and analytical manner — as modern formal tend in a purely the environment in which issues like policy, administration, may cut across many such cities (Los Angeles is a notable participation, and representation must be placed. Simply, example), to run candidates for the city council may be the a city hall in a town or city is not a capital in a province, only recourse we have, in fact, for arresting the development state, or nation-state. of increasingly authoritarian state institutions and helping to Unquestionably, there are now cities that are so large restore an institutionally decentralized democracy. that they verge on being quasi-republics in their own right. It will no doubt take a long time to physically decentral- One thinks for example of such megalopolitan areas as ize an urban entity such as New York City into authentic New York City and Los Angeles. In such cases, the minimal municipalities and ultimately communes. Such an effort program of a Green movement can demand that confed- is part of the maximum program of a Green movement. erations be established within the urban area — namely, But there is no reason why an urban entity of such a huge among neighborhoods or definable districts — not only magnitude cannot be slowly decentralized institutionally. among the urban areas themselves. In a very real sense, The distinction between physical decentralization and these highly populated, sprawling, and oversized enti- institutional decentralization must always be kept in mind. ties must ultimately be broken down institutionally into Time and again excellent proposals have been advanced authentic municipalities that are scaled to human dimen- by radicals and even city planners to localize democracy in sions and that lend themselves to participatory democracy. such huge urban entities and literally give greater power These entities are not yet fully formed state powers, either to the people, only to be cynically shot down by centralists institutionally or in reality, such as we find even in sparsely who invoke physical impediments to such an endeavor. populated American states. The mayor is not yet a gover- It confuses the arguments of advocates for decentrali- nor, with the enormous coercive powers that a governor zation to make institutional decentralization congruent has, nor is the city council a parliament or statehouse that with the physical breakup of such a large entity. There is can literally legislate the death penalty into existence, such a certain treachery on the part of centralists in making as is occurring in the United States today. these two very distinct lines of development identical or In cities that are transforming themselves into quasi- entangling them with each other. Libertarian municipalists states, there is still a good deal of leeway in which politics must always keep the distinction between institutional and can be conducted along libertarian lines. Already, the execu- physical decentralization clearly in mind, and recognize tive branches of these urban entities constitute a highly that the former is entirely achievable even while the latter precarious ground — burdened by enormous bureaucracies, may take years to attain. police powers, tax powers, and juridical systems that raise serious problems for a libertarian municipal approach. We Murray Bookchin was a libertarian socialist author and a pioneer in the must always ask ourselves in all frankness what form the ecological movement. This essay first appeared in Green Perspectives 20 on 3 November 1990. It was recently republished in the collection concrete situation takes. Where city councils and mayoral of essays by Bookchin The Next Revolution. Popular Assemblies & The offices in large cities provide an arena for battling the con- Promise of Direct Democracy (London and New York: Verso Books, centration of power in an increasingly strong state or provin- 2015) edited by Debbie Bookchin and Blair Taylor. It appears here in lightly edited form with permission of the editors. cial executive, and even worse, in regional jurisdictions that the environment in which issues like policy, administration, may cut across many such cities (Los Angeles is a notable participation, and representation must be placed. Simply, example), to run candidates for the city council may be the a city hall in a town or city is not a capital in a province, only recourse we have, in fact, for arresting the development state, or nation-state. of increasingly authoritarian state institutions and helping to Unquestionably, there are now cities that are so large restore an institutionally decentralized democracy. that they verge on being quasi-republics in their own right. It will no doubt take a long time to physically decentral- One thinks for example of such megalopolitan areas as ize an urban entity such as New York City into authentic New York City and Los Angeles. In such cases, the minimal municipalities and ultimately communes. Such an effort program of a Green movement can demand that confed- is part of the maximum program of a Green movement. erations be established within the urban area — namely, But there is no reason why an urban entity of such a huge among neighborhoods or definable districts — not only magnitude cannot be slowly decentralized institutionally. among the urban areas themselves. In a very real sense, The distinction between physical decentralization and these highly populated, sprawling, and oversized enti- institutional decentralization must always be kept in mind. ties must ultimately be broken down institutionally into Time and again excellent proposals have been advanced authentic municipalities that are scaled to human dimen- by radicals and even city planners to localize democracy in sions and that lend themselves to participatory democracy. such huge urban entities and literally give greater power These entities are not yet fully formed state powers, either to the people, only to be cynically shot down by centralists institutionally or in reality, such as we find even in sparsely who invoke physical impediments to such an endeavor. populated American states. The mayor is not yet a gover- It confuses the arguments of advocates for decentrali- nor, with the enormous coercive powers that a governor zation to make institutional decentralization congruent has, nor is the city council a parliament or statehouse that with the physical breakup of such a large entity. There is can literally legislate the death penalty into existence, such a certain treachery on the part of centralists in making as is occurring in the United States today. these two very distinct lines of development identical or In cities that are transforming themselves into quasi- entangling them with each other. Libertarian municipalists states, there is still a good deal of leeway in which politics must always keep the distinction between institutional and can be conducted along libertarian lines. Already, the execu- physical decentralization clearly in mind, and recognize tive branches of these urban entities constitute a highly that the former is entirely achievable even while the latter precarious ground — burdened by enormous bureaucracies, may take years to attain. police powers, tax powers, and juridical systems that raise serious problems for a libertarian municipal approach. We Murray Bookchin was a libertarian socialist author and a pioneer in the must always ask ourselves in all frankness what form the ecological movement. This essay first appeared in Green Perspectives 20 on 3 November 1990. It was recently republished in the collection concrete situation takes. Where city councils and mayoral of essays by Bookchin The Next Revolution. Popular Assemblies & The offices in large cities provide an arena for battling the con- Promise of Direct Democracy (London and New York: Verso Books, centration of power in an increasingly strong state or provin- 2015) edited by Debbie Bookchin and Blair Taylor. It appears here in lightly edited form with permission of the editors. cial executive, and even worse, in regional jurisdictions that Plants in living rooms serve as commemorative objects of martyrs from the Rojava Revolution, with leafs carrying portraits forming together the foundation of what the autonomous cantons have termed their "ecology of freedom."

Contract Social The Plants in living rooms serve as commemorative objects of martyrs from the Rojava Revolution, with leafs carrying portraits forming together the foundation of what the autonomous cantons have termed their "ecology of freedom." Contract Social The 132–133 - - - -

- In pursuit of freedom, justice, dignity, and democracy justice, of freedom, dignity, In pursuit Under the Charter, we, the people we, of the Autonomous the Charter, Under In establishing this Charter, we declare a political declare we system In establishing this Charter, 29 January 2014 Preamble the people of the Democratic of Regions Autonomous We, Arabs, of Kurds, a confederation and Kobanê, Cizîre, Afrîn, and Armenians, Turkmen, Arameans, Chaldeans, Assyrians, establish and declare solemnly and this freely Chechens, hasbeen which drafted according to the principles Charter, of Democratic Autonomy. and led by principles of equality and environmental sustain Charter the new social a proclaims contract, basedability, upon mutual and peaceful co-existence and understanding It protects fundamentalbetween of society. hu all strands man rights and liberties right the topeoples’ and reaffirms self-determination. uniteRegions, and in the spirit of reconciliation, pluralism, democratic participation them so express that all may a society In building in public life. from freely free selves , militarism, and the interven centralism, tion of religious authority in public affairs, the Charter the rec tion authority of religious in public affairs, territorial integrity to and aspires maintain ognizes Syria’s domestic and international peace. administrationand civil upon founded a social contract that a transitional through mosaic reconciles the rich of Syria and destruction, to a dictatorship,phase from war, civil new democratic society and social life civic justice where preserved. are 132–133 - - - -

- In establishing this Charter, we declare a political declare we system In establishing this Charter, Under the Charter, we, the people we, of the Autonomous the Charter, Under In pursuit of freedom, justice, dignity, and democracy justice, of freedom, dignity, In pursuit and civil administrationand civil upon founded a social contract that a transitional through mosaic reconciles the rich of Syria and destruction, to a dictatorship,phase from war, civil tion of religious authority in public affairs, the Charter the rec tion authority of religious in public affairs, territorial integrity to and aspires maintain ognizes Syria’s domestic and international peace. new democratic society and social life civic justice where preserved. are Regions, uniteRegions, and in the spirit of reconciliation, pluralism, democratic participation them so express that all may man rights and liberties right the topeoples’ and reaffirms self-determination. a society In building in public life. from freely free selves authoritarianism, militarism, and the interven centralism, We, the people of the Democratic of Regions Autonomous We, Arabs, of Kurds, a confederation and Kobanê, Cizîre, Afrîn, and Armenians, Turkmen, Arameans, Chaldeans, Assyrians, establish and declare solemnly and this freely Chechens, hasbeen which drafted according to the principles Charter, of Democratic Autonomy. and led by principles of equality and environmental sustain 29 January 2014 Preamble ability, the Charter the new social a proclaims contract, basedability, upon mutual and peaceful co-existence and understanding It protects fundamentalbetween of society. hu all strands 134–135 - Supreme ConstitutionalSupreme Court. Councils. Municipal/Provincial

4. 5. Article 5 Article Canton of Afrîn; city, Afrîn Canton of Cizîre; city, Qamişlo Canton of Kobanê. city, Kobanê 6 Article 7 Article 8 Article 9 Article 10 Article mestic affairs of other countries, and it shall safeguard its shall safeguard of other countries, and it mestic affairs neighboring with relations states, conflicts any resolving peacefully. The administrative centers of each canton centers The administrative are: of the in the eyes and communities persons equal are All in rights and and responsibilities.law accede which cities, towns,Syria to and villages in All this within Autonomous Cantons falling Charter form may Regions. upon founded are Cantons in the Autonomous Regions All the principle of local self-government. freely Cantons may elect their representatives and representative bodies, and do not contravene as their rights they insofar pursue may the articles of the Charter. Kurdish, Canton of the are languages of Cizîre The official communities the right to All have teach and Syriac. Arabic, and be taught in their native language. in the do interfere not shall The Autonomous Regions -

- Legislative Assembly. Legislative Executive Councils. High Commission of Elections.

1. 2. 3. Article 3 Article 4 Article Article 2 Article Article 1 Article of the Autonomous Regions. It is exercised by governing by governing Regions. Itof the Autonomous is exercised councils and public institutions elected popular by vote. The people constitute the sole source of legitimacy in councils and public institutions,all governing which democratic on principles essential founded toare a society. free and democratic state, sovereign, is a free, Syria gov by a parliamentaryerned system based on principles of decentralization and pluralism. composed are The Autonomous Regions of the three an integral forming and Kobanê, Cizîre, Cantons of Afrîn, part territory. of the Syrian diverse, is ethnically and religiously The Canton of Cizîre Muslim, Armenian, Chechen, Syriac, Arab, with Kurdish, communities peacefully co-existing Yezidi and Christian, in brotherhood. elected The repre Assembly Legislative Cantonssents of the Autonomous Regions. all three Authority resides with and emanates from the peoplewith and emanatesAuthority from resides

b) a) b) c) the Autonomous Regions: in of Governance The Structure a) The Charter of the Autonomous Regions of Afrîn, Cizîre, Cizîre, The Charter of Afrîn, Regions of the Autonomous “the Charter”], [hereinafter and Kobanê social is a renewed contract between the peoples Regions. of the Autonomous is an integral part of the Charter. The Preamble Part I. GeneralPrinciples 134–135 - Supreme ConstitutionalSupreme Court. Councils. Municipal/Provincial

5. 4. Article 10 Article Article 9 Article Article 8 Article Article 7 Article Article 6 Article Afrîn city, Canton of Afrîn; city, Afrîn Canton of Cizîre; city, Qamişlo Canton of Kobanê. city, Kobanê Article 5 Article mestic affairs of other countries, and it shall safeguard its shall safeguard of other countries, and it mestic affairs neighboring with relations states, conflicts any resolving peacefully. The Autonomous Regions shall not interfere in the do interfere not shall The Autonomous Regions The official languages of the Canton of Cizîre are Kurdish, Kurdish, Canton of the are languages of Cizîre The official communities the right to All have teach and Syriac. Arabic, and be taught in their native language. All Cantons in the Autonomous Regions are founded upon founded are Cantons in the Autonomous Regions All the principle of local self-government. freely Cantons may elect their representatives and representative bodies, and do not contravene as their rights they insofar pursue may the articles of the Charter. All cities, towns, and villages in Syria which accede which cities, towns,Syria to and villages in All this within Autonomous Cantons falling Charter form may Regions. All persons and communities are equal in the eyes of the in the eyes and communities persons equal are All in rights and and responsibilities.law The administrative centers of each canton centers The administrative are: -

- Legislative Assembly. Legislative Executive Councils. High Commission of Elections.

1. 2. 3. Article 4 Article Article 3 Article Article 1 Article 2 Article The Autonomous Regions are composed are The Autonomous Regions of the three an integral forming and Kobanê, Cizîre, Cantons of Afrîn, part territory. of the Syrian diverse, is ethnically and religiously The Canton of Cizîre Muslim, Armenian, Chechen, Syriac, Arab, with Kurdish, communities peacefully co-existing Yezidi and Christian, in brotherhood. elected The repre Assembly Legislative Cantonssents of the Autonomous Regions. all three The people constitute the sole source of legitimacy in councils and public institutions,all governing which democratic on principles essential founded toare a society. free and democratic state, sovereign, is a free, Syria gov by a parliamentaryerned system based on principles of decentralization and pluralism. Authority resides with and emanates from the peoplewith and emanatesAuthority from resides by governing Regions. Itof the Autonomous is exercised councils and public institutions elected popular by vote.

c) the Autonomous Regions: in of Governance The Structure a) b) Part I. GeneralPrinciples Cizîre, The Charter of Afrîn, Regions of the Autonomous “the Charter”], [hereinafter and Kobanê social is a renewed contract between the peoples Regions. of the Autonomous is an integral part of the Charter. The Preamble a) b) 136–137 - -

Article 17Article Article 18 19 Article 20 Article Article 16 Article the procedure prescribedthe procedure set was aside important in any introduced, was the provision respect when the provision be nullified.shall The Charter the rights to of the youth guarantees partici pate and political actively in public life. acts and omissions and the appropriate penaltiesUnlawful law. definedcivil by criminal and are The system of taxation fiscalregulations are and other law. defined by The Charter the fundamental as holds inviolable rights and setfreedoms out in international human rights treaties, conventions, and declarations. The Asayiş forces are charged with civil policing civil with functions charged are forces Asayiş The Regions. Autonomous in the If a court public body other that a provi or any considers sionfundamental conflicts of a with a provision or law superior statute, other of any with a provision or that - - - - Article 14 Article Article 15 Article 13 Article Article 12 Article Article 11 Article The Autonomous Regions shall seek a frame to shall Regions The Autonomous implement Units (YPG) is the sole military Defense force The People’s Cantons, of the three with the mandate to protect and the securitydefend and its Regions of the Autonomous peoples, threats. The against both and external internal Units act Defense in accordance with the recog People’s ture, executive, and judiciary. ture, of transitionalwork justice take It shall measures. steps to the legacy State of chauvinistic and discriminatory redress to of reparations victims,policies, the payment including both and communities, individuals Autonomous in the Regions. of command right to Power self-defense. nized inherent Units is vested Defense in the in respect of the People’s Command. Its its rela Central through Body of Defense There shall be a separation of powers between be a separation shall of powers the legisla There Part II. Basic Principles The Autonomous Regions form an integral part form Regions The Autonomous Syria. of decentralized system of federal It a future is a model for in Syria. governance The Autonomous Regions have the right to the be have Regions Autonomous The represented symbols Such anthem. and emblems, flag, own by their belaw. shall defined in a be shall government of the central tion to forces the armed in a specialdefined by the Assembly law. Legislative 136–137 - -

Article 16 Article Article 20 Article Article 19 Article Article 17Article Article 18 If a court public body other that a provi or any considers The Asayiş forces are charged with civil policing civil with functions charged are forces Asayiş The Regions. Autonomous in the sionfundamental conflicts of a with a provision or law superior statute, other of any with a provision or that The Charter the fundamental as holds inviolable rights and setfreedoms out in international human rights treaties, conventions, and declarations. The system of taxation fiscalregulations are and other law. defined by The Charter the rights to of the youth guarantees partici acts and omissions and the appropriate penaltiesUnlawful law. definedcivil by criminal and are the procedure prescribedthe procedure set was aside important in any introduced, was the provision respect when the provision be nullified.shall pate and political actively in public life. - - - - Article 11 Article 12 Article 13 Article 14 Article Article 15 The Autonomous Regions have the right to the be have Regions Autonomous The represented symbols Such anthem. and emblems, flag, own by their belaw. shall defined in a an integral part form Regions The Autonomous Syria. of decentralized system of federal It a future is a model for in Syria. governance Part II. Basic Principles between be a separation shall of powers the legisla There executive, and judiciary. ture, seek a frame to shall Regions The Autonomous implement of transitionalwork justice take It shall measures. steps to the legacy State of chauvinistic and discriminatory redress to of reparations victims,policies, the payment including both and communities, individuals Autonomous in the Regions. Units (YPG) is the sole military Defense force The People’s Cantons, of the three with the mandate to protect and the securitydefend and its Regions of the Autonomous peoples, threats. The against both and external internal Units act Defense in accordance with the recog People’s of command right to Power self-defense. nized inherent Units is vested Defense in the in respect of the People’s Command. Its its rela Central through Body of Defense be shall government of the central tion to forces the armed in a specialdefined by the Assembly law. Legislative 138–139 - - - - -

Personal securityPersonal in a peaceful and stable society. and secondary primary compulsory and Free education. adequate health, housing. social security, Work,

• • • Article 27Article 28Article 29Article Article 30 Article Article 26 Article human person. No one shall be subjected shall one No person. human to torture or to or punishment. treatment or degrading inhumane, cruel, right to the conditions humane have deten of Prisoners tion, which protect their inherent dignity. Prisons shall shall Prisons dignity. tion, protect inherent which their educa objective the reformation, of underlying the serve tion,and social rehabilitation of prisoners. be executed. right to participate the inviolable have in political,Women social, economic, life. and cultural The Char of the law. in the eyes equal are and women Men realization of equalitywomen the effective ter of guarantees and mandates public institutions the elimi to towards work discrimination.nation of gender The Charter In particu the rights of the child. guarantees lar, children shall not suffer exploitation,economic not suffer shall child children lar, torture or treatment inhuman, or degrading or cruel, labor, attaining not be before shall married and punishment, the age of majority. the right to: have persons All c) Every human being has an inherent right to life. No one No to right being human life. has an inherent Every within the jurisdiction shall Regions of the Autonomous - - - -

, the International on Economic, Covenant Social and Article 22Article Article 23 Article Article 24 may of information and freedom of expression Freedom Article 25 Article 21Article Everyone has the right to express their ethnic, cultural, their ethnic, cultural, has the right to express Everyone rights.linguistic, and gender environment, has the right to in a healthy live Everyone based on ecology balance. has the right to libertyEveryone and security of person. of their libertydeprived persons beAll treated shall with dignityhumanity of the the inherent and with respect for

sion; including freedom tosion; freedom including hold opinions without interfer All international rights and responsibilitiesAll pertaining political,civil, social, cultural, and economical rights Cultural Rights recognized internationally , as as well other Cultural human rights conventions. a) b) has the right to of opinion and expres freedom Everyone be to the security restricted regard having of the Autono a) b) man Rights, the International on Civil and Political Covenant Rights guaranteed. are ence and to and impart seek, and receive, information of frontiers. media any and regardless ideas through the integrity of the public safety and order, mous Regions, the sanctity and individual, or the prevention of private life, prosecution of crime. The Charter incorporates Universal the Declaration Hu of Part III.Rights and Liberties 138–139 - - - - -

Personal securityPersonal in a peaceful and stable society. and secondary primary compulsory and Free education. adequate health, housing. social security, Work,

• • • Article 30 Article Article 28Article Article 27Article 29Article Article 26 Article tion,and social rehabilitation of prisoners. tion, which protect their inherent dignity. Prisons shall shall Prisons dignity. tion, protect inherent which their educa objective the reformation, of underlying the serve human person. No one shall be subjected shall one No person. human to torture or to or punishment. treatment or degrading inhumane, cruel, right to the conditions humane have deten of Prisoners All persons have the right to: have persons All ter guarantees the effective realization of equalitywomen the effective ter of guarantees and mandates public institutions the elimi to towards work exploitation,economic not suffer shall child children lar, torture or treatment inhuman, or degrading or cruel, labor, attaining not be before shall married and punishment, the age of majority. Men and women are equal in the eyes of the law. The Char of the law. in the eyes equal are and women Men Women have the inviolable right to participate the inviolable have in political,Women social, economic, life. and cultural The Charter In particu the rights of the child. guarantees be executed. discrimination.nation of gender Every human being has an inherent right to life. No one No to right being human life. has an inherent Every within the jurisdiction shall Regions of the Autonomous c) - - - -

, the International on Economic, Covenant Social and Article 24 may of information and freedom of expression Freedom Article 25 Article 21Article 22Article 23 Article All persons deprived of their libertydeprived persons beAll treated shall with dignityhumanity of the the inherent and with respect for Everyone has the right to live in a healthy environment, environment, has the right to in a healthy live Everyone based on ecology balance. has the right to libertyEveryone and security of person. Everyone has the right to express their ethnic, cultural, their ethnic, cultural, has the right to express Everyone rights.linguistic, and gender

Everyone has the right to of opinion and expres freedom Everyone tosion; freedom including hold opinions without interfer ence and to and impart seek, and receive, information of frontiers. media any and regardless ideas through be to the security restricted regard having of the Autono the integrity of the public safety and order, mous Regions, the sanctity and individual, or the prevention of private life, prosecution of crime. a) b) Part III.Rights and Liberties The Charter incorporates Universal the Declaration Hu of man Rights, the International on Civil and Political Covenant Rights Rights recognized internationally , as as well other Cultural human rights conventions. international rights and responsibilitiesAll pertaining political,civil, social, cultural, and economical rights guaranteed. are a) b) 140–141 Article 35 Article 36 Article Article 37 38 Article 39Article 40 Article 41Article Everyone has the right to freely experience and contribute experience has to the right freely Everyone to academic, scientific, artistic, expressions and cultural or joint practice, to individual have through and creations, to and disseminate their expressions access to and enjoy, and creations. has the right to public office, vote and to for run Everyone as circumscribed law. by has the right to seek political Everyone asylum. Persons be only may deported a decision of a competent, following all where impartial, constituted and properly judicial body, beendue process rights afforded. have entitled to and are the law before equal are persons All opportunitiesequal life. in public and professional located resources, Natural both above and below ground, Extractive processes, of society. the public wealth are contractualmanagement, agreements and other licensing, be by law. shall regulated resources torelated such owned are Regions Autonomous the in land and buildings All public property. Administration and are by the Transitional The use distribution and be shall determined by law. has the right to of their the useand enjoyment Everyone of their property be one shall deprived No private property. - - - Protect the motherhood the pediatric and maternal and Protect care. the disabled, social health and Adequate for care and those with special needs. the elderly, • • Article 34 Article Article 33 Article Article 32 Article 31Article cal, economic, and cultural expression of all communitiescal, economic, expression and cultural is protected. to and diverse protect the rich This serves heritage of the peoples of the Autonomous Regions. is a recognized and its ad religion religion The Yezidi rights to of association freedom herents’ and expression religious, protected.is explicitly The protectionYezidi of the be may social, through guaranteed life and cultural passage Assembly. by the Legislative of laws Everyone has the right to of association freedom with Everyone to the right including establishothers, join and freely civil association, politicalany trade union and/or party, assembly. the right to of association,In freedom exercising politi

Everyone has the right of peaceful assembly, including the including has the right of peaceful assembly, Everyone right to peaceful protect, demonstration, and strike. tions, whether orally, in writing, in pictorial in writing, representations, tions, orally, whether way. other or in any c) has to the freedom obtain, and circulate Everyone receive, and toinformation communicate ideas, opinions, and emo a) b) Everyone has the right to freedom of worship, to practice has the right to of worship, freedom Everyone or in association individually either with religion own one’s be one shall subjected No others. to persecution on the beliefs. of their religious grounds 140–141 Article 41Article Article 40 Article Article 39Article Article 38 Article Article 37 Article 36 Article Article 35 Article Everyone has the right to of their the useand enjoyment Everyone of their property be one shall deprived No private property. All buildings and land in the Autonomous Regions are owned are Regions Autonomous the in land and buildings All public property. Administration and are by the Transitional The use distribution and be shall determined by law. Natural resources, located resources, Natural both above and below ground, Extractive processes, of society. the public wealth are contractualmanagement, agreements and other licensing, be by law. shall regulated resources torelated such All persons are equal before the law and are entitled to and are the law before equal are persons All opportunitiesequal life. in public and professional Everyone has the right to seek political Everyone asylum. Persons be only may deported a decision of a competent, following all where impartial, constituted and properly judicial body, beendue process rights afforded. have Everyone has the right to public office, vote and to for run Everyone as circumscribed law. by Everyone has the right to freely experience and contribute experience has to the right freely Everyone to academic, scientific, artistic, expressions and cultural or joint practice, to individual have through and creations, to and disseminate their expressions access to and enjoy, and creations. - - - Protect the motherhood the pediatric and maternal and Protect care. the disabled, social health and Adequate for care and those with special needs. the elderly, • • Article 34 Article Article 33 Article Article 31Article Article 32 In exercising the right to of association,In freedom exercising politi of all communitiescal, economic, expression and cultural is protected. to and diverse protect the rich This serves heritage of the peoples of the Autonomous Regions. is a recognized and its ad religion religion The Yezidi rights to of association freedom herents’ and expression religious, protected.is explicitly The protectionYezidi of the be may social, through guaranteed life and cultural passage Assembly. by the Legislative of laws Everyone has the right to of association freedom with Everyone to the right including establishothers, join and freely civil association, politicalany trade union and/or party, assembly.

tions, whether orally, in writing, in pictorial representations, tions, orally, whether way. other or in any the including has the right of peaceful assembly, Everyone right to peaceful protect, demonstration, and strike. c) has to the freedom obtain, and circulate Everyone receive, and toinformation communicate ideas, opinions, and emo Everyone has the right to freedom of worship, to practice has the right to of worship, freedom Everyone or in association individually either with religion own one’s be one shall subjected No others. to persecution on the beliefs. of their religious grounds a) b) 142–143 ------Quorum is met by fifty plus one (50 + 1) percent attend is met by fifty1) Quorum percent plus one (50 + The sessions of the Legislative Assembly are public un The sessions are Assembly of the Legislative 48Article Article 47Article The term of the Legislative Assembly may be may the Legislative Assembly of extendedThe term of in exceptional cases of one quarter (1/4) at the request Presi Office of the of the or at the request its members No member of the Legislative Assembly may run for for run may of the Legislative Assembly member No than two consecutivemore terms. Council, with the consent of the of two-thirds (2/3) dent be extension of the Council. Such shall of the members months. than six no longer (6) for

The President of the Transitional Executive Council will Executivewill Council Transitional the of President The If meetingthe first the of Assembly. convene Legislative compelling reasons dictate meeting its that first cannot Executive of the Transitional be sothe President held, date another to determine Council will be held within days. (15) fifteen ants of the total. Legislative of the The oldest member meeting its the Co-Presi first will chair at which Assembly dents and ExecutiveCouncil will be elected. as as represen well youth tation community, of the Syriac tation in the election by electoral laws. lists, is governed a) b) less necessity of the The movement otherwise. demands into Assembly Legislative closed by its session is governed of procedure. rules Legislature be the Supreme one member of shall There voters registered Council per(15,000) fifteen thousand The Legislative Region. within the Autonomous residing be must Assembly composed percent of at least forty (40) according sex of either to The represen the electoral laws. - Article 45 Article Article 46 Article Article 44 Article Article 43 Article Article 42Article The Legislative Assembly in the Autonomous Region is Region in the Autonomous Assembly The Legislative elected by the people by direct, ballot, secret dura and the Section Legislative IV. Assembly Project Administration Self-rule The Democratic meetingshall The first be held of the Assembly Legislative of the announcement following 16th day than the no later results of electionsRegions.Autonomousthe final in all will be certified results Such and announced by the High Commission of Elections. The enumeration of the rights and freedoms set of the rights and freedoms forth in The enumeration Section III is non-exhaustive. years. tion (4) is four of the course Everyone has the right to and freedom Everyone of movement to choose within the Autonomous Regions. residence their The economical system in the provinces shall beThe economical shall directed the provinces system in granting particular, and in welfare general at providing be It shall aimed at tofunding science technology. and needsof people daily the a guaranteeing and to ensure Labor rights Monopolylaw. is prohibited by dignified life. and sustainable guaranteed. are development except uponjust compensation, of except payment of reasons for utilitypublic or social interest, and according to forms the established by law. 142–143 ------Quorum is met by fifty plus one (50 + 1) percent attend is met by fifty1) Quorum percent plus one (50 + The sessions of the Legislative Assembly are public un The sessions are Assembly of the Legislative 47Article 48Article No member of the Legislative Assembly may run for for run may of the Legislative Assembly member No than two consecutivemore terms. be may the Legislative Assembly of extendedThe term of in exceptional cases of one quarter (1/4) at the request Presi Office of the of the or at the request its members Council, with the consent of the of two-thirds (2/3) dent be extension of the Council. Such shall of the members months. than six no longer (6) for

The President of the Transitional Executive Council will Executivewill Council Transitional the of President The If meetingthe first the of Assembly. convene Legislative compelling reasons dictate meeting its that first cannot Executive of the Transitional be sothe President held, date another to determine Council will be held within days. (15) fifteen There shall be one member of the Supreme Legislature Legislature be the Supreme one member of shall There voters registered Council per(15,000) fifteen thousand The Legislative Region. within the Autonomous residing be must Assembly composed percent of at least forty (40) according sex of either to The represen the electoral laws. a) b) ants of the total. Legislative of the The oldest member meeting its the Co-Presi first will chair at which Assembly dents and ExecutiveCouncil will be elected. less necessity of the The movement otherwise. demands into Assembly Legislative closed by its session is governed of procedure. rules as as represen well youth tation community, of the Syriac tation in the election by electoral laws. lists, is governed - Article 42Article 43 Article 44 Article 45 Article 46 Article except uponjust compensation, of except payment of reasons for utilitypublic or social interest, and according to forms the established by law. beThe economical shall directed the provinces system in granting particular, and in welfare general at providing be It shall aimed at tofunding science technology. and needsof people daily the a guaranteeing and to ensure Labor rights Monopolylaw. is prohibited by dignified life. and sustainable guaranteed. are development has the right to liberty and freedom Everyone of movement to choose within the Autonomous Regions. residence their set of the rights and freedoms forth in The enumeration Section III is non-exhaustive. Section Legislative IV. Assembly Project Administration Self-rule The Democratic is Region in the Autonomous Assembly The Legislative elected by the people by direct, ballot, secret dura and the years. tion (4) is four of the course meetingshall The first be held of the Assembly Legislative of the announcement following 16th day than the no later results of electionsRegions.Autonomousthe final in all will be certified results Such and announced by the High Commission of Elections. 144–145 - - - Ratification international of and treaties agree ments. Delegate to the Executive its or Council powers toto withdraw and thereafter of its one members such powers. a stateDeclare and peace. of war of the Su the appointmentRatify of members Constitutional preme Court. budget. the general Adopt plans. policyEstablish and development general amnesty. and grant Approve decrees promulgatedthe Executive by Adopt Council; and of the the common governance for laws Adopt the Autonomous Regions. Councils of Provincial of age. years (35) thirty-five Be over of the canton; citizen and a resident and Be a Syrian no convictionsHave or cautions. session of the of the first thirty days Within (30) the must call for its President Assembly, Legislative election of the Canton Governors. toRequests nominate candidates the position for must be made, in writing, toof Canton Governor Court, and acthe Supreme examine shall which

• • • • • • • • • • • • 1. 2. Article 54 Article Part V. ExecutivePart Council V. Canton Governor: together with the Executive Council The Canton Governor, hold executive authorityof the Autonomous Regions, as set candidate The to the post of Canton forth in this Charter. must:Governor the candidacy and election governing of The procedure is as follows: Canton Governor - - manent and ad and manent hoc committees, its under purview. administrative and executive over control Exercise bodies, of review. use including of powers Establish rules and procedures governing the work the work Establish governing and procedures rules Assembly. of the Legislative legislation and proposed the for Enact regulations Local institutions, other Councils and per including • • • Article 53 Article Article 52 Article Article 51 Article Article 50 Article Article 49 Article The functions of the Legislative Assembly are to: are The functions Assembly of the Legislative gions shall be formed through direct elections. direct through begions shall formed Local of the Autonomous Re each province Councils in No member, during their term of office, during their term is permitted any member, No is employment Such profession. other public, private, or the constitutionalsuspended once makes the member oath. to The member has with the right to their job, return ends.all its rights and benefits, once the membership Members of the Legislative Assembly enjoy immunity enjoy Assembly of the Legislative in Members respect of acts and omissions carried out in the function of official duties. the authorization prosecutionsrequire Any with the exception of flagrante Assembly, of the Legislative President the Office of the opportunity, the earliest crime. At of all pending prosecutions. be informed of the Council shall Every person who has reached the age of eighteen (18) age the has who person of eighteen reached (18) Every to is eligible the Legislative vote. for Candidates years attained must have Assembly the age (22) of twenty-two candidacy Conditions election and stipulated for years. are by electoral law. 144–145 - - - Be over thirty-five (35) years of age. years (35) thirty-five Be over of the canton; citizen and a resident and Be a Syrian no convictionsHave or cautions. session of the of the first thirty days Within (30) the must call for its President Assembly, Legislative election of the Canton Governors. toRequests nominate candidates the position for must be made, in writing, toof Canton Governor Court, and acthe Supreme examine shall which preme Constitutional preme Court. budget. the general Adopt plans. policyEstablish and development general amnesty. and grant Approve decrees promulgatedthe Executive by Adopt Council; and of the the common governance for laws Adopt the Autonomous Regions. Councils of Provincial Ratification international of and treaties agree ments. Delegate to the Executive its or Council powers toto withdraw and thereafter of its one members such powers. a stateDeclare and peace. of war of the Su the appointmentRatify of members

• • • 1. 2. • • • • • • • • • Article 54 Article Canton Governor: together with the Executive Council The Canton Governor, hold executive authorityof the Autonomous Regions, as set candidate The to the post of Canton forth in this Charter. must:Governor the candidacy and election governing of The procedure is as follows: Canton Governor Part V. ExecutivePart Council V. - - Establish rules and procedures governing the work the work Establish governing and procedures rules Assembly. of the Legislative legislation and proposed the for Enact regulations Local institutions, other Councils and per including ad and manent hoc committees, its under purview. administrative and executive over control Exercise bodies, of review. use including of powers • • • Article 49 Article 50 Article 51 Article 52 Article 53 Article Every person who has reached the age of eighteen (18) age the has who person of eighteen reached (18) Every to is eligible the Legislative vote. for Candidates years attained must have Assembly the age (22) of twenty-two candidacy Conditions election and stipulated for years. are by electoral law. immunity enjoy Assembly of the Legislative in Members respect of acts and omissions carried out in the function of official duties. the authorization prosecutionsrequire Any with the exception of flagrante Assembly, of the Legislative President the Office of the opportunity, the earliest crime. At of all pending prosecutions. be informed of the Council shall of office, during their term is permitted any member, No is employment Such profession. other public, private, or the constitutionalsuspended once makes the member oath. to The member has with the right to their job, return ends.all its rights and benefits, once the membership Local of the Autonomous Re each province Councils in elections. direct through begions shall formed to: are The functions Assembly of the Legislative 146–147 ------by the Legislative Assembly, and issue decisions,issue and Assembly, Legislative the by in accordance and decrees with those laws. orders, elected must invite newly the The Canton Governor fifteen(15) to within Assembly Legislative convene the election of the announcement results; from days medals. grant may The Canton Governor amnesties issue may as recom The Canton Governor mended by the President of the Executive Council. the President mended by

• • • The Executive Council: Article 55 Article Article 56 Article 57 islative Assembly has to the right Assembly bring the Cantonislative Gover nor before the Supreme Constitutional of the Supreme Courtnor before charges for sedition. of forms treason and other The Executive and adminis Council is the highest executive trative bodytrative It Regions. in the Autonomous is responsible for the implementation resolutions,as and decrees is of laws, judicial institutions. and by the Legislative Assembly sued It coordinateshall the institutions Regions. of the Autonomous The Executive Council is composed repre of a Chairman, sentatives, and committees. The party or bloc a majority winning of seats in the Leg the Executive Council within form shall Assembly islative the date of assignment, one month from with the approval of the simple majority (51 percent) of the of the members Assembly. Legislative more not serve The Head of the Executive Council shall years (4) beingtwo than consecutive term four each terms, in length. The Canton Governor is responsible is to people the The Canton Governor through The Leg their representatives Assembly. in the Legislative - - - - cept or reject not later than ten (10) days after the days later not ten than reject or cept (10) close of nominations. elect the Canton shall Assembly Legislative The by a simple majority. Governor simple major the required If no candidate receives ity, a secondinitiated, is electoral round the with ity, candidate the highest number of votes, receiving being elected. from years (4) is four of Canton Governor The term the date of the taking of Office; of the Oath of Office the Oath makes The Canton Governor commenc before Assembly the Legislative before ing official duties. Depu appointed more or one CantonGovernor The ties, approved by the Legislative Assembly. The Assembly. Legislative ties, by the approved Deputies takeCanton the of Office an Oath before after specified which functions may be Governor, delegated to them. be unable to the Canton fulfill Governor Should functions,shall their official one of the Deputies the Canton Governor. replace the Deputies and are the Canton Governor Where reason, the unable to their dutiesfor any fulfill tasks will be carried out by of the Canton Governor Assembly; of the Legislative and the President letter any must address of resigna The Governor tion to the Legislative Assembly. the respect for ensure shall The Canton Governor Charter and the protection of the national unity and their functions and at all times perform , to the best of ability and conscience. of appoint shall the President The Canton Governor the Executive Council. passed laws implement shall The Canton Governor

3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. • • • The powers and functions of the Canton Governor: The powers 146–147 ------by the Legislative Assembly, and issue decisions,issue and Assembly, Legislative the by in accordance and decrees with those laws. orders, elected must invite newly the The Canton Governor fifteen(15) to within Assembly Legislative convene the election of the announcement results; from days medals. grant may The Canton Governor amnesties issue may as recom The Canton Governor mended by the President of the Executive Council. the President mended by

• • • Article 57 Article 55 Article Article 56 The Executive Council: The Head of the Executive Council shall not serve more more not serve The Head of the Executive Council shall years (4) beingtwo than consecutive term four each terms, in length. islative Assembly shall form the Executive Council within form shall Assembly islative the date of assignment, one month from with the approval of the simple majority (51 percent) of the of the members Assembly. Legislative The Executive Council is composed repre of a Chairman, The party or bloc a majority winning of seats in the Leg trative bodytrative It Regions. in the Autonomous is responsible for the implementation resolutions,as and decrees is of laws, judicial institutions. and by the Legislative Assembly sued It coordinateshall the institutions Regions. of the Autonomous sentatives, and committees. The Executive and adminis Council is the highest executive nor before the Supreme Constitutional of the Supreme Courtnor before charges for sedition. of forms treason and other islative Assembly has to the right Assembly bring the Cantonislative Gover The Canton Governor is responsible is to people the The Canton Governor through The Leg their representatives Assembly. in the Legislative - - - - The Canton Governor shall ensure respect for the respect for ensure shall The Canton Governor Charter and the protection of the national unity and their functions and at all times perform sovereignty, to the best of ability and conscience. of appoint shall the President The Canton Governor the Executive Council. passed laws implement shall The Canton Governor The Governor must address any letter any must address of resigna The Governor tion to the Legislative Assembly. If no candidate receives the required simple major the required If no candidate receives a secondinitiated, is electoral round the with ity, candidate the highest number of votes, receiving being elected. from years (4) is four of Canton Governor The term the date of the taking of Office; of the Oath of Office the Oath makes The Canton Governor commenc before Assembly the Legislative before ing official duties. Depu appointed more or one CantonGovernor The The Assembly. Legislative ties, by the approved Deputies takeCanton the of Office an Oath before after specified which functions may be Governor, delegated to them. be unable to the Canton fulfill Governor Should functions,shall their official one of the Deputies the Canton Governor. replace cept or reject not later than ten (10) days after the days later not ten than reject or cept (10) close of nominations. elect the Canton shall Assembly Legislative The by a simple majority. Governor the Deputies and are the Canton Governor Where reason, the unable to their dutiesfor any fulfill tasks will be carried out by of the Canton Governor Assembly; of the Legislative and the President

• • • 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. The powers and functions of the Canton Governor: The powers 148–149 - - - istrative Councils’ [Municipal Councils’] authority, authority, [Municipal Councils’] Councils’ istrative its finance, and budget including public services and elections law; by regulated are and mayoral [Municipal Councils Administrative Provincial elected directly using by the public, are Councils] secret ballot. • Article 64Article Article 65Article 66Article 67 Article 68 Article Article 63 Article tion of cases by the competent and impartial courts. shall be pre offense with a criminal charged Everyone sumed innocent guilty until by a compe and unless proved tent impartial and court. institutionsAll of the Judicial Council must be composed sex. of either percent of at least forty (40) at all stagesThe right to is sacred and inviolable defense of an investigation and trial. a decisionfrom requires office of a judge from The removal the Judicial Council. issued on behalfJudgments and judicial decisions of are the people. Part VI. The Judicial Council principle of is founding of the Judiciary The independence disposi a just and effective ensures which of law, the rule - - - - - The Cantons of the Autonomous Regions are are The Cantons of the Autonomous Regions Councils Administrative composed of Provincial managed[Municipal by the rel Councils] and are evant Executive Council which retains Executive Council which evant to power the itsamend functions and regulations. Adminis and duties of the Provincial The powers founded [Municipal Councils are trative Councils] upon to a policy an adherence of decentralization. Admin of the Provincial supervision The Canton’s • • Article 60Article Article 59 Article 61Article 62 Article Councils [Municipal Councils]: Administrative Provincial Article 58 Article The work of the Executive Council, including the Depart of the Executive Council, including The work Each adviser shall be of the bodies one shall responsible adviser for Each Executivewithin the Council. Executive of the Council, and approval the formation After Government. for Fol its prospective issue Program it shall and Department servants representatives civil Senior shall be nominated by the Executive by approved Council and Council. the Legislative The Head of the Executive Council may choose of the ExecutiveHead The may Council advisers elected the newly amongst Legislative of the members Council. toments, and their relation institutions/committees, other by law. is regulated the itslowing passage Assembly, the Legislative through of Executive Council is obliged the Program to implement term. during that legislative Government 148–149 - - - istrative Councils’ [Municipal Councils’] authority, authority, [Municipal Councils’] Councils’ istrative its finance, and budget including public services and elections law; by regulated are and mayoral [Municipal Councils Administrative Provincial elected directly using by the public, are Councils] secret ballot. • Article 68 Article Article 67 Article Article 66Article Article 65Article Article 64Article Article 63 Article Judgments and judicial decisions are issued on behalfJudgments and judicial decisions of are the people. The removal of a judge from office requires a decision from a decisionfrom requires office of a judge from The removal the Judicial Council. The right to defense is sacred and inviolable at all stagesThe right to is sacred and inviolable defense of an investigation and trial. All institutionsAll of the Judicial Council must be composed sex. of either percent of at least forty (40) tent impartial and court. sumed innocent guilty until by a compe and unless proved Everyone charged with a criminal offense shall be pre offense with a criminal charged Everyone tion of cases by the competent and impartial courts. The independence of the Judiciary is founding principle of is founding of the Judiciary The independence disposi a just and effective ensures which of law, the rule Part VI. The Judicial Council - - - - - The Cantons of the Autonomous Regions are are The Cantons of the Autonomous Regions Councils Administrative composed of Provincial managed[Municipal by the rel Councils] and are The powers and duties of the Provincial Adminis and duties of the Provincial The powers founded [Municipal Councils are trative Councils] upon to a policy an adherence of decentralization. Admin of the Provincial supervision The Canton’s evant Executive Council which retains Executive Council which evant to power the itsamend functions and regulations. • • Article 58 Article 59 Article 60Article 61Article 62 Article Councils [Municipal Councils]: Administrative Provincial The Head of the Executive Council may choose of the ExecutiveHead The may Council advisers elected the newly amongst Legislative of the members Council. be of the bodies one shall responsible adviser for Each Executivewithin the Council. the Depart of the Executive Council, including The work toments, and their relation institutions/committees, other by law. is regulated Executive of the Council, and approval the formation After Government. for Fol its prospective issue Program it shall the itslowing passage Assembly, the Legislative through of Executive Council is obliged the Program to implement term. during that legislative Government and Department servants representatives civil Senior shall be nominated by the Executive by approved Council and Council. the Legislative 150–151 ------tions is the sole body competent allega to- receive voter intimidation,tions of electoral fraud, or illegal with the process of an election.interference The High Commission of Elections is monitored Court beby the Supreme and may monitored by the United from Nations society and civil observers and organizations; The High Commission of Elections, together with the a meeting convene of all can Judicial Council, shall Decisions in the Commission require a qualified a qualified Decisions in the Commission require votes. (11) majority of eleven of the High Commission of Elections Member may not stand office in the Assembly. for Legislative The High Commission the of Elections determine date elections which held, the announce on are the nominations of and receive of the results, ment Assembly. the Legislative eligible candidates for the The High Commission of Elections verifies eligibility of candidates seeking electionto the Leg Commission The High of Elec Assembly. islative didates seeking election to the Legislative Assembly to announce the names of eligible candidates.

5. 6. 1. 2. 3. 4. Article 76 Article Article 77Article The Supreme ConstitutionalThe Supreme Court is composed of seven (7) nominatedall of whom are by the Legisla members, Part VII. The HighCommission of Elections CommissionThe High body of Elections independent is an competent the electoral and run to process. oversee It is all can composed representing members, of eighteen (18) tons, who are appointedtons, who are Assembly. by the Legislative Part VIII. The Supreme Constitutional Court a) - - Article 75 Article 74 Article Article 71Article Article 73 Article 70 Article 72 Article Article 69 Article The Judicial Council is established by law. forceable right to compensation.forceable Anyone who has been the victim of unlawful arrest or who has been arrest Anyone the victim of unlawful result as a damage or harm detention suffered or otherwise of the acts omissions and of public authorities has an en Searches of houses property private and other Searches must be executed is done in accordance with a properly warrant, or detention. be arrest subjected one shall No to arbitrary liberty be of their deprived one shall No on such except procedures as are and in accordance with such grounds established by law. No civilian shall stand shall civilian No military any trial before court or special or ad hoc tribunals. entitled is equality in full and public to a fair Everyone impartial and hearing by an independent tribunal, in the determination of their rights obligations and and of any against them. criminal charge Failure to implement judicial decisions and orders is a is decisions judicial to and orders implement Failure violation of law. authority. sued by a judicial 150–151 ------tions is the sole body competent allega to- receive voter intimidation,tions of electoral fraud, or illegal with the process of an election.interference The High Commission of Elections is monitored Court beby the Supreme and may monitored by the United from Nations society and civil observers and organizations; The High Commission of Elections, together with the a meeting convene of all can Judicial Council, shall ment of the results, and receive the nominations of and receive of the results, ment Assembly. the Legislative eligible candidates for the The High Commission of Elections verifies eligibility of candidates seeking electionto the Leg Commission The High of Elec Assembly. islative didates seeking election to the Legislative Assembly to announce the names of eligible candidates. Decisions in the Commission require a qualified a qualified Decisions in the Commission require votes. (11) majority of eleven of the High Commission of Elections Member may not stand office in the Assembly. for Legislative The High Commission the of Elections determine date elections which held, the announce on are

5. 6. 4. 1. 2. 3. Article 77Article Article 76 Article The Supreme ConstitutionalThe Supreme Court is composed of seven (7) nominatedall of whom are by the Legisla members, a) Part VIII. The Supreme Constitutional Court tons, who are appointedtons, who are Assembly. by the Legislative The High CommissionThe High body of Elections independent is an competent the electoral and run to process. oversee It is all can composed representing members, of eighteen (18) Part VII. The HighCommission of Elections - - Article 69 Article 70 Article 71Article 72 Article Article 73 74 Article Article 75 Failure to implement judicial decisions and orders is a is decisions judicial to and orders implement Failure violation of law. stand shall civilian No military any trial before court or special or ad hoc tribunals. property of houses private and other Searches must be executed is done in accordance with a properly warrant, authority. sued by a judicial entitled is equality in full and public to a fair Everyone impartial and hearing by an independent tribunal, in the determination of their rights obligations and and of any against them. criminal charge or detention. be arrest subjected one shall No to arbitrary liberty be of their deprived one shall No on such except procedures as are and in accordance with such grounds established by law. or who has been arrest Anyone the victim of unlawful result as a damage or harm detention suffered or otherwise of the acts omissions and of public authorities has an en right to compensation.forceable The Judicial Council is established by law. 152–153 - - - - Where, prior to a law’s enactment, than twen more prior to a law’s Where, tionality and the court of a law so holds, the matter Consti to Supreme the stayed is referred is it while tutional Court. ConstitutionalThe Supreme Court its must deliver within thirtyjudgment days. (30) ty (20) percent of the Legislative Assembly objects Assembly of the Legislative ty percent (20) Constitutional the Supreme to its constitutionality, Court its is seized of the matter render and shall is law to if the days; decision(15) within fifteen enacted,be be a decision urgently shall rendered (7)within seven days. of the judgment the rendering following Where, Constitutionalof the Supreme Court, than more of the Legislativetwenty Assembly percent (20) still an appeal objects may to its constitutionality, be lodged. Constitutional on appeal, the Supreme Court If, to the law berules enacted as unconstitutional, the be null and void. considered shall law partiesIf to to casea constituthe challenge a raise

a) b) b) c) a) Article 80 Article Article 81 Article The decision for the non-constitutionalitydecisionThe for will law of any be as follows: tutionality as follows: of a law If an argument is raised in a court the constiIf an argument concerning

Procedure for determinationof the constitutionality for laws: of Procedure 1. Part IX. General Rules The Charter Regions. It within the Autonomous applies be majority only may amended by a qualified of two-thirds Assembly. of the Legislative (2/3) 2. - - To interpret the articles principles interpret and underlying To of the Charter. constitutionality the determine enacted of laws To and decisions Assembly by the Legislative taken by the Executive Council. acts and executive legislative review judicially To acts and decisions such bedecisions, may in where the conflict with the letterCharter and spirit of the and the Constitution. of the Legislative As members Canton Governors, sembly, and the Executive be Council may brought sembly, Constitutional the Supreme Court,before when alleged to acted have of the Charter. in breach simple majorityIts through reached decisions are vote.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. Article 78 Article Article 79 Article tive Assembly. Its members are drawn from judges, legal judges, from drawn are Its members Assembly. tive than no less have must all of whom experts, and lawyers, experience. of professional years (15) fifteen Constitutional Supreme of the member No Court shall be on the Executive or in the Council to eligible serve office or to or other Assembly Legislative any hold posi tion emolument, of and as definedlaw; by No years. (4) four for of officeruns term A member’s than two terms. more serve may member

b) c) ConstitutionalThe functions of the Supreme Court: A member of the Supreme Constitutionalthe Supreme of A member Court not shall for stated officeexcept from be removed or misbehavior the governing and procedures The provisions incapacity. Constitutional Supreme of the work Court be shall set out in a special law. 152–153 - - - - Where, prior to a law’s enactment, than twen more prior to a law’s Where, tionality and the court of a law so holds, the matter Consti to Supreme the stayed is referred is it while tutional Court. ConstitutionalThe Supreme Court its must deliver within thirtyjudgment days. (30) If partiesIf to to casea constituthe challenge a raise ty (20) percent of the Legislative Assembly objects Assembly of the Legislative ty percent (20) Constitutional the Supreme to its constitutionality, Court its is seized of the matter render and shall is law to if the days; decision(15) within fifteen enacted,be be a decision urgently shall rendered (7)within seven days. of the judgment the rendering following Where, Constitutionalof the Supreme Court, than more of the Legislativetwenty Assembly percent (20) still an appeal objects may to its constitutionality, be lodged. Constitutional on appeal, the Supreme Court If, to the law berules enacted as unconstitutional, the be null and void. considered shall law

a) b) a) b) c) Article 80 Article Article 81 Article The decision for the non-constitutionalitydecisionThe for will law of any be as follows: tutionality as follows: of a law If an argument is raised in a court the constiIf an argument concerning

Procedure for determinationof the constitutionality for laws: of Procedure 1. The Charter Regions. It within the Autonomous applies be majority only may amended by a qualified of two-thirds Assembly. of the Legislative (2/3) Part IX. General Rules 2. - - To interpret the articlesprinciples interpret and underlying To of the Charter. of the Legislative As members Canton Governors, and the Executive be Council may brought sembly, Constitutional the Supreme Court,before when alleged to acted have of the Charter. in breach simple majorityIts through reached decisions are vote. To determine the constitutionality the determine enacted of laws To and decisions Assembly by the Legislative taken by the Executive Council. acts and executive legislative review judicially To acts and decisions such bedecisions, may in where the conflict with the letterCharter and spirit of the and the Constitution.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. Article 78 Article 79 Article No member of the Supreme Constitutional Supreme of the member No Court shall be on the Executive or in the Council to eligible serve office or to or other Assembly Legislative any hold posi tion emolument, of and as definedlaw; by No years. (4) four for of officeruns term A member’s than two terms. more serve may member tive Assembly. Its members are drawn from judges, legal judges, from drawn are Its members Assembly. tive than no less have must all of whom experts, and lawyers, experience. of professional years (15) fifteen

c) ConstitutionalThe functions of the Supreme Court: Constitutionalthe Supreme of A member Court not shall for stated officeexcept from be removed or misbehavior the governing and procedures The provisions incapacity. Constitutional Supreme of the work Court be shall set out in a special law. b) 154–155 ------The new educational of the Cantons curriculum and herit culture, recognize history, the rich shall age of the peoples of the Autonomous Regions. The education and channels, system, public service academic institutions promote human rights shall and democracy.

a) b) Article 87 Article 88Article 89 Article Article 90Article 91Article 92 Article The Charter enshrines the principle of separationThe Charter of enshrines and state.religion All governing bodies, institutions, governing All and committees be shall sex. of either made percent at least up of forty (40) is applicable legislation in the Au criminal and civil Syrian it contradicts provisions where tonomous except Regions of this Charter. In the case of conflict laws passedbetween by the Legisla vinistic upon principles. of reconcilia Founded the values and pluralism, tion, dignity, tive Assembly and legislation of the central government, the government, central the of legislation and Assembly tive ConstitutionalSupreme Court upon will rule the applicable based on the best Regions. of the Autonomous interest law, The Charter the protection guarantees of the environment the sustainable ecoand regards of natural development national and a sacred systems as duty. a moral The educational Regions system within the Autonomous rejects prior education policies based and chau on racist a) - - - “I solemnly swear, in the name of Almighty God, to abide swear, “I solemnly Article 86 Article 85 Article Article 83 Article 84 Article Article 82 Article by the Charter and laws of the Autonomous Regions, to Regions, by the Charter of the Autonomous and laws the libertydefend and interests of the people, the to ensure security to Regions, of the Autonomous protect the rights of legitimate social and to for justice, strive self-defense in accordance with the principles of democratic en rules tive Assembly: herein.” shrined The Oath of Office of The Oath to be of the Legisla by members taken Elections to form the Legislative Assembly shall be held shall the Legislative Assembly Elections to form the ratification months of Charter of the (4) within four The Transitional Assembly. Legislative by the Transitional retains Assembly Legislative the right to the time extend period if exceptional circumstances arise. Syrian citizens holding dual are barred from nationalitycitizens from holding dual barred Syrian are leadingassuming positionsCanton in the Office of the Consti and the Supreme Council, the Provincial Governor, through The Charter framework sets legislative out the and states decrees, laws, bewhich shall of emergency implemented. formally The Charter shall be laid before the Transitional Legislative Legislative the Transitional beCharterThe before laid shall and ratification. review for Assembly tutional Court. 154–155 ------age of the peoples of the Autonomous Regions. The education and channels, system, public service academic institutions promote human rights shall and democracy. The new educational of the Cantons curriculum and herit culture, recognize history, the rich shall

b) a) Article 92 Article Article 91Article Article 90Article Article 88Article 89 Article Article 87 Article The Charter enshrines the principle of separationThe Charter of enshrines and state.religion a) The educational Regions system within the Autonomous rejects prior education policies based and chau on racist systems as a moral and a sacred national and a sacred systems as duty. a moral vinistic upon principles. of reconcilia Founded the values and pluralism, tion, dignity, The Charter guarantees the protection of the environment The Charter the protection guarantees of the environment the sustainable ecoand regards of natural development tive Assembly and legislation of the central government, the government, central the of legislation and Assembly tive ConstitutionalSupreme Court upon will rule the applicable based on the best Regions. of the Autonomous interest law, Syrian criminal and civil legislation is applicable legislation in the Au criminal and civil Syrian In the case of conflict laws passedbetween by the Legisla All governing bodies, institutions, governing All and committees be shall sex. of either made percent at least up of forty (40) it contradicts provisions where tonomous except Regions of this Charter. - - - Article 82 Article 83 Article 84 Article 85 Article Article 86 in the name of Almighty God, to abide swear, “I solemnly The Charter shall be laid before the Transitional Legislative Legislative the Transitional beCharterThe before laid shall and ratification. review for Assembly nationalitycitizens from holding dual barred Syrian are leadingassuming positionsCanton in the Office of the Consti and the Supreme Council, the Provincial Governor, tutional Court. through The Charter framework sets legislative out the and states decrees, laws, bewhich shall of emergency implemented. formally be held shall the Legislative Assembly Elections to form the ratification months of Charter of the (4) within four The Transitional Assembly. Legislative by the Transitional retains Assembly Legislative the right to the time extend period if exceptional circumstances arise. Office of The Oath to be of the Legisla by members taken tive Assembly: to Regions, by the Charter of the Autonomous and laws the libertydefend and interests of the people, the to ensure security to Regions, of the Autonomous protect the rights of legitimate social and to for justice, strive self-defense in accordance with the principles of democratic en rules herein.” shrined b) Freedom of religion shall be protected. All and 10. Body of Energy. faiths in the Autonomous Regions shall be respected. 11. Body of Health. The right to exercise religious beliefs shall be guaranteed, 12. Body of Trade and Economic Cooperation. insofar as it does not adversely affect the public good. 13. Body of Martyrs' and Veterans' Affairs. 14. Body of Culture. Article 93 15. Body of Transport. a) The promotion of cultural, social, and economic ad- 16. Body of Youth and Sports. vancement by administrative institutions ensures 17. Body of Environment, Tourism, and Historical Ob- enhanced stability and public welfare within the Autono- jects. mous Regions. 18. Body of Religious Affairs. b) There is no legitimacy for authority which contradicts 19. Body of Family and Gender Equality. this charter. 20. Body of Human Rights. 21. Body of Communications. Article 94 22. Body of Food Security. Martial law may be invoked and revoked by a qualified majority of two-thirds (2/3) of the Executive Council, in a Article 96 special session chaired by the Canton Governor. The deci- The Charter shall be published in the media and press. sion must then be presented to and unanimously adopted by the Legislative Assembly, with its provisions contained in a special law.

Article 95 The Executive Council Bodies are: 1. Body of Foreign Relations. 2. Body of Defense. 3. Body of Internal Affairs. 4. Body of Justice. 5. Body of Cantonal and Municipal Councils, and af- filiated to it, Committee of Planning and Census. 6. Body of Finance, and affiliated to it: a) Commit- tee on Banking Regulations; and b) Committee of Customs and Excise. 7. Body of Social Affairs. 8. Body of Education. 9. Body of Agriculture. b) Freedom of religion shall be protected. All religions and 10. Body of Energy. faiths in the Autonomous Regions shall be respected. 11. Body of Health. The right to exercise religious beliefs shall be guaranteed, 12. Body of Trade and Economic Cooperation. insofar as it does not adversely affect the public good. 13. Body of Martyrs' and Veterans' Affairs. 14. Body of Culture. Article 93 15. Body of Transport. a) The promotion of cultural, social, and economic ad- 16. Body of Youth and Sports. vancement by administrative institutions ensures 17. Body of Environment, Tourism, and Historical Ob- enhanced stability and public welfare within the Autono- jects. mous Regions. 18. Body of Religious Affairs. b) There is no legitimacy for authority which contradicts 19. Body of Family and Gender Equality. this charter. 20. Body of Human Rights. 21. Body of Communications. Article 94 22. Body of Food Security. Martial law may be invoked and revoked by a qualified majority of two-thirds (2/3) of the Executive Council, in a Article 96 special session chaired by the Canton Governor. The deci- The Charter shall be published in the media and press. sion must then be presented to and unanimously adopted by the Legislative Assembly, with its provisions contained in a special law.

Article 95 The Executive Council Bodies are: 1. Body of Foreign Relations. 2. Body of Defense. 3. Body of Internal Affairs. 4. Body of Justice. 5. Body of Cantonal and Municipal Councils, and af- filiated to it, Committee of Planning and Census. 6. Body of Finance, and affiliated to it: a) Commit- tee on Banking Regulations; and b) Committee of Customs and Excise. 7. Body of Social Affairs. 8. Body of Education. 9. Body of Agriculture. Living quarters of the training camp of the Women’s Defense Units (YPJ), situated near Qamişlo.

Ahmet Hamdi Akkaya and Joost Jongerden Akkaya Joost Hamdi and Ahmet Political: the Reassembling Project of Radical The PKK and the Democracy Living quarters of the training camp of the Women’s Defense Units (YPJ), situated near Qamişlo. Democracy Project of Radical The PKK and the Political: the Reassembling Ahmet Hamdi Akkaya and Joost Jongerden Akkaya Joost Hamdi and Ahmet 160–161 ------1 , Marlies Casier and Joost Issue Kurdish 2011), eds. (London: Routledge, Jongerden 123–142. pp. - Introduction stud and Kurdish a gap in Turkish addresses Our study The data this article for has been collected a through One of the mostOne important secular politicalin movements Party (PKK) under East,the Middle the Kurdistan Workers’ went a profound transformation in the 2000s, following the 2000s,the in following transformation profound a went a long After in 1999. Öcalan itscapture of leader Abdullah period a national of liberation struggle aimed at establish ing its own state,ing its own a its PKK changed the towards course based democracy of radical project on the rejection of the state. The PKK, had taken which its orientation the from basis a new providing was for left in Turkey, revolutionary article, In this argue we Turkey. politicsradical in today’s itself ideologicallythat the PKK reinvented this through of politics shape to on new forms and gave transformation, the basis of the concept of democracy. of an exploration the content of this new project Our discussion will explore will not discussand its the or practical implications. We ganizational restructuring related to the PKK’s new politi ganizational related to restructuring the PKK’s cal project, discussed since have elsewhere. this we ies. Although the Kurdish question in Turkey has been question in Turkey the Kurdish ies. Although has beenfocus the stateon discourse studiedconsiderably, with little attention devoted to and security the role policy, and in particular the PKK. Only agency itself, of Kurdish with the political studies deal explicitly few ideology of the on the PKK tend to works the PKK PKK. treat Furthermore, than attempting rather sense to of it. make as an anomaly, political as project devel In this article, study the PKK’s we oped decadeto and in the first try of the new millennium understand sense the PKK itself of this project. how makes texts and his prison defense notes, along study of Öcalan’s See Ahmet Hamdi Akkaya and Joost Jong Akkaya Hamdi See Ahmet the Left. from “Born The Making of erden, andthe PKK,” Politics in Nationalisms in and the Political Kemalism Islam, Turkey: 1 160–161 ------1 , Marlies Casier and Joost Issue Kurdish 2011), eds. (London: Routledge, Jongerden 123–142. pp. - Our study addresses a gap in Turkish and Kurdish stud and Kurdish a gap in Turkish addresses Our study Introduction The data this article for has been collected a through went a profound transformation in the 2000s, following the 2000s,the in following transformation profound a went a long After in 1999. Öcalan itscapture of leader Abdullah period a national of liberation struggle aimed at establish new politi ganizational related to restructuring the PKK’s cal project, discussed since have elsewhere. this we One of the mostOne important secular politicalin movements Party (PKK) under East,the Middle the Kurdistan Workers’ ing its own state,ing its own a its PKK changed the towards course based democracy of radical project on the rejection of the state. The PKK, had taken which its orientation the from basis a new providing was for left in Turkey, revolutionary article, In this argue we Turkey. politicsradical in today’s itself ideologicallythat the PKK reinvented this through of politics shape to on new forms and gave transformation, the basis of the concept of democracy. of an exploration the content of this new project Our discussion will explore will not discussand its the or practical implications. We study of Öcalan’s defense texts and his prison defense notes, along study of Öcalan’s ies. Although the Kurdish question in Turkey has been question in Turkey the Kurdish ies. Although has beenfocus the stateon discourse studiedconsiderably, with little attention devoted to and security the role policy, and in particular the PKK. Only agency itself, of Kurdish with the political studies deal explicitly few ideology of the on the PKK tend to works the PKK PKK. treat Furthermore, than attempting rather sense to of it. make as an anomaly, political as project devel In this article, study the PKK’s we oped decadeto and in the first try of the new millennium understand sense the PKK itself of this project. how makes erden, “Born from the Left. from “Born The Making of erden, andthe PKK,” Politics in Nationalisms in and the Political Kemalism Islam, Turkey: See Ahmet Hamdi Akkaya and Joost Jong Akkaya Hamdi See Ahmet 1 162–163 - -

5 ------(Cambridge, MA: Belknap MA: Belknap (Cambridge, monwealth xiii. p. 2009), Press, oned leader Abdullah Öcalan, is clearly Öcalan,oned Abdullah is clearly leader Negriof and works by the influenced in particularHardt, Multitude and (2004), Bookchin. Murray of the works and Antonio Com Negri, Hardt Michael Furthermore, the architect of the PKK’s the PKK’s of the architect Furthermore, its impris democracy, radical of program 5 4 - 3 Hardt and Negri’s tripartite can scheme be and Negri’s Hardt 4 In the context of this article, however, our focus will our In the context of this article, however, summarized assummarized in the globalized an analysis of sovereignty subject of the period ), of the revolutionary (in Empire world our (in Multitude), and of its political of “expanding project capacities collective production for and self-governance” mainly bemainly on studies by political Michael philosophers a new momen and Antonio provided Negri, which Hardt cal struggle. tum to the discussion radical democracy concerning because of their emphasis on the importance of politi ments, from liberation movements in Latin in liberationmovements from ments, to America anti-globalist in the Uniteddemonstrations States and could we talk Though Europe. about a wide spectrum of in version, beyond the liberal views of democracy radical critical academia, of these views is the most known well political Laclau theorists and Chantal Ernesto Mouffe’s of the conceptreconsideration pio democracy in their of a neering study Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: Towards Radical Democratic Politics In it, Laclau (1985). and Mouffe had sought of radical to alternative spell out a left-wing present deepening the light of ever it in izing democracy, conflicts and power. as the main alternative toas West. of the democracies alternative main the liberal impetus to social a fresh It has political and given move racy as developed by Hardt and Negri that is more is more and Negri that as developedracy by Hardt (in Commonwealth). It is this lattersense democ of radical Laclau and Mouffe discussedshortLaclau the - and Mouffe as democratic theory liberal comings of as the classical discourse of Marxist well that “the not task [is] the Left in a way of liberal-democratic ideolto renounce to and deepen but on the contrary, ogy, and radical a of it in the direction expand Laclau and In Ernesto democracy.” plural and Socialist Hegemony Chantal Mouffe, Radical a Democratic Strategy: Towards 176. p. 1985), Politics (London: Verso, 3 - - - - -

Within this understanding Within poli of radical - 2

I. Radical Democracy as alternative as alternative Democracy I. Radical Democracy to Liberal

lars of politics:lars state, and radical political and party, class, beyond the state,thought took of “politics the form politi and political subjectivitycal organization beyond the party, beyond class.” cratic confederalism, and democratic autonomy — dis- cratic confederalism, cussed detail, in alongside theoretical their implications. In section,the third the political of these dimension projects deter tois studied are they in answer the question of how of has changed. This tics framework within the focusedchange on its to approach important three pil with key PKK documents, including congress reports, documents, PKK congress including key with decisions, the writings and as of itsformal such cadre, Mustafa article The Karasu. is composed parts. of four traceFirst, as democracy of radical evolution we the an important concept in basis on the of its subjectivities and the foundations it. that shape we Then, take after look a closer the PKK underwent the changes at What its considering of Öcalan, ideology. mainly the arrest democracy” elaborated is to on as “radical the PKK refers in this part, with the political developed projects within the demo context democracy — democratic radical of republic, the understandingSince the late 1970s, poli of radical mining the PKK’s current strategy and day-to-day activi- current mining the PKK’s ties. In the fourth and final section,radical of this project and itsdemocracy political implications discussed are in of the contingencies create in finding a terms solution they Turkey. to conflict the ongoing in tics, the reformulation of radical democracy has emerged has of radical democracy emerged tics, the reformulation

Ethics: An Essay on the Un- Badiou, Ethics: Essay Alain An 2002), (London: Verso, derstanding of Evil 95–97. pp. 2 162–163 - -

5 ------Furthermore, the architect of the PKK’s the PKK’s of the architect Furthermore, its impris democracy, radical of program Öcalan,oned Abdullah is clearly leader Negriof and works by the influenced in particularHardt, Multitude and (2004), Bookchin. Murray of the works and Antonio Com Negri, Hardt Michael MA: Belknap (Cambridge, monwealth xiii. p. 2009), Press, 4 5 - 3 Hardt and Negri’s tripartite can scheme be and Negri’s Hardt 4 In the context of this article, however, our focus will our In the context of this article, however, summarized assummarized in the globalized an analysis of sovereignty subject of the period ), of the revolutionary (in Empire world our (in Multitude), and of its political of “expanding project capacities collective production for and self-governance” tum to the discussion radical democracy concerning because of their emphasis on the importance of politi mainly bemainly on studies by political Michael philosophers a new momen and Antonio provided Negri, which Hardt cal struggle. ments, from liberation movements in Latin in liberationmovements from ments, to America anti-globalist in the Uniteddemonstrations States and could we talk Though Europe. about a wide spectrum of in version, beyond the liberal views of democracy radical critical academia, of these views is the most known well political Laclau theorists and Chantal Ernesto Mouffe’s of the conceptreconsideration pio democracy in their of as the main alternative toas West. of the democracies alternative main the liberal impetus to social a fresh It has political and given move Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: Towards a neering study Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: Towards Radical Democratic Politics In it, Laclau (1985). and Mouffe had sought of radical to alternative spell out a left-wing present deepening the light of ever it in izing democracy, conflicts and power. (in Commonwealth). It is this lattersense democ of radical racy as developed by Hardt and Negri that is more is more and Negri that as developedracy by Hardt ogy, but on the contrary, to and deepen but on the contrary, ogy, and radical a of it in the direction expand Laclau and In Ernesto democracy.” plural and Socialist Hegemony Chantal Mouffe, Radical a Democratic Strategy: Towards 176. p. 1985), Politics (London: Verso, Laclau and Mouffe discussedshortLaclau the - and Mouffe as democratic theory liberal comings of as the classical discourse of Marxist well that “the not task [is] the Left in a way of liberal-democratic ideolto renounce 3 - - - - -

Within this understanding Within poli of radical - 2 I. Radical Democracy as alternative as alternative Democracy I. Radical Democracy to Liberal with key PKK documents, including congress reports, documents, PKK congress including key with decisions, the writings and as of itsformal such cadre, Mustafa article The Karasu. is composed parts. of four traceFirst, as democracy of radical evolution we the an important concept in political philosophy basis on the of its subjectivities and the foundations it. that shape we Then, take after look a closer the PKK underwent the changes at What its considering of Öcalan, mainly ideology. the arrest democracy” elaborated is to on as “radical the PKK refers in this part, with the political developed projects within the demo context democracy — democratic radical of republic, and democratic autonomy — dis- cratic confederalism, cussed detail, in alongside theoretical their implications. In section,the third the political of these dimension projects deter tois studied are they in answer the question of how strategy and day-to-day activi- current mining the PKK’s ties. In the fourth and final section,radical of this project and itsdemocracy political implications discussed are in of the contingencies create in finding a terms solution they Turkey. to conflict the ongoing in the understandingSince the late 1970s, poli of radical of Marxism has changed. This tics framework within the focusedchange on its to approach important three pil of politics:lars state, and radical political and party, class, beyond the state,thought took of “politics the form politi and political subjectivitycal organization beyond the party, beyond class.” tics, the reformulation of radical democracy has emerged has of radical democracy emerged tics, the reformulation Ethics: An Essay on the Un- Badiou, Ethics: Essay Alain An 2002), (London: Verso, derstanding of Evil 95–97. pp. 2 164–165 - - - - -

10 Hardt and Negri, Multitude 255. , p. Hardt and Hardt singularity, By 218. Ibid., p. social whose subject dif Negri mean “a tember 2010. ference cannot be reduced to sameness, a be reduced cannot to sameness, ference for and, different” remains that difference “the multitudethem, composed is a set of singularities.” 99. of In Ibid., p. Radical Negri’s Çiğdem Çıdam, “Antonio Capitalism: Contemporary Critique of Politics and Revolutionizing Love, Invoking paper presented Theorizing Democracy,” Political Meeting of at the Annual Science 1–4 Sep DC, Association in Washington 9 10 11 - - 11 Constitutive of this new concept of democracy, Constitutive of this new concept democracy, of Referring to socialist the political Referring representa - 9 8 tion, based mostly on the experience of the 1871 Paris tion, based Paris the 1871 of the experience on mostly and Negri state Hardt Commune, in a manner it failed similar to constitutional and the liberal model. Thus, of representation new forms setthey about for a search the separationthat limit between the representative and simultaneously and in so doing, the represented, create the state for alternatives based on the separation of sov that claim In this sense, they society. from power ereign subject” of the period the multitude as the “revolutionary and its political new can present (commonwealth) project representa of forms “different inventing contingencies for beyond represen of democracy that go tion or new forms tation.” and it is “theadequate can subject which construct a new community.” the multitude is conceptually distinguished from other other the multitude from is conceptually distinguished notions, as “the such people,” “the masses,”“the and be reduced and can to never class,” working a unity or a multitude the conceptual terms, “in Rather, singleidentity. couple with identity-difference the contradictory replaces the complementary couple commonality-singularity” forms of representation appeared forms throughout have that history. Hardt and Negri distinguish three forms forms three and Negri distinguish Hardt representation: free, of appropriated, representation.and instructed Appropri link ated representation has the weakest separation between and the strongest The and represented. representatives selected, ap not are representatives the pointed, or controlled but interpret In the represented. of will and interest have representation, the represented free a connection with the representatives, example, but their control is limited, for election. temporal The third means of by representation, instructed is one in form, bound to are the representatives which the represented. of the instructions 8 - - - Since the 7 tude: War and Democracy in the Age of of in the Age and Democracy tude: War 2004), Press, Penguin York: Empire (New p. 244. Michael Hardt and Antonio Multi Negri, Hardt Michael 7

For our purposes, their most relevant ideas concern the ideas concern purposes, our their most relevant For To this end, Hardt and Negri, following sociologist and Negri, following Hardt this end, To The subversive character of democracy is related of democracy to character the The subversive The second to is related (political) representation,the or Hardt and Negri aimed and to out the conceptualHardt basis work 6

and political economist Max Weber, discuss the different discuss the different and political economist Max Weber, eighteenth century, this conception of representation has eighteenth century, come to monopolize the field of political an thought such to of democracy must project contemporary extent that any begin of representation. with a critique of the existing forms bedded in the concept of representation: is power “When rule, all no longer we then of rulers, to a group transferred and government.” power separated from are we debates on the subversive characters of democracy and of characters debates on the subversive representation. democracy has beenfact an incomplete project. Hardt social through struggle that it was only argue and Negri that democracy started as such to the excluded, include and non-white people. In those property, women, without came democracy to bea similar fashion, discussed within is not theory in liberal which economy, the domain of the extension This but markets. of by democracy, governed character to as the “subversive candemocracy be referred of democracy”:facets it infiltrates of all society. society from power that is em separation of sovereign meaningful to the Kurdish project, to especially regards in tomeaningful Kurdish the conceiverepresentation of they how sovereignty. and democracy has them, of democracy; a new project for for the modern an incomplete throughout remained project to revitalize try They era. its liberating content as constitut ed in the idea of popular sovereignty, which may be may defined which ed popular in the idea of sovereignty, that belongsas a power to the people above with no power it.

The word “sovereignty” is derived from from is derived “sovereignty” The word the Latin potestas or suprema , supremitas power.” meaning “supreme 6 164–165 - - - - -

10 Hardt and Negri, Multitude 255. , p. Hardt and Hardt singularity, By 218. Ibid., p. social whose subject dif Negri mean “a ference cannot be reduced to sameness, a be reduced cannot to sameness, ference for and, different” remains that difference “the multitudethem, composed is a set of singularities.” 99. of In Ibid., p. Radical Negri’s Çiğdem Çıdam, “Antonio Capitalism: Contemporary Critique of Politics and Revolutionizing Love, Invoking paper presented Theorizing Democracy,” Political Meeting of at the Annual Science 1–4 Sep DC, Association in Washington tember 2010. 9 10 11 - - 11 Constitutive of this new concept of democracy, Constitutive of this new concept democracy, of Referring to socialist the political Referring representa - 9 8 tion, based mostly on the experience of the 1871 Paris tion, based Paris the 1871 of the experience on mostly and Negri state Hardt Commune, in a manner it failed similar to constitutional and the liberal model. Thus, of representation new forms setthey about for a search the separationthat limit between the representative and simultaneously and in so doing, the represented, create the state for alternatives based on the separation of sov ereign power from society. In this sense, they claim that that claim In this sense, they society. from power ereign subject” of the period the multitude as the “revolutionary and its political new can present (commonwealth) project representa of forms “different inventing contingencies for beyond represen of democracy that go tion or new forms tation.” and it is “theadequate can subject which construct a new community.” the multitude is conceptually distinguished from other other the multitude from is conceptually distinguished notions, as “the such people,” “the masses,”“the and be reduced and can to never class,” working a unity or a multitude the conceptual terms, “in Rather, singleidentity. couple with identity-difference the contradictory replaces the complementary couple commonality-singularity” forms of representation appeared forms throughout have that history. pointed, or controlled but interpret the pointed, or controlled but interpret In the represented. of will and interest have representation, the represented free a connection with the representatives, example, but their control is limited, for election. temporal The third means of by representation, instructed is one in form, bound to are the representatives which the represented. of the instructions Hardt and Negri distinguish three forms forms three and Negri distinguish Hardt representation: free, of appropriated, representation.and instructed Appropri ated representation has the weakest link ated representation has the weakest separation between and the strongest The and represented. representatives selected, ap not are representatives 8 - - - Since the 7 Michael Hardt and Antonio Multi Negri, Hardt Michael of in the Age and Democracy tude: War 2004), Press, Penguin York: Empire (New p. 244. 7 For our purposes, their most relevant ideas concern the ideas concern purposes, our their most relevant For To this end, Hardt and Negri, following sociologist and Negri, following Hardt this end, To The subversive character of democracy is related of democracy to character the The subversive The second to is related (political) representation, or the Hardt and Negri aimed and to out the conceptualHardt basis work 6 eighteenth century, this conception of representation has eighteenth century, come to monopolize the field of political an thought such to of democracy must project contemporary extent that any begin of representation. with a critique of the existing forms discuss the different and political economist Max Weber, debates on the subversive characters of democracy and of characters debates on the subversive representation. democracy has beenfact an incomplete project. Hardt social through struggle that it was only argue and Negri that democracy started as such to the excluded, include and non-white people. In those property, women, without came democracy to bea similar fashion, discussed within is not theory in liberal which economy, the domain of the extension This but markets. of by democracy, governed character to as the “subversive candemocracy be referred of democracy”:facets it infiltrates of all society. society from power that is em separation of sovereign bedded in the concept of representation: is power “When rule, all no longer we then of rulers, to a group transferred and government.” power separated from are we meaningful to the Kurdish project, to especially regards in tomeaningful Kurdish the conceiverepresentation of they how sovereignty. and democracy has them, of democracy; a new project for for the modern an incomplete throughout remained project to revitalize try They era. its liberating content as constitut be may defined which ed popular in the idea of sovereignty, that belongsas a power to the people above with no power it. The word “sovereignty” is derived from from is derived “sovereignty” The word the Latin potestas or suprema , supremitas power.” meaning “supreme 6 166–167 ------Only through this this through Only 15 16 tics and revolutionary politics but, on the contrary, to politics but,tics and revolutionary on the contrary, of thought streams revolutionary the parallel follow and practice within identity politics, all, per which an abolition aim toward of identity. haps paradoxically, not shun should thought, words, in other Revolutionary identity politics it and but instead through must work it. from learn Here is the conundrum we face: revolutionary politics revolutionary face: is the conundrum we Here has to start identity The from but cannot there. end point is not to pose between a division identity poli In all these Negri and discussions, admit that this Hardt form of self-rule can the dilemmas of vanguards, leader can dilemmas of vanguards, the of self-rule form ship, and representation that plagued previous revolutions and representation revolutions ship, previous that plagued to In this respect, be contemporary overcome. and contrary standpoints on the right as as left, on the well and Hardt importanceNegri give to identity politics: Hardt and Negri define three important and Negri define three Hardt work in this tasks identitying through politics. visible the is to make The first means re-appropriating which subordinations of identity, the identity; the second step is to rebel againstthe struc of domination,tures using the subordinated identity as is to and the third freedom; for a weapon in the quest litical subject.” In the democracy of the multitude, however, litical subject.” multitude, the of democracy the In however, consequent and the sovereignty, such place is no for there at the same is of sovereignty to existing all challenge forms time a precondition of that democracy. process is not spontaneousrevolutionary and must be gov erned — but certainlyerned — but and tools: “This new forms by would to behave are sense that we democratic not in the false by politicians day and the mediawith their pre every fed tenses of representation, but in the active and autonomous of the multitude as a whole.” self-rule , p. 372. , p. and Negri, Commonwealth Hardt 326. Ibid., p. 15 16

- - 12 ------Hardt and Negri, Multitude 328. , p. Hardt

14 13 In this conception of sovereignty, the people, the In this conception of sovereignty, 14 For Hardt and Negri, this making of the multitude and Negri, this making Hardt basedFor zation and decision-making processes. In this sense, the political organization of the multitude also be should sub stantially different from that of previous resistances, that of previous stantiallyfrom with different as an aim todemocracy not only be also but a achieved fundamentalorgan whole accordingthe to principle which This democratic politicalizational governed. is structure to the desta will add element another organizational form activitiesbilizing and destructive revolutionary of previous project organizations — the activities led by vanguardist In this new type of of constructing a new type power. of the multitude by which power is capable of managing the taking is no place for commons, there control of the state capacities demo for the multitude’s apparatuses. Rather, cratic decision-making be should consolidated: “Making the multitude of democratic organizing is thus the project aimed at democracy.” on “the revolutionary assemblages of different singulari assemblages of different on “the revolutionary ties” has capacity the ties” to the existing change patterns of The existing concept both representation and sovereignty. by ‘the is basedof sovereignty on one basic principle: “rule state, this be whether the monarch, one’, nation, people, or party.” nation among the revolutionary struggles of singularities,” nation among the revolutionary ties can be brought together as a form of revolutionary ties can of revolutionary together bebrought as a form assemblages, hegemonic articulation the beyond posed by discuss While they Laclaucoordi “the parallel and Mouffe. In this line of discussion, Hardt and Negri elaborate on how elaborate Negri and discussion,line of this In how on Hardt singulari of different the struggles, in different nation, united in a single body, plays the role of “unitary po of “unitary the role plays nation, united in a single body, they maintainthey struggles that these of identities parallel or change: revolutionary a for sufficient not singularities are needs of organi tothere be forms in the change radical

, p. 363. , p. and Negri, Commonwealth Hardt Hardt and Negri, Multitude 344. , p. Hardt

12 13 166–167 ------Only through this this through Only 15 16 haps paradoxically, aim toward an abolition of identity. an abolition aim toward of identity. haps paradoxically, not shun should thought, words, in other Revolutionary identity politics it and but instead through must work it. from learn tics and revolutionary politics but, on the contrary, to politics but,tics and revolutionary on the contrary, of thought streams revolutionary the parallel follow and practice within identity politics, all, per which Here is the conundrum we face: revolutionary politics revolutionary face: is the conundrum we Here has to start identity The from but cannot there. end point is not to pose between a division identity poli In all these Negri and discussions, admit that this Hardt ship, and representation that plagued previous revolutions and representation revolutions ship, previous that plagued to In this respect, be contemporary overcome. and contrary standpoints on the right as as left, on the well and Hardt importanceNegri give to identity politics: form of self-rule can the dilemmas of vanguards, leader can dilemmas of vanguards, the of self-rule form Hardt and Negri define three important and Negri define three Hardt work in this tasks ing through identitying through politics. visible the is to make The first means re-appropriating which subordinations of identity, the identity; the second step is to rebel againstthe struc of domination,tures using the subordinated identity as is to and the third freedom; for a weapon in the quest erned — but certainlyerned — but and tools: “This new forms by would to behave are sense that we democratic not in the false by politicians day and the mediawith their pre every fed tenses of representation, but in the active and autonomous of the multitude as a whole.” self-rule revolutionary process is not spontaneousrevolutionary and must be gov litical subject.” In the democracy of the multitude, however, litical subject.” multitude, the of democracy the In however, consequent and the sovereignty, such place is no for there at the same is of sovereignty to existing all challenge forms time a precondition of that democracy. , p. 372. , p. and Negri, Commonwealth Hardt 326. Ibid., p. 15 16

- - 12 ------Hardt and Negri, Multitude 328. , p. Hardt

14 13 In this conception of sovereignty, the people, the In this conception of sovereignty, 14 For Hardt and Negri, this making of the multitude and Negri, this making Hardt basedFor zation and decision-making processes. In this sense, the political organization of the multitude also be should sub resistances, that of previous stantiallyfrom with different as an aim todemocracy not only be also but a achieved fundamentalorgan whole accordingthe to principle which This democratic politicalizational governed. is structure to the desta will add element another organizational form activitiesbilizing and destructive revolutionary of previous project organizations — the activities led by vanguardist In this new type of of constructing a new type power. of the multitude by which power is capable of managing the taking is no place for commons, there control of the state capacities demo for the multitude’s apparatuses. Rather, cratic decision-making be should consolidated: “Making the multitude of democratic organizing is thus the project aimed at democracy.” on “the revolutionary assemblages of different singulari assemblages of different on “the revolutionary has capacity the ties” to the existing change patterns of The existing concept both representation and sovereignty. by ‘the is basedof sovereignty on one basic principle: “rule state, this be whether the monarch, one’, nation, people, or party.” In this line of discussion, Hardt and Negri elaborate on how elaborate Negri and discussion,line of this In how on Hardt singulari rebellions of different the struggles, in different ties can of revolutionary together bebrought as a form assemblages, hegemonic articulation the beyond posed by discuss While they Laclaucoordi “the parallel and Mouffe. struggles of singularities,” nation among the revolutionary nation, united in a single body, plays the role of “unitary po of “unitary the role plays nation, united in a single body, they maintainthey struggles that these of identities parallel or change: revolutionary a for sufficient not singularities are needs of organi tothere be forms in the change radical , p. 363. , p. and Negri, Commonwealth Hardt Hardt and Negri, Multitude 344. , p. Hardt

12 13 168–169

-

The first book (of two volumes) was volumes) book(of two The first as From Sumerianpublished Clerical State I-II (2001), Republic People’s Towards while the second book volume) (and third of Free as The Defense was published Man (2003) — known in PKK circles as the “Ath in PKK circles (2003) — known Defending a People Defence” — and ens Öcalan submitted another Lastly, (2004). in Strasbourg to the ECHR defense of text his caseconcerning to the right a fair for text, this defense trial. In 2009 and 2010, as problematizing Öcalan defines which in published was capitalist modernity, volumes. in four Turkish - These defense texts were accepted texts These defense were in 19 II. Radical Democracy in the Kurdish Context Kurdish in the Democracy II. Radical a project ideological towards transformation The PKK’s PKK is Jacobinian is PKK sense the in it simultaneouslythat uses of its the realization political for asviolence an instrument democracy. of radical program 2000s,During the the PKK elaborated a new ideological democracy. of radical this project promoting framework the PKK madeIn doing this, of salto a kind mortale by and a series of transformations itself through reinventing nation that the bearguing defined not on the basis of ethnicity but on the basis in a or language of citizenship democratic republic. was based democracy of radical texts written on defense and submittedby Öcalan courts to in which the different canhis case be These defenses grouped was heard. into courts, and two categories: those submitted to the Turkish those submitted to Court the European of Human Rights along with one at a court in Strasbourg, in Athens (ECHR) Greece). The documents from his expulsion (concerning as as well in and Turkish been in Kurdish published have languages. other The first group consists mainly of two of two mainly consists group The first submitted the main text, to texts: defense submit the court and an annex, in Imrali ted in to the Court Appeals of in and to1999 a local court in 2001. in the under published were Thesetexts first titles Declaration on the Solution of the Question and Urfa: The Symbol Kurdish Divinity and Wretched[ness] of History, of thein the Basin Tigris-Euphrates. The submitted texts, defense second of group court to an Athenian to in 2001, the ECHR the of Chamber and to the Grand in 2003, consisted books two of in 2004, ECHR comprisedthat together volumes. three

19 - - - - - The development The development 18 See Öcalan, Prison Abdullah Notes, Multi and Negri, - 2005 and Hardt 9 March 249. tude, p.

18 17 The PKK, can be which of democ criticized the lack for From here, we may indicate links to the PKK’s project project indicate may we to links the PKK’s here, From racy in its own ranks, is at the same time a is at the same ranks, developing in itsracy own to as a be This may referred of radical democracy. program Žižek has pointed paradox.” As philosopher Slavoj “Jacobin out, of ter it was the Jacobins, the reign responsible for who developed as democracy a political project. The ror, ish issue, such as those such of decolonization issue, ish and language, rights. civil and cultural, ist traditions was the idea of constructing from democracy of the idea of the multitude, below the rediscovery and subject positions. different including of radical democracy, which has these envisaged which three democracy, of radical identitydifferent of overcoming tasks politics. In this conceptualization project, and Negri’s and just as in Hardt a very concept the of struggle plays democracy, of radical struggle that subjectiv Indeed, role. it is through crucial ity is created. Similar to Hardt and Negri, the PKK returns ity Negri, the PKK returns to and is created. Similar Hardt Öcalan with conceptionto modern an early of democracy, social early of elements of the promising that one arguing strive for its own abolition. its own for seestrive They tasks these three as without, simultaneously, and toinseparable be “pursued to moment some instance,for revolutionary the deferring indefinitefuture.” of the Kurdish issue as a field of struggle for freedom and and freedom for as issue a field of struggle of the Kurdish equality contradictions is an illustration of the various and the plurality the same time, of the social. the history At us the difficulties shows in Turkey issue of the Kurdish the left had in articulating socialist this struggle through strategies. The traditional organization left demanded the aside the so, brushed and in doing class, of struggle around the Kurd in and from series of contradictions emerging

Ibid., pp. 327–337. Ibid., pp.

17 168–169

-

(2004). Lastly, Öcalan submitted another Öcalan submitted another Lastly, (2004). in Strasbourg to the ECHR defense of text his caseconcerning to the right a fair for text, this defense trial. In 2009 and 2010, as problematizing Öcalan defines which in published was capitalist modernity, volumes. in four Turkish ens Defence” — and Defending a People Defence” — and ens (2003) — known in PKK circles as the “Ath in PKK circles (2003) — known The first book (of two volumes) was volumes) book(of two The first as From Sumerianpublished Clerical State I-II (2001), Republic People’s Towards while the second book volume) (and third of Free as The Defense was published Man - These defense texts were accepted texts These defense were in 19 II. Radical Democracy in the Kurdish Context Kurdish in the Democracy II. Radical a project ideological towards transformation The PKK’s During the 2000s,During the the PKK elaborated a new ideological democracy. of radical this project promoting framework the PKK madeIn doing this, of salto a kind mortale by and a series of transformations itself through reinventing nation that the bearguing defined not on the basis of ethnicity but on the basis in a or language of citizenship democratic republic. was based democracy of radical texts written on defense and submittedby Öcalan courts to in which the different canhis case be These defenses grouped was heard. into courts, and two categories: those submitted to the Turkish those submitted to Court the European of Human Rights along with one at a court in Strasbourg, in Athens (ECHR) Greece). The documents from his expulsion (concerning as as well in and Turkish been in Kurdish published have languages. other PKK is Jacobinian is PKK sense the in it simultaneouslythat uses of its the realization political for asviolence an instrument democracy. of radical program The first group consists mainly of two of two mainly consists group The first submitted the main text, to texts: defense submit the court and an annex, in Imrali ted in to the Court Appeals of in Ankara and to1999 a local court in 2001. in Urfa the under published were Thesetexts first titles Declaration on the Solution of the Question and Urfa: The Symbol Kurdish Divinity and Wretched[ness] of History, of thein the Basin Tigris-Euphrates. The submitted texts, defense second of group court to an Athenian to in 2001, the ECHR the of Chamber and to the Grand in 2003, consisted books two of in 2004, ECHR comprisedthat together volumes. three

19 - - - - - The development The development 18 See Öcalan, Prison Abdullah Notes , Multi and Negri, - 2005 and Hardt 9 March 249. tude, p.

18 17 The PKK, can be which of democ criticized the lack for From here, we may indicate links to the PKK’s project project indicate may we to links the PKK’s here, From ish issue, such as those such of decolonization issue, ish and language, rights. civil and cultural, time a is at the same ranks, developing in itsracy own to as a be This may referred of radical democracy. program Žižek has pointed paradox.” As philosopher Slavoj “Jacobin out, of ter it was the Jacobins, the reign responsible for who developed as democracy a political project. The ror, of radical democracy, which has these envisaged which three democracy, of radical identitydifferent of overcoming tasks politics. In this conceptualization project, and Negri’s and just as in Hardt a very concept the of struggle plays democracy, of radical struggle that subjectiv Indeed, role. it is through crucial ity Negri, the PKK returns to and is created. Similar Hardt Öcalan with conceptionto modern an early of democracy, social early of elements of the promising that one arguing ist traditions was the idea of constructing from democracy of the idea of the multitude, below the rediscovery and subject positions. different including strive for its own abolition. its own for seestrive They tasks these three as without, simultaneously, and toinseparable be “pursued to moment some instance,for revolutionary the deferring indefinitefuture.” of the Kurdish issue as a field of struggle for freedom and and freedom for as issue a field of struggle of the Kurdish equality contradictions is an illustration of the various and the plurality the same time, of the social. the history At us the difficulties shows in Turkey issue of the Kurdish the left had in articulating socialist this struggle through strategies. The traditional organization left demanded the aside the so, brushed and in doing class, of struggle around the Kurd in and from series of contradictions emerging Ibid., pp. 327–337. Ibid., pp.

17 170–171 - - - - ments by Josements by Carlos Mariategui, who discussed Andean indigenous of the role as the basis for communities, the Ayllu, and resistance. Seecommonwealth Hardt 83–100. , pp. Commonwealth and Negri, - For Öcalan, class-based For (state) societies 20 In these defense texts,In these submitted defense court to an Athens and The concept of the democratic republic comprehends a comprehends The concept of the democratic republic in the Brechtian sense. However, Öcalan continued Öcalan Brechtian the in sense.seffekt However, to elaborate critique on his state, of the socialist including liberation that cannot be by arguing experiments, achieved state-building,means of the deepening through but rather defense the second In ECHR of his volume of democracy. society and texts, Kurdish with intensively dealt Öcalan PKK.role of the He placed the and specifically, history, society of civilization, it as presenting history in the Kurdish societya natural or community opposed to state-societies. is attributed naturalness to an as society’s The Kurdish sumed long-standing among the culture and deep Neolithic tribes. Kurdish and modernization have caused destruction for the Kurds, causedand modernization have destruction the Kurds, for and the PKK has become the locus of the last resistance he tried to this framework, process. this pernicious Within the limits of the PKK and itsto deadlock, show trappedin which the ideological-political constraints of the Cold War, was continuing to condition a decade after the PKK even Öcalan aimed to this work, theit ended. Through evaluate its past the PKK and address of mistakes.history his theo Öcalan transformed Chamber, Grand the ECHR retical considerations into a concept of radical democracy. retical considerations into a concept of radical democracy. was developed democracy This idea of radical in three intertwined democratic a democratic projects: republic, po These three and democratic confederalism. autonomy, litical function projects as a strategic dispositif: ideas and political could demands be Kurdish which means through and (re)organized. (re)defined It aims at the disassocia of Turkey. of the Republic reform In their discussion on the “ambivalences In their discussion on the “ambivalences and Negri point out Hardt modernity,” of debate peasant on the Russian Marx’s Karl community existing Mir as an already basis communism, and similar argu for 20 ------In his second group of defense texts,In his second of defense submitted group to the The first submittedtexts, The first for the and then case in Imralı ECHR, Öcalan deepened his theoretical considerations. with a historidealt mainly volumes of the three The first cerned with the legal of his case. issue cerned cal analysis of civilization, starting and East in the Middle focusing as on the Sumerians “the state-based” earliest Öcalan elaborated in later parts Although of the society. book societies on other and periods, was his main concern This of humanity. sin” to the state present as the “original as he was, and is still, a politicalwas surprising, leader of a society that has been depicted widely as “the largest people without a state.” in the world Initially it created a a Verfremdung circles, kind of alienation among Kurdish ish population. On the contrary, he rejected claims for an for he rejected claims population.ish On the contrary, state — previouslyindependent aim of the strug a central democratic republic. truly gle — proposing instead a new, In these texts, with theoretical did not engage Öcalan or based mainly ideological on were they considerations; conflict of the Turkish-Kurdish the historical background stated Öcalan in which that he in the twentieth century, and thus of a democratic republic, had struggled in favor that Öcalan argued Turkey). (of not against the Republic fa founding Republic’s Mustafa Atatürk, Kemal the Turkish had also intended to establish a democratic republic, ther, defenses, forces. Of Öcalan’s but was confinedexternal by one can to defense this first be a genuine only considered his prosecution, that he was not con although he argued to Court the of Appeals in Ankara, caused considerable PKK militants, among unrest since Öcalan did not take the assumed position expected by the party Kurd and the ment, but since 2005, the ideologicalment, since but and organizational 2005, been adapted have structures to one another. the consecutivethe congresses PKK as official the partyline. the texts led to confusion serious the move within Initially, 170–171 - - - - ments by Josements by Carlos Mariategui, who discussed Andean indigenous of the role as the basis for communities, the Ayllu, and resistance. Seecommonwealth Hardt 83–100. , pp. Commonwealth and Negri, - For Öcalan, class-based For (state) societies 20 In these defense texts,In these submitted defense court to an Athens and The concept of the democratic republic comprehends a comprehends The concept of the democratic republic sumed long-standing among the culture and deep Neolithic tribes. Kurdish in the Brechtian sense. However, Öcalan continued Öcalan Brechtian the in sense.seffekt However, to elaborate critique on his state, of the socialist including liberation that cannot be by arguing experiments, achieved state-building,means of the deepening through but rather defense the second In ECHR of his volume of democracy. society and texts, Kurdish with intensively dealt Öcalan PKK.role of the He placed the and specifically, history, society of civilization, it as presenting history in the Kurdish societya natural or community opposed to state-societies. is attributed naturalness to an as society’s The Kurdish the ECHR Grand Chamber, Öcalan transformed his theo Öcalan transformed Chamber, Grand the ECHR and modernization have caused destruction for the Kurds, causedand modernization have destruction the Kurds, for and the PKK has become the locus of the last resistance he tried to this framework, process. this pernicious Within the limits of the PKK and itsto deadlock, show trappedin which the ideological-political constraints of the Cold War, was continuing to condition a decade after the PKK even Öcalan aimed to this work, theit ended. Through evaluate its past the PKK and address of mistakes.history reform of the Republic of Turkey. It aims at the disassocia of Turkey. of the Republic reform retical considerations into a concept of radical democracy. retical considerations into a concept of radical democracy. was developed democracy This idea of radical in three intertwined democratic a democratic projects: republic, po These three and democratic confederalism. autonomy, litical function projects as a strategic dispositif: ideas and political could demands be Kurdish which means through and (re)organized. (re)defined In their discussion on the “ambivalences In their discussion on the “ambivalences and Negri point out Hardt modernity,” of debate peasant on the Russian Marx’s Karl community existing Mir as an already basis communism, and similar argu for 20 ------The first submittedtexts, The first for the and then case in Imralı texts,In his second of defense submitted group to the the consecutivethe congresses PKK as official the partyline. the texts led to confusion serious the move within Initially, the ideologicalment, since but and organizational 2005, been adapted have structures to one another. to Court the of Appeals in Ankara, caused considerable PKK militants, among unrest since Öcalan did not take the assumed position expected by the party the Kurd and an for he rejected claims population.ish On the contrary, state — previouslyindependent aim of the strug a central democratic republic. truly gle — proposing instead a new, In these texts, with theoretical did not engage Öcalan or based mainly ideological on were they considerations; conflict of the Turkish-Kurdish the historical background stated Öcalan in which that he in the twentieth century, and thus of a democratic republic, had struggled in favor that Öcalan argued Turkey). (of not against the Republic fa founding Republic’s Mustafa Atatürk, Kemal the Turkish had also intended to establish a democratic republic, ther, defenses, forces. Of Öcalan’s but was confinedexternal by one can to defense this first be a genuine only considered his prosecution, that he was not con although he argued with the legal of his case. issue cerned ECHR, Öcalan deepened his theoretical considerations. with a historidealt mainly volumes of the three The first cal analysis of civilization, starting and East in the Middle focusing as on the Sumerians “the state-based” earliest Öcalan elaborated in later parts Although of the society. book societies on other and periods, was his main concern This of humanity. sin” to the state present as the “original as he was, and is still, a politicalwas surprising, leader of a society that has been depicted widely as “the largest people without a state.” in the world Initially it created a a Verfremdung circles, kind of alienation among Kurdish 172–173 ------For Book For 23 24 Murray Bookchin, From Urbanization Bookchin, to Murray Politics a New of Citizen Cities: Toward 298. p. (London: Cassell,ship 1996),

24 Öcalan, influenced by the ideas of Bookchin, developedÖcalan, influenced by the ideasBookchin, of On the basis of democratic of those the project values, chin, confederalism as principle of social a confederalism organization chin, without democratizing of interdependence that a way “is to local the principle control.” surrendering a similar understandinga similar of confederalism. of that principle toIn parallel his historical analysis of civilization based on the critique of the state, of Öcalan condemned the failure socialismreal and national which liberation movements, tohe considered be trapped in the ideas of the state and he elaborated on the protract state-making. Alternatively, Neolithiced of the effects society whose values communal beencould have completely not by the develop destroyed society of hierarchical upon built ment the state. Those ascommunal values — summarized socialization based on rooted compatible and life and society, nature with gender in communality and solidarity — underlie his conception of of democratic confederalism. the form in democracy the bottom, At levels. at four is organized confederalism the communes village and districts, in the are which there of towns, cities, at the levels interrelated and regions. are the organization of the social as such groups follows Then of organiza level Another and others. youth, the women, tion scale occurs of organization for at the cultural in terms ethnic-religious-cultural identities.fourth The different and of civil society is the level final level organizations. In this basedsense, democratic confederalism, on kinds of assem blies at village-districts, to the city refers levels, and regional confederalism as “a network councilsadministrative of as “a confederalism delegates or whose elected popular members are from democraticface-to-face villages, assemblies, in the various neighborhoodstowns, cities.” and even of large Ibid., p. 166. Ibid., p. 23 ------and 22 Bookchin: A Critical Bookchin: White, Ap F. Damian 166. p. 2008), Press, (London: Pluto praisal

22 Originally, in the eighteenth century, the eighteenth in century, Originally, 21 Öcalan’s radical democracy of his later defense texts radical democracy of his later defense Öcalan’s ism, suggests a new radical politics a new radical ism, suggests that recognizes “the rootstribalin democracy of communities” village and is embodied in the concept of democratic confederalism Murray of anarchist the works from he borrowed which who calledideology his Bookchin, communalBookchin. tive that manifests and erupts in the form of nationalism. in the form and erupts tive that manifests condition and of modernity is exclusive This “national” intolerant, dictating that people “right” the who do not have to characteristics are choosecultural between assimilation or superficial) the options and migration, while (genuine of the state assimilation from to range eviction and ethnic formulat was Kemalism or genocide. In Turkey, cleansing, resulting ed terms, of modernization as in cultural a project his With assimilation politicsin harsh the Kurds. towards advocates Öcalan a democratic republic, proposal for for an understanding rights. of citizens’ in terms of democracy teenth and twentieth centuries, however, modernity lost teenth and twentieth centuries, however, its content of radicala cultural and acquired democracy to people. a unique in modern A vein referring meaning, homogeneity cultural considered which a thought emerged state, the modern for requirement an inescapable impera ject, he aims at creating local such democratic structures as community assemblies, town meetings, and neighbor of libertarian the project hood to councils. prevent In order becomingmunicipalism from vacuous or being used for suggests the principle of Bookchin ends, parochial highly tion of democracy from nationalism, and as such, a return nationalism,return a tion as and such, from democracy of conceptions modern democracy” of and their to the “early subversivity. radical democracy was formulated in terms of citizens’ rights and citizens’ of in terms was formulated democracy nine of the course In the everyone. by of everyone a rule ends with a project of libertarian project with a ends municipalism. In this pro

Hardt and Negri, Multitude 240–251. , pp. Hardt

21 172–173 ------For Book For 23 24 Murray Bookchin, From Urbanization Bookchin, to Murray Politics a New of Citizen Cities: Toward (London: Cassell, 1996), p. 298. 298. p. (London: Cassell,ship 1996),

24 Öcalan, influenced by the ideas of Bookchin, developedÖcalan, influenced by the ideasBookchin, of On the basis of democratic of those the project values, chin, confederalism as principle of social a confederalism organization chin, without democratizing of interdependence that a way “is to local the principle control.” surrendering tion scale occurs of organization for at the cultural in terms ethnic-religious-cultural identities.fourth The different and of civil society is the level final level organizations. In this basedsense, democratic confederalism, on kinds of assem blies at village-districts, to the city refers levels, and regional a similar understandinga similar of confederalism. of that principle toIn parallel his historical analysis of civilization based on the critique of the state, of Öcalan condemned the failure socialismreal and national which liberation movements, tohe considered be trapped in the ideas of the state and he elaborated on the protract state-making. Alternatively, confederalism is organized at four levels. At the bottom, At levels. at four is organized confederalism the communes village and districts, in the are which there of towns, cities, at the levels interrelated and regions. are the organization of the social as such groups follows Then of organiza level Another and others. youth, the women, ed effects of the Neolithiced of the effects society whose values communal beencould have completely not by the develop destroyed society of hierarchical upon built ment the state. Those ascommunal values — summarized socialization based on rooted compatible and life and society, nature with gender in communality and solidarity — underlie his conception of of democratic confederalism. the form in democracy confederalism as “a network councilsadministrative of as “a confederalism delegates or whose elected popular members are from democraticface-to-face villages, assemblies, in the various neighborhoodstowns, cities.” and even of large Ibid., p. 166. Ibid., p. 23 ------and 22 Bookchin: A Critical Bookchin: White, Ap F. Damian 166. p. 2008), Press, (London: Pluto praisal

22 Originally, in the eighteenth century, the eighteenth in century, Originally, 21 Öcalan’s radical democracy of his later defense texts radical democracy of his later defense Öcalan’s teenth and twentieth centuries, however, modernity lost teenth and twentieth centuries, however, its content of radicala cultural and acquired democracy to people. a unique in modern A vein referring meaning, homogeneity cultural considered which a thought emerged state, the modern for requirement an inescapable impera of nationalism. in the form and erupts tive that manifests condition and of modernity is exclusive This “national” intolerant, dictating that people “right” the who do not have to characteristics are choosecultural between assimilation or superficial) the options and migration, while (genuine of the state assimilation from to range eviction and ethnic formulat was Kemalism or genocide. In Turkey, cleansing, resulting ed terms, of modernization as in cultural a project his With assimilation politicsin harsh the Kurds. towards advocates Öcalan a democratic republic, proposal for for an understanding rights. of citizens’ in terms of democracy is embodied in the concept of democratic confederalism Murray of anarchist the works from he borrowed which who calledideology his Bookchin, communalBookchin. politics a new radical ism, suggests that recognizes “the rootstribalin democracy of communities” village and ject, he aims at creating local such democratic structures as community assemblies, town meetings, and neighbor of libertarian the project hood to councils. prevent In order becomingmunicipalism from vacuous or being used for suggests the principle of Bookchin ends, parochial highly tion of democracy from nationalism, and as such, a return nationalism,return a tion as and such, from democracy of conceptions modern democracy” of their and to the “early subversivity. radical democracy was formulated in terms of citizens’ rights and citizens’ of in terms was formulated democracy nine of the course In the everyone. by of everyone a rule ends with a project of libertarian project with a ends municipalism. In this pro Hardt and Negri, Multitude 240–251. , pp. Hardt

21 174–175 ------

26 The KCK contract’s main contract’s The KCK Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), Partiya Workers’ Kurdistan Inşa PKK Yeniden Kurdistan Karkerên . : Belgeleri Çetin Yayınları, Kongre 175. p. 2005),

27 27

Consequentially, since 2005, the PKK and all-affiliated the PKK since 2005, Consequentially, Yet this nested of a kind doesexclude not relationship Yet tutional rights, including self-governing their region within their region tutional rights, self-governing including state a federal two deter are In this project, structure. there aim is defined as struggling for the expansion of radicalexpansionaim is definedfor the of de as struggling mocracy is based which upon democratic peoples’ organi The contract sets forth zations and decision-making power. of sociala new mechanism transcends that the relations statist In this sense, democraticconfederalism mentality. everywhere is valid idea of the KCK as the main organizing consti have Kurds where in Iraq, even live, the Kurds where the notion as of the democracy 1) people’s mining factors: and of government, not as a form basedpower on society, of the state the exclusion 2) this notion. and nation from sociation is which Communities of in Kurdistan] (KCK), a societal organization presented as to alternative an the nation-state. has aimed to itself organize from The KCK is athe bottom “KCK of assemblies: to the top form in the establishing for struggles which movement its democ own on the existing nation-states ground[ed] neither nor racy, see[s] as the obstacle.” them a system of self-organization. a system been on the basis restructured have organizations of this Kurdistan [As Civakên the name of Koma under project “unity” among the Kurds dispersed over different coun different dispersed over Kurds among the “unity” tries East. of the Middle Since proposes Öcalan to build bodies Kurdistan, wherever and throughout self-governing is consid democratic confederalism living, Kurds are there Kurd to the unification beered mechanism for the main of liberation Öcalan movement, istan Kurdish The Kurds. and establishment the for work should of such argues, a unitarythe states.” of a structure or in structure Radikal Demokrasi Radikal , (Neuss: Mezopotamya Yayınları, 2009), 2009), Yayınları, Mezopotamya (Neuss: 275. 260, p. 26

------25 Freedom for Öcalan – Peace in Kurdistan, Öcalan in Kurdistan, – Peace for Freedom 32. p. 2008), Öcalan has emphasized continuously this project that sociation of sovereign member states.” On the contrary, sociationstates.” member of sovereign On the contrary, aims to consolidatedemocratic confederalism and deepen on the basis level, at the grassroots democracy commu of is also the need the juridi there to reclaim nities. However has nothing to do with a confederal structure as “an as as “an structure has to nothing do with a confederal cal political and the political to procedure, reshape - organi that the model of organizing Therefore, zation of a country. the statepeople from excluded define is one that should takes into account with an existing state its relationship or proposed first demo this, Öcalan For the official authority. which through of government as the form cratic republic question can be he developed the solved; then the Kurdish of relationship. concept of democratic autonomy as a form to the typeIn this sense, democratic autonomy of refers with the staterelationship its with and, in turn, jurisdic context, it was presented as an option tion. In the Turkish a democratic political question,for solution to the Kurdish constitutional nationalrequiring recognition of the Kurdish this recognition was not proposed by the However, identity. demo a line between toPKK as Kurds’ a way draw the a state. Rather, system and the Turkish cratic confederalist was anticipated,nested relationship stated a way in such autonomy is a concept defines the which that “democratic with the state…relationship It within can be even (realized) organization of the whole society whole of the organization starting the bottom- from idea of democratic the confederalism saying, In another up. “democratic self-government.”is defined a modelas of “This self-govern on the “builds project,”Öcalan argues, ment of local ofment communities form in the and is organized open councils, town councils, local parliaments, and larger agents of this kind are congresses. The citizens themselves not state-basedof self-government, authorities.”

War and Peace in Öcalan,Abdullah War International (Cologne: Initiative Kurdistan

25 174–175 ------

26 The KCK contract’s main contract’s The KCK Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), Partiya Workers’ Kurdistan Inşa PKK Yeniden Kurdistan Karkerên . Istanbul: Belgeleri Çetin Yayınları, Kongre 175. p. 2005),

27 27

Consequentially, since 2005, the PKK and all-affiliated the PKK since 2005, Consequentially, Yet this nested of a kind doesexclude not relationship Yet mocracy is based which upon democratic peoples’ organi aim is defined as struggling for the expansion of radicalexpansionaim is definedfor the of de as struggling The contract sets forth zations and decision-making power. of sociala new mechanism transcends that the relations statist In this sense, democraticconfederalism mentality. everywhere is valid idea of the KCK as the main organizing consti have Kurds where in Iraq, even live, the Kurds where tutional rights, including self-governing their region within their region tutional rights, self-governing including state a federal two deter are In this project, structure. there mining factors: 1) the notion of the democracy as people’s the notion as of the democracy 1) people’s mining factors: and of government, not as a form basedpower on society, of the state the exclusion 2) this notion. and nation from istan and Kurds. The Kurdish liberation Öcalan movement, istan Kurdish The Kurds. and establishment the for work should of such argues, sociation is which Communities of in Kurdistan] (KCK), a societal organization presented as to alternative an the nation-state. has aimed to itself organize from The KCK is athe bottom “KCK of assemblies: to the top form in the establishing for struggles which movement its democ own on the existing nation-states ground[ed] neither nor racy, see[s] as the obstacle.” them organizations have been on the basis restructured have organizations of this Kurdistan [As Civakên the name of Koma under project tries East. of the Middle Since proposes Öcalan to build bodies Kurdistan, wherever and throughout self-governing is consid democratic confederalism living, Kurds are there Kurd to the unification beered mechanism for the main of of self-organization. a system “unity” among the Kurds dispersed over different coun different dispersed over Kurds among the “unity” a unitarythe states.” of a structure or in structure Radikal Demokrasi Radikal Mustafa Karasu, (Neuss: Mezopotamya Yayınları, 2009), 2009), Yayınları, Mezopotamya (Neuss: 275. 260, p. 26

------25 Freedom for Öcalan – Peace in Kurdistan, Öcalan in Kurdistan, – Peace for Freedom 32. p. 2008), Öcalan has emphasized continuously this project that has nothing to do with a confederal structure as “an as as “an structure has to nothing do with a confederal sociationstates.” member of sovereign On the contrary, aims to consolidatedemocratic confederalism and deepen on the basis level, at the grassroots democracy commu of is also the need the juridi there to reclaim nities. However cal political and the political to procedure, reshape - organi that the model of organizing Therefore, zation of a country. the statepeople from excluded define is one that should takes into account existing with an state its relationship or proposed first demo this, Öcalan For the official authority. which through of government as the form cratic republic question can be he developed the solved; then the Kurdish of relationship. concept of democratic autonomy as a form to the typeIn this sense, democratic autonomy of refers with the staterelationship its with and, in turn, jurisdic context, it was presented as an option tion. In the Turkish a democratic political question,for solution to the Kurdish constitutional nationalrequiring recognition of the Kurdish this recognition was not proposed by the However, identity. demo a line between toPKK as Kurds’ a way draw the a state. Rather, system and the Turkish cratic confederalist was anticipated,nested relationship stated a way in such autonomy is a concept defines the which that “democratic with the state…relationship It within can be even (realized) organization of the whole society whole of the organization starting the bottom- from idea of democratic the confederalism saying, In another up. “democratic self-government.”is defined a modelas of “This self-govern on the “builds project,”Öcalan argues, of local ofment communities form in the and is organized open councils, town councils, local parliaments, and larger agents of this kind are congresses. The citizens themselves not state-basedof self-government, authorities.” War and Peace in Öcalan,Abdullah War International (Cologne: Initiative Kurdistan

25 176–177 ------Concurrently with the US invasion of Iraq in 2003, in 2003, of Iraq with the US invasion Concurrently Öcalan and the PKK tried this crisis to overcome paigns openly demonstrating Kurdish identity In claims. paigns Kurdish openly demonstrating tion of all PKK-affiliated organizations under the umbrella the umbrella under organizations tion of all PKK-affiliated party, and the establishment pro-Kurdish of a new of KCK Partisi [] Toplum Demokratik the most striking ones. On this basis, were in Turkey (DTP), to has returned the stagethe movement of political, and confrontations The Kurdish since 2005. later also military, state cam with civil confronted the Turkish movement lar vote in Turkey, thereby failing to reach the 10 percent to the 10 percent reach failing thereby vote in Turkey, lar managing to yet become threshold leading the party in the the attitude not change region — did of the Turkish Kurdish problem Kurdish case, the PKK, or the officials to Öcalan’s in general. recognition for Kurdistan as the way of Iraqi paved a which the PKK expe new center of attraction among the Kurds, The movement faced. riencedsplit it had the greatest ever a kind of limbo strug between 2004suffered and 2005, gling to develop come to and external with internal terms deadlock, was createdments. by the difficulties There of in a period time, the same advancing of uncertainty. At party the pro-Kurdish with the local elections of 2004, DEHAP lost votes in comparison to Some results. its 1999 Adalet taken cities party, were by the ruling of the Kurdish Partisi Kalkınma []ve (AKP), and Development national of populism. to in a wave power swept which within the frame an organizational restructuring through Among the idea of democratic of the confederalism. work organizational steps taken in this period, restructura the case, whose sentencing made Turkish officials officials consider case, whose sentencing made Turkish the asthe PKK unpredictably, defeated Not dissolving. and Partisi Halk Demokratik partial success the pro-Kurdish of Party] in the November (DEHAP) [Democratic People’s 2002 elections — when 6.2 of the popu it won percent ------In tracing the development of Öcalan’s thought in thought Öcalan’s of the development In tracing III. Back to the Stage jects,concept the of democracy has importancea central notion a based from and has on a contradiction evolved between tradition the democratic to and republican a more the PKK, democracy For conceptionradical of democracy. a kind of antidoterepresented of to character the central was, and still which is, based Republic, on the the Turkish of nationhood version and secularism. The notion French basic idea underly that centrality is a very kills democracy and all-affiliated the PKK lan, under organizations have of organizational mostly in terms gone a series of changes reconstruction. In this sense, the period between 2000 and 2004 can be as of “impasse considered a moment and reconstruction,” the PKK had down during which levelled its ceased demands, military activities, the ma withdrew into Iraq, Northern Turkey from forces jority of its guerrilla The of introversion. an impression gave and consequently political confined activities to Öcalan’s the PKK were of For Kurdish people, as the democratic confederalism Kurdish For of a politicalform and social state beyond the system is It has lives. to nothing free with do own their for a project recognition states. by if states Even not recognize do it, people will construct it.the Kurdish recognized If they it, it of democratic autonomy, within a project example, for bewould easier to construct a democratic confederalist be in the end would of Kurds’ the product system, which struggle. own intertwinedthree that argued we conceptsgeneral, (demo political the Regarding process, since of Öca the capture cratic republic, democratic confederalism, and democratic democratic confederalism, cratic republic, a pivotal played autonomy) In all of these have pro role. ing this approach. 176–177 ------Öcalan and the PKK tried this crisis to overcome Concurrently with the US invasion of Iraq in 2003, in 2003, of Iraq with the US invasion Concurrently paigns openly demonstrating Kurdish identity In claims. paigns Kurdish openly demonstrating tion of all PKK-affiliated organizations under the umbrella the umbrella under organizations tion of all PKK-affiliated party, and the establishment pro-Kurdish of a new of KCK Partisi [Democratic Society Party] Toplum Demokratik the most striking ones. On this basis, were in Turkey (DTP), to has returned the stagethe movement of political, and confrontations The Kurdish since 2005. later also military, state cam with civil confronted the Turkish movement through an organizational restructuring within the frame an organizational restructuring through ments. There was deadlock, was createdments. by the difficulties There of in a period time, the same advancing of uncertainty. At party the pro-Kurdish with the local elections of 2004, DEHAP lost votes in comparison to Some results. its 1999 Adalet taken cities party, were by the ruling of the Kurdish Partisi Kalkınma [Justice Party]ve (AKP), and Development national of populism. to in a wave power swept which Among the idea of democratic of the confederalism. work organizational steps taken in this period, restructura the case, whose sentencing made Turkish officials officials consider case, whose sentencing made Turkish the asthe PKK unpredictably, defeated Not dissolving. and Partisi Halk Demokratik partial success the pro-Kurdish of Party] in the November (DEHAP) [Democratic People’s 2002 elections — when 6.2 of the popu it won percent gling to develop come to and external with internal terms which paved the way for recognition for Kurdistan as the way of Iraqi paved a which the PKK expe new center of attraction among the Kurds, lar vote in Turkey, thereby failing to reach the 10 percent to the 10 percent reach failing thereby vote in Turkey, lar managing to yet become threshold leading the party in the the attitude not change region — did of the Turkish Kurdish problem Kurdish case, the PKK, or the officials to Öcalan’s in general. The movement faced. riencedsplit it had the greatest ever a kind of limbo strug between 2004suffered and 2005, ------In tracing the development of Öcalan’s thought in thought Öcalan’s of the development In tracing III. Back to the Stage For Kurdish people, as the democratic confederalism Kurdish For of a politicalform and social state beyond the system is It has lives. to nothing free with do own their for a project recognition states. by if states Even not recognize do it, people will construct it.the Kurdish recognized If they it, it of democratic autonomy, within a project example, for bewould easier to construct a democratic confederalist be in the end would of Kurds’ the product system, which struggle. own intertwinedthree that argued we conceptsgeneral, (demo and democratic democratic confederalism, cratic republic, a pivotal played autonomy) In all of these have pro role. jects,concept the of democracy has importancea central notion a based from and has on a contradiction evolved between tradition the democratic to and republican a more the PKK, democracy For conceptionradical of democracy. a kind of antidoterepresented of to character the central was, and still which is, based Republic, on the the Turkish of nationhood version and secularism. The notion French basic idea underly that centrality is a very kills democracy ing this approach. political the Regarding process, since of Öca the capture and all-affiliated the PKK lan, under organizations have of organizational mostly in terms gone a series of changes reconstruction. In this sense, the period between 2000 and 2004 can be as of “impasse considered a moment and reconstruction,” the PKK had down during which levelled its ceased demands, military activities, the ma withdrew into Iraq, Northern Turkey from forces jority of its guerrilla The of introversion. an impression gave and consequently political confined activities to Öcalan’s the PKK were of 178–179 ------2007, online at: http://www.bianet.org/ 2007, english/local-goverment/102622-dtp- congress-democratic-autonomy. Later on, in November 2007, Later 2007, on, in November 30 - As such, the congress report the congress proposedAs such, of the foundation Again during this period,Again started the DTP tomore tics in Turkey explicitly demonstrated the Kurds’ ascend- demonstrated the Kurds’ explicitly tics in Turkey ing identity demands. This was also interpreted as a new legal politics, cameDTP tothe play which in Kurdish in era an important the policy for of solution the role whereas and DE HADEP, DEP, legal parties — HEP, Kurdish former the DTP held its second this report in which was congress recognized by the name of Democratic officially Solution Question — Democraticto the Kurdish Project Autonomy . poli importantThis very Kurdish concerning development nic emphasis, to “the nation of Turkey,” in order toa find in order nic emphasis, to “the nation of Turkey,” sense of belonging. shared pression of cultural differences. of cultural pression It also called of Turkey. all regions 26 parliaments covering “nation,” with its eth of the definition the change of for mocratization and to develop problem-solving approaches mocratization approaches problem-solving and to develop be Instead the local should strengthened. which level for it suggested of autonomy based on ethnicity or territory, ex the for and local allow regional that would structures cratic Autonomy,” very much in accordance with Öcalan’s in accordance with Öcalan’s much very cratic Autonomy,” this purpose, For concept of democratic confederalism. The Democratic Society in Amed held was Congress recognized which democratic in OctoberDiyarbakır 2007, The people in Turkey. Kurdish autonomy as for a project po in Turkey’s reportcongress reforms called radical for de tolitical ensure in order and administrative structures sense, municipalities the pro- the of the control under party of self-ruling a kind formed since have 1999 Kurdish Gambetti Zeynep calls basis on the this, of body. regional decolonization.” in the city’s case, “engaging Diyarbakır’s Demo for openly voiceits political project, the “Project Nilüfer Zengin, “DTP Congress: ‘Demo Congress: “DTP Zengin, Nilüfer cratic Autonomy’,”, 31 October Bianet Ibid.

29 30 - - - - - In this 29 Kurdish and Zapatista Movements,” New and Zapatista Movements,” Kurdish 44. p. 41 (2009), Perspectives on Turkey This appropriated Kurdish This appropriated Kurdish 28

With the electionWith 2007 of 22 DTP deputies in the July politics during this period Kurdish importantly, More

ish politics, including the Turkish parliament in Ankara, parliament politics,ish the Turkish including political the opening of differential and social “mark[ing] spaces of the nation-state.” territory within the public space, mainly symbolized in Amed Diyarbakır, was, public space, symbolized mainly in Amed Diyarbakır, Kurd first time, the perhapscombined nationwide with for this regard, the campaign for the right of education of right the campaign the for regard, this the in Öcalan in the campaign and for (Kurdish) language mother Europe and in Turkey million Kurds than three more which signed a petition stating Öcalan as “recognize they that their political been representative” the most have powerful identity politics. Kurdish signals of future politics becamenational elections, integral to Kurdish the political agenda. Later on, in southeast Turkey, Turkey’s electionnext campaign (conducted the mu nationwide for the space in appropriating re gained which supremacy nicipalities in March 2009) turned into 2009) nicipalities a political in March contest gaining the upper with the DTP between the AKP and DTP, the localhand. The DTP won 2009 elections of March doubled the numberand nearly of municipalitiesits under cities and towns, including control — to almost 100 Kurdish important other seven Amed and Diyarbakır cities. It has be taken should the DTP been that argued as interlocu its incontestable and “with success in the southeast at tor, beleast accepted should region.” in the as the main player Some newspaper considered the PKK and columnists even Öcalan as among the actors in a possible dialogue, sug Thus, it press. Turkish in mainstream read gestions rarely but itself, appear reinvented would that the PKK not only of politics in Turkey. toalso returned the forefront to “the potentialfers of social to alter movements power polity.” in a given structures

Zeynep Gambetti, Place/ of Zeynep “Politics Space: The Spatial the Dynamics of 28 178–179 ------2007, online at: http://www.bianet.org/ 2007, english/local-goverment/102622-dtp- congress-democratic-autonomy. Later on, in November 2007, Later 2007, on, in November 30 - Again during this period,Again started the DTP tomore As such, the congress report the congress proposedAs such, of the foundation the DTP held its second this report in which was congress recognized by the name of Democratic officially Solution Question — Democraticto the Kurdish Project Autonomy . poli importantThis very Kurdish concerning development tics in Turkey explicitly demonstrated the Kurds’ ascend- demonstrated the Kurds’ explicitly tics in Turkey ing identity demands. This was also interpreted as a new legal politics, cameDTP tothe play which in Kurdish in era an important the policy for of solution the role whereas and DE HADEP, DEP, legal parties — HEP, Kurdish former cratic Autonomy,” very much in accordance with Öcalan’s in accordance with Öcalan’s much very cratic Autonomy,” this purpose, For concept of democratic confederalism. The Democratic Society in Amed held was Congress recognized which democratic in OctoberDiyarbakır 2007, The people in Turkey. Kurdish autonomy as for a project po in Turkey’s reportcongress reforms called radical for openly voice its political project, the “Project for Demo for openly voiceits political project, the “Project sense, municipalities the pro- the of the control under party of self-ruling a kind formed since have 1999 Kurdish Gambetti Zeynep calls basis on the this, of body. regional decolonization.” in the city’s case, “engaging Diyarbakır’s litical and administrative structures in order to ensure de tolitical ensure in order and administrative structures mocratization approaches problem-solving and to develop be Instead the local should strengthened. which level for it suggested of autonomy based on ethnicity or territory, ex the for and local allow regional that would structures toa find in order nic emphasis, to “the nation of Turkey,” sense of belonging. shared 26 parliaments covering all regions of Turkey. It also called of Turkey. all regions 26 parliaments covering “nation,” with its eth of the definition the change of for pression of cultural differences. of cultural pression cratic Autonomy’,”, 31 October Bianet Nilüfer Zengin, “DTP Congress: ‘Demo Congress: “DTP Zengin, Nilüfer Ibid.

30 29 - - - - - In this 29 Kurdish and Zapatista Movements,” New and Zapatista Movements,” Kurdish 44. p. 41 (2009), Perspectives on Turkey This appropriated Kurdish This appropriated Kurdish 28 With the electionWith 2007 of 22 DTP deputies in the July politics during this period Kurdish importantly, More public space, mainly symbolized in Amed Diyarbakır, was, public space, symbolized mainly in Amed Diyarbakır, Kurd first time, the perhapscombined nationwide with for in Ankara, parliament politics,ish the Turkish including political the opening of differential and social “mark[ing] spaces of the nation-state.” territory within the this regard, the campaign for the right of education of right the campaign the for regard, this the in Öcalan in the campaign and for (Kurdish) language mother Europe and in Turkey million Kurds than three more which signed a petition stating Öcalan as “recognize they that their political been representative” the most have powerful identity politics. Kurdish signals of future politics becamenational elections, integral to Kurdish the political agenda. Later on, in southeast Turkey, Turkey’s electionnext campaign (conducted the mu nationwide for turned into 2009) nicipalities a political in March contest gaining the upper with the DTP between the AKP and DTP, the localhand. The DTP won 2009 elections of March doubled the numberand nearly of municipalitiesits under cities and towns, including control — to almost 100 Kurdish important other seven Amed and Diyarbakır cities. It has be taken should the DTP been that argued as interlocu its incontestable and “with success in the southeast at tor, beleast accepted should region.” in the as the main player Some newspaper considered the PKK and columnists even Öcalan as among the actors in a possible dialogue, sug Thus, it press. Turkish in mainstream read gestions rarely but itself, appear reinvented would that the PKK not only of politics in Turkey. toalso returned the forefront the space in appropriating re gained which supremacy to “the potentialfers of social to alter movements power polity.” in a given structures Zeynep Gambetti, Place/ of Zeynep “Politics Space: The Spatial the Dynamics of 28 180–181 - - - 34 , p. 402. , p. savunmak Öcalan, Bir halkı 35 - 35 gress. If the Kurdish people assembledsame the under If the Kurdish gress. be would interlocutors they a Congress, roof of this for solution. the state, And came to which an agreement its old structure. relinquishes with this body, Today we had some we if district town and councils, even Today local are not well- and inadequate.they are Since they people to their demands bring the the Kurdish founded, political partyit to the state. through them and reflect according toBut our project, state the its keep should people con this through with the Kurdish relationship on this basis a new so was formed The DTK as to forge cise of people’s power. Since then, it has Since been then, concerned power. cise of people’s of societal forms with various organizations, including and town, and citythe district-village, councils; womens’ associations;youth and non-governmental organizations. of the councils and the delegatesThe spokesmen elected comprise of the congress, at the district levels 60 percent representatives are 40 percent of NGOs. The whereas politicalDTP is also one of the constituents that represent delegatesspace.(founda attended Six-hundred the first tional) meeting in October of the congress 2007 wherein announced. was Democratic Autonomy for The the project second meeting was held in September 2008 and took political style, and defined by the direct continualexer This approach is based on Öcalan’s view of “democracy view of “democracy is basedThis approach on Öcalan’s without the state,” a compromise for he argues in which him, the Kurdish For on a small state with limited power. structure democratic power their own people have should state as a + Turkish this “democracy and in their region public authority”general a is a fundamental for formula solution. 146 (2009), p. 95. p. (2009), 146 “Kürt Sorununda Çözüme Doğru Çözüme Sorununda “Kürt Serxwe Weşanên Özerklik,” Demokratik bûn 34 ------32 - the new Kurd 33 ous pro-Kurdish parties, and imposed ous pro-Kurdish a political its members, of ban on 37 and its Türk including Co-Chairs Ahmet deposed from who were Tuğluk, Aysel legal Kurd their duties However, as MPs. politicsish continued to proceed almost Barış ve party, a new undisturbed through Partisi and Democracy [Peace Demokrasi election success The DTP (BDP). Party] the by in similar fashion was underscored during during 2011, in nationalBDP votes deputies. 36 it won which In December 2009, the Constitutional In December 2009, the pro- of Court the closure ruled for previ the as it had done for DTP Kurdish

33 - 31 - Apart the legal party from organization, In the same congress, the DTP adopted congress, In the same some important cause of this multilingual project, the mayor was removed cause was removed multilingual project, of this mayor the office and his municipal He was dissolved. council from by abusing the public with “harming was also charged contradiction in with the Turkish their position” and “acting Demirbaş in the local elections2009, of letters.” However, was re-elected votes than before. with more as mayor bate. In 2007, mayor of the Sur municipality in Diyarbakır, of the Sur municipality mayor in Diyarbakır, bate. In 2007, in municipal not only services Demirbaş, offered Abdullah Be Syriac. and Armenian, but also in Kurdish, Turkish, blies at each level of organization. Similarly, the municipali Similarly, of organization. level blies at each ties the control of the DTP took under some steps towards identity politics, the among which Kurdish addressing a heated municipality sparked de service” “multilingual changes in partychanges statutes in accordance concept with the of assem at the formation aiming of democratic autonomy, HAP all of which banned of which all HAP Constitution the by Court — were confinedexistencefor the against to a struggle of policies and annihilation. denial ish project set forth another form of organization named set forth project form another ish [Democratic Society Kongresi Con Toplum Demokratik (DTK),gress] on basis argument:founded of the following

Tolga Korkut, “State Wants Kurdish- “State Wants Korkut, Tolga Kurdish but Tries Speaking Employees, online 2009, May , 25 Bianet Mayor,” at: http://www.bianet.org/english/ minorities/114727-state-wants-kurdish- speaking-employees-but-tries-kurd “Demirbaş: Çok Dilli Belediyecilik Çok Dilli Belediyecilik “Demirbaş: , 9 April News Firat uygun,” Anayasa’ya 2007. Önderoğlu, See also Erol ish-mayor. Municipality Diyarbakir on “Multilingual online 2007, , 9 November Bianet Trial,” at: http://www.bianet.org/english/ minorities/102799-multilingual-diyarba kir-municipality-on-trial.

31 32 180–181 - - - 34 , p. 402. , p. savunmak Öcalan, Bir halkı 35 - 35 The DTK was formed on this basis a new so was formed The DTK as to forge Today we had some we if district town and councils, even Today local are not well- and inadequate.they are Since they people to their demands bring the the Kurdish founded, political partyit to the state. through them and reflect according toBut our project, state the its keep should people con this through with the Kurdish relationship people assembledsame the under If the Kurdish gress. be would interlocutors they a Congress, roof of this for solution. the state, And came to which an agreement its old structure. relinquishes with this body, cise of people’s power. Since then, it has Since been then, concerned power. cise of people’s of societal forms with various organizations, including and town, and citythe district-village, councils; womens’ associations;youth and non-governmental organizations. of the councils and the delegatesThe spokesmen elected comprise of the congress, at the district levels 60 percent representatives are 40 percent of NGOs. The whereas politicalDTP is also one of the constituents that represent delegatesspace.(founda attended Six-hundred the first tional) meeting in October of the congress 2007 wherein announced. was Democratic Autonomy for The the project second meeting was held in September 2008 and took political style, and defined by the direct continualexer This approach is based on Öcalan’s view of “democracy view of “democracy is basedThis approach on Öcalan’s without the state,” a compromise for he argues in which him, the Kurdish For on a small state with limited power. structure democratic power their own people have should state as a + Turkish this “democracy and in their region public authority”general a is a fundamental for formula solution. 146 (2009), p. 95. p. (2009), 146 “Kürt Sorununda Çözüme Doğru Çözüme Sorununda “Kürt Serxwe Weşanên Özerklik,” Demokratik bûn 34 ------32 - the new Kurd 33 In December 2009, the Constitutional In December 2009, the pro- of Court the closure ruled for previ the as it had done for DTP Kurdish parties, and imposed ous pro-Kurdish a political its members, of ban on 37 and Türk itsincluding Co-Chairs Ahmet deposed from who were Tuğluk, Aysel legal Kurd their duties However, as MPs. politicsish continued to proceed almost Barış ve party, a new undisturbed through Partisi and Democracy [Peace Demokrasi election success The DTP (BDP). Party] the by in similar fashion was underscored during during 2011, in nationalBDP votes deputies. 36 it won which

33 - 31 - In the same congress, the DTP adopted congress, In the same some important Apart the legal party from organization, changes in partychanges statutes in accordance concept with the of assem at the formation aiming of democratic autonomy, the municipali Similarly, of organization. level blies at each ties the control of the DTP took under some steps towards identity politics, the among which Kurdish addressing a heated municipality sparked de service” “multilingual of the Sur municipality mayor in Diyarbakır, bate. In 2007, in municipal not only services Demirbaş, offered Abdullah Be Syriac. and Armenian, but also in Kurdish, Turkish, cause was removed multilingual project, of this mayor the office and his municipal He was dissolved. council from by abusing the public with “harming was also charged contradiction in with the Turkish their position” and “acting Demirbaş in the local elections2009, of letters.” However, was re-elected votes than before. with more as mayor HAP all of which banned of which all HAP Constitution the by Court — were confinedexistencefor the against to a struggle of policies and annihilation. denial ish project set forth another form of organization named set forth project form another ish [Democratic Society Kongresi Con Toplum Demokratik (DTK),gress] on basis argument:founded of the following “Demirbaş: Çok Dilli Belediyecilik Çok Dilli Belediyecilik “Demirbaş: , 9 April News Firat uygun,” Anayasa’ya 2007. Kurdish- “State Wants Korkut, Tolga Kurdish but Tries Speaking Employees, online 2009, May , 25 Bianet Mayor,” at: http://www.bianet.org/english/ minorities/114727-state-wants-kurdish- speaking-employees-but-tries-kurd Önderoğlu, See also Erol ish-mayor. Municipality Diyarbakir on “Multilingual online 2007, , 9 November Bianet Trial,” at: http://www.bianet.org/english/ minorities/102799-multilingual-diyarba kir-municipality-on-trial.

31 32 182–183 - - - - - ifade-ozgurlugu/128164-anadilde-egitim- icin-1-milyon-imza-mecliste. 40 In summation, we could conclude that since 2005, the couldIn summation, that since conclude we 2005, Conclusion IV. Kurdish movement in Turkey, within the framework of the framework within in Turkey, movement Kurdish opened up a politi gradually democraticconfederalism, going While identity. cal and social space Kurdish the for movement, which a process, the Kurdish such through a significant numberhas of municipalities governed since has been based on two main organizational forms: 1999, and the BDP) and afterwards the legal party (the DTP, the DTK. congress, aimeda wider at and BDP The DTP identity politics based Kurdish expanding conceptthe on of Last and democratic autonomy. democratic confederalism construct democratic that it would the DTK proclaimed ly, the bottom-up.autonomy from admittedly Though vague in its content, proclamation constitutes, this on the one move Kurdish madehand, the boldest by the effortever public the Turkish from a disengagement toment forge On the of clashes. bringing with it an increased risk sphere, it is capable hand, other of posing the question, Could this we In what follows, solution? be of a “real” the framework towill discuss this in relation the possibilities of a political issue. solution the Kurdish for beenIt that the 2000s is clear the most have critical period the PKK. for yet The party has experienced this critical mo phases,roughly be divided into which can in different ment impasse b) stages: and three (1999); and retreat a) shock tion of the Kurdish language but should also organize it by it by also organize but should language tion Kurdish of the themselves. workshop emphasized non-state that workshop not actors should recognifor official raise demands confineto themselves “‘Anadilde Eğitim’ için 1 milyon izma için 1 milyon Eğitim’ “‘Anadilde 2011, February Bianet, 25 Meclis’te,” online at: http://www.bianet.org/bianet/ 40 - - - - - In its- fi 37 36 38 “DTK ‘Uluslararası Çözüm Konferansı’ Konferansı’ Çözüm ‘Uluslararası “DTK 2010. , 2 January News Firat düzenliyor,” sonuç bildirgesi Konferansı’nın “Müzakere 2010. , 28 February News açıklandı,” Firat Modeli Yönetimler Yerel “DTP’nin February , 2–9 Bakış Haftaya Netleşiyor,” 2008.

37 38 39 - education tongue, in the mother and recog 39 In the workshops, the DTK presented the DTK autonomousIn the workshops, local Alongside these activities, organizational Alongside the DTK nition of the Kurdish identity as common of the demands nition of the Kurdish in organized on language, people. The workshop Kurdish suggested a in June 2010, NGOs collaboration with several not (official) protection the that are for of languages project and of instruction, that Kurdish recommending languages be of instruction. The should the language languages other governments, shops devoted to “New Economic Policies,” “Religious Be “Religious devoted Policies,” toshops Economic “New Language.” Constitution,” “New The lief Groups,” and “On with Negotiation on Experiences Conflict and “Conference discussedResolution” to how create dialogue between par and ideas about experiences peace toties, share in order processes, related subjects. maps, road and other organized an internationalsymposium organized work various and nal declaration, a solution for the Kurdish question through question through a solution Kurdish the nal declaration, for dialogue was proposed. The international community was called a contribution to make to the dialogue process, and also emphasized the necessitythe conference both for parties the past. to confront and Kurdish Turkish a standair operationand Turk the of against ground the ish Army into northern Iraq. A third meeting, 2009 held in into A third northern Iraq. Army ish the nationwide localjust before elections, discussed the held a fourth The DTK meeting and fifth election strategy. Decemberin June and it proposed 2009 in which a new constitution, an autonomous Kurdistan. involving

bers of parliament, mayors, etc., with 500 etc., parliament, of bers mayors, elected delegates reserved and 50 spots minoritiesfor and particular such groups as academicians. Afterwards, the DTK became a very became a very the DTK Afterwards, the politics. At actor in Kurdish prominent organized time writing, it is an openly of 101 with a council members of congress 300 which of 850 delegates, elected by elected as mem partyare such members,

36 182–183 - - - - - ifade-ozgurlugu/128164-anadilde-egitim- icin-1-milyon-imza-mecliste. 40 IV. Conclusion IV. In summation, we could conclude that since 2005, the couldIn summation, that since conclude we 2005, It is clear that the 2000s have beenIt that the 2000s is clear the most have critical period the PKK. for yet The party has experienced this critical mo ly, the DTK proclaimed that it would construct democratic that it would the DTK proclaimed ly, the bottom-up.autonomy from admittedly Though vague in its content, proclamation constitutes, this on the one move Kurdish madehand, the boldest by the effortever public the Turkish from a disengagement toment forge On the of clashes. bringing with it an increased risk sphere, it is capable hand, other of posing the question, Could this we In what follows, solution? be of a “real” the framework towill discuss this in relation the possibilities of a political issue. solution the Kurdish for phases,roughly be divided into which can in different ment impasse b) stages: and three (1999); and retreat a) shock cal and social space for the Kurdish identity. While going While identity. cal and social space Kurdish the for movement, which a process, the Kurdish such through a significant numberhas of municipalities governed since has been based on two main organizational forms: 1999, and the BDP) and afterwards the legal party (the DTP, the DTK. congress, aimeda wider at and BDP The DTP identity politics based Kurdish expanding conceptthe on of Last and democratic autonomy. democratic confederalism Kurdish movement in Turkey, within the framework of the framework within in Turkey, movement Kurdish opened up a politi gradually democraticconfederalism, workshop emphasized non-state that workshop not actors should recognifor official raise demands confineto themselves tion of the Kurdish language but should also organize it by it by also organize but should language tion Kurdish of the themselves. “‘Anadilde Eğitim’ için 1 milyon izma için 1 milyon Eğitim’ “‘Anadilde 2011, February Bianet, 25 Meclis’te,” online at: http://www.bianet.org/bianet/ 40 - - - - - In its- fi 37 36 38 “DTK ‘Uluslararası Çözüm Konferansı’ Konferansı’ Çözüm ‘Uluslararası “DTK 2010. , 2 January News Firat düzenliyor,” sonuç bildirgesi Konferansı’nın “Müzakere 2010. , 28 February News açıklandı,” Firat Modeli Yönetimler Yerel “DTP’nin February , 2–9 Bakış Haftaya Netleşiyor,” 2008.

37 38 39 - education tongue, in the mother and recog 39 Alongside these activities, organizational Alongside the DTK presented the DTK autonomousIn the workshops, local nition of the Kurdish identity as common of the demands nition of the Kurdish in organized on language, people. The workshop Kurdish suggested a in June 2010, NGOs collaboration with several not (official) protection the that are for of languages project and of instruction, that Kurdish recommending languages be of instruction. The should the language languages other organized an internationalsymposium organized work various and Be “Religious devoted Policies,” toshops Economic “New Language.” Constitution,” “New The lief Groups,” and “On with Negotiation on Experiences Conflict and “Conference discussedResolution” to how create dialogue between par and ideas about experiences peace toties, share in order processes, related subjects. maps, road and other governments, nal declaration, a solution for the Kurdish question through question through a solution Kurdish the nal declaration, for dialogue was proposed. The international community was called a contribution to make to the dialogue process, and also emphasized the necessitythe conference both for parties the past. to confront and Kurdish Turkish a standair operationand Turk the of against ground the meeting, 2009 held in into A third northern Iraq. Army ish the nationwide localjust before elections, discussed the held a fourth The DTK meeting and fifth election strategy. Decemberin June and it proposed 2009 in which a new constitution, an autonomous Kurdistan. involving Afterwards, the DTK became a very became a very the DTK Afterwards, the politics. At actor in Kurdish prominent organized time writing, it is an openly of 101 with a council members of congress 300 which of 850 delegates, elected by elected as mem partyare such members, with 500 etc., parliament, of bers mayors, elected delegates reserved and 50 spots minoritiesfor and particular such groups as academicians.

36 184–185 ------Though he could not have been right, Though he could not have more 42 More crucially, during this period the PKK managed to as crucially, More The political-military has meanwhile, shifted struggle, perhaps its concrete not foresee manifestation. he did der borders flexible, and in the long-term, irrelevant. in the long-term, and As a flexible, borders der matter its political of fact, through projects of establishing and demo democratic autonomy, a democratic republic, for a new agenda the PKK is drawing cratic confederalism, self-determination, simultaneously while the going beyond concept of the nation-state. identity into of radical de demands a project semble Kurdish the elaboration new of through This was achieved mocracy. ideological and political created opportu which approaches, public sphere. space a Kurdish creating more for ties, thereby society of In aiming at the transformation in all aspects rather than capturing state struggle, PKK ef armed through power of operation. field a broader forts for allow now in the direction a political of and more more struggle, in itsgrassrootswith BDP), the (andafterwards DTP the which nationally and organization and locally elected representa beguntives, and the DTK have to take the lead. Especially power more a and 2011, 2009, after the elections of 2007, Turkish A prominent emerged. public sphere Kurdish ful period the painful columnist wrote as as “After early 2004: in the last quarter experienced of the twenti Turkey which a separate state could not be establishedeth century, on its soil, but a separate political geography has in been formed its Southeast.” state. to According Mustafa a leading veteran, PKK Karasu, socialists fixate not should state on the much so as its political project.concept The of the nation-state, he ar is not a socialist,gues, a bourgeois but concept. PKK’s The particular and in the idea democracy, of radical project a bottom-upof democratic confederalism — developing to democratic ren existing beyond system borders — aims its scope the PKK tonities and activi enlarge for of interest ------archive/lenin/works/1914/self-det/ch01. htm. Inverting this thesis, one could it is equally say 41 Though it has abandoned that the PKK been its argued What the PKK hasWhat the experienced this period in a was ing no other meaning but the right to asing no other exist a separate tions — is a reflection of this evolving praxis. This praxis. transfor tions — isevolving a reflection of this istan), that the party argue may inverted we creatively the would that “it Lenin argued original Leninist thesis. In 1914, the right to tobe self-determination as interpret wrong meaning anything but the right to existence as a separate state.” original position Kurd (the realization of an independent tions, as opposed to the Leninist style a pioneering party of all its activities overseeing directly as had it previously itsin changes been considerable have there been.Although the devotedorganizational structure, militant body that is constituted revolution full-time of professional by a group aries continues to at the occupy The change role. a central complex organizational a more towards organizational level a multiplicity towards of interacting institu structure — or, mation a new addresses organizational of the structure conception organization beyond the party.” that is “political comprehensive restructuration of its organization, ideology, of itsrestructuration organization, ideology, comprehensive the PKK and political-military struggle. Organizationally, into system of partieshas a complex grown and institu well to the dream of an independent, towell united the dream state. reconstruction (2000–2004); and c) a return to stage the a return c) and reconstruction (2000–2004); leftist and criticisms of Öcalan’s (2005–present). Kurdish policiesnew period this PKK during and the ranged have state, even to the Turkish accusationsfrom of surrender General allegationsof being of the Turkish service in the of a with the movement’s complete charges break to Staff, pastand its aims, with the conclusion fare it is saying that wrong to interpret the right to to self-determination aswrong interpret hav

See Vladimir Ilyich Lenin, “TheSee Lenin, Vladimir Ilyich Right of Nations [1914], to Self-Determination” online at: https://www.marxists.org/

41 184–185 ------Though he could not have been right, Though he could not have more 42 More crucially, during this period the PKK managed to as crucially, More The political-military has meanwhile, shifted struggle, perhaps its concrete not foresee manifestation. he did state. to According Mustafa a leading veteran, PKK Karasu, socialists fixate not should state on the much so as its political project.concept The of the nation-state, he ar gues, is not a socialist,gues, a bourgeois but concept. PKK’s The particular and in the idea democracy, of radical project a bottom-upof democratic confederalism — developing to democratic ren existing beyond system borders — aims identity into of radical de demands a project semble Kurdish the elaboration new of through This was achieved mocracy. ideological and political created opportu which approaches, its scope the PKK tonities and activi enlarge for of interest Turkish A prominent emerged. public sphere Kurdish ful period the painful columnist wrote as as “After early 2004: in the last quarter experienced of the twenti Turkey which a separate state could not be establishedeth century, on its soil, but a separate political geography has in been formed its Southeast.” more and more in the direction a political of and more more struggle, in itsgrassrootswith BDP), the (andafterwards DTP the which nationally and organization and locally elected representa der borders flexible, and in the long-term, irrelevant. in the long-term, and As a flexible, borders der matter its political of fact, through projects of establishing and demo democratic autonomy, a democratic republic, for a new agenda the PKK is drawing cratic confederalism, self-determination, simultaneously while the going beyond concept of the nation-state. public sphere. space a Kurdish creating more for ties, thereby society of In aiming at the transformation in all aspects rather than capturing state struggle, PKK ef armed through power of operation. field a broader forts for allow now beguntives, and the DTK have to take the lead. Especially power a more and 2011, 2009, after the elections of 2007, ------archive/lenin/works/1914/self-det/ch01. htm. Inverting this thesis, one could it is equally say 41 What the PKK hasWhat the experienced this period in a was Though it has abandoned that the PKK been its argued ing no other meaning but the right to asing no other exist a separate reconstruction (2000–2004); and c) a return to stage the a return c) and reconstruction (2000–2004); leftist and criticisms of Öcalan’s (2005–present). Kurdish policiesnew period this PKK during and the ranged have state, even to the Turkish accusationsfrom of surrender General allegationsof being of the Turkish service in the of a with the movement’s complete charges break to Staff, pastand its aims, with the conclusion fare it is saying that of an independent, towell united the dream state. of itsrestructuration organization, ideology, comprehensive the PKK and political-military struggle. Organizationally, into system of partieshas a complex grown and institu tions, as opposed to the Leninist style of a pioneering party all its activities overseeing directly as had it previously itsin changes been considerable have there been.Although the devotedorganizational structure, militant body that is constituted revolution full-time of professional by a group aries continues to at the occupy The change role. a central complex organizational a more towards organizational level a multiplicity towards of interacting institu structure — or, This praxis. transfor tions — isevolving a reflection of this mation a new addresses organizational of the structure conception organization beyond the party.” that is “political original position Kurd (the realization of an independent istan), that the party argue may inverted we creatively the would that “it Lenin argued original Leninist thesis. In 1914, the right to tobe self-determination as interpret wrong meaning anything but the right to existence as a separate state.” wrong to interpret the right to to self-determination aswrong interpret hav See Vladimir Ilyich Lenin, “TheSee Lenin, Vladimir Ilyich Right of Nations [1914], to Self-Determination” online at: https://www.marxists.org/

41 186–187 - - - - - www.bianet.org/english/english/123087- possible-solution-for-kurdish-question- suits-eu-accession-process. - 44 The Kurdish movement is ready to is ready negotiate movement a solution The Kurdish on the basis of recognition rights. and self-administrative tion that aims at the dissociation of democracy — one of state nationalism by excluding from democracy and nation it and considering democracy as an unrestrictedfrom and form a than rather sovereignty people’s of unmediatedform of government. democratic au for this project As such, tonomy goes the boundaries beyond existing of the politi elaborated on the basis the framework ascal well regime acquis communautaire uses, which Union’s of the European is an as democracy liberal its there although benchmark, ongoing discussion as to this proposal whether might suit that it could be a useful step given policy, the EU regional question by abolishing a solutiontowards of the Kurdish in Turkey. the centralism autonomy in 2010. The organization of all segments of all organization The of autonomy in 2010. society bottom-up, the from of demo the principle under has been and democratic autonomy, confederalism cratic requires of fields and social life different very covering activities.various these activitiesAll the demonstrate that an active agen involves of radical democracy project PKK’s the local from of a struggling force cy of people, in the form importantly, more to Even global and levels. regional the that is based this is a project that bottom-up on show they cannot simply be considered a and therefore democracy, political imposed communes project above. Through from assemblies, it aims to the deadlock surpass of and people’s sense, In this the democratic representational democracy. of 26 autonomous regions in the form autonomy project a radical presents movement by the Kurdish as formulated that goesalternative beyond the boundariesof the existing politicalbased all, it is Above regime. concep on a radical Erhan Üstündağ, “Possible Solution “Possible for Üstündağ, Erhan Pro Question EU Accession suits Kurdish , 1 July 2010, online at: http:// 2010, , 1 July Bianet cess,”

44 - - - - - 43 December 2010, online at: http://www. December 2010, sendika.org/2010/12/alternatif-bir-sol- proje-demokratik-ozerklik-zeynep-gam betti-birgun/. In the meantime, the Kurdish movement also tried to movement In the meantime, the Kurdish present these projects to both Turkish and global public these projects topresent both Turkish opinion, with the organization of the Mesopotamia Social together brought and organizations which 2009, in Forum coun other and several the Middle East from movements tries in the city of Diyarbakır. The DTK also organized a The DTK also organized tries in the city of Diyarbakır. academics, journalists, politicians, with Turkish workshop to discuss of democratic project the and rights defenders cratic autonomy. The Peace The Party and Democracy and cratic autonomy. by life” discussions the sparked the DTK on a “bilingual language recognitionKurdish the official demanding of the also They startedin public life. to into demands put their practice, with municipalities the signboards changing of and lo and Turkish, the municipalities into both Kurdish This separateThis political of self- based is geography forms on the strong and confederalism) (democratic organization own into fate one’s own toconviction take praxis and one’s politi this “separate hand. Since election the in 2009, cal geography” has deepened with the arrest of Kurdish cal geography”of Kurdish has deepened arrest with the politicians, by a political followed counter-campaign of bilingual for demands including movement, the Kurdish demo for of the project the framework within public life signboards their changing intocal Kurdish. shop-keepers the whole societyOrganizing the bottom from has been with since1999, movement of the Kurdish on the agenda the take-over number of an increasing municipalities of in of districts and towns, On the level the region. the Kurdish of structures self- different has formed movement Kurdish that produce policies local for needs.government Later of democratic autonomyon, the project aimed at enlarging these structures. and formalizing

Satranç tahtasındaki yeni ham Bila,- Satranç tahtasındaki Fikret Ümit Yayıncılık, (Ankara: Hangileler: PKK? 10. p. 2004), bir sol proje: Gambetti,Zeynep “Alternatif Sendika.org, 27 özerklik,” demokratik

43 42 186–187 - - - - - www.bianet.org/english/english/123087- possible-solution-for-kurdish-question- suits-eu-accession-process. - 44 The Kurdish movement is ready to is ready negotiate movement a solution The Kurdish on the basis of recognition rights. and self-administrative autonomy in 2010. The organization of all segments of all organization The of autonomy in 2010. society bottom-up, the from of demo the principle under cratic confederalism and democratic autonomy, has been and democratic autonomy, confederalism cratic requires of fields and social life different very covering activities.various these activitiesAll the demonstrate that an active agen involves of radical democracy project PKK’s the local from of a struggling force cy of people, in the form importantly, more to Even global and levels. regional the that is based this is a project that bottom-up on show they cannot simply be considered a and therefore democracy, political imposed communes project above. Through from assemblies, it aims to the deadlock surpass of and people’s sense, In this the democratic representational democracy. of 26 autonomous regions in the form autonomy project a radical presents movement by the Kurdish as formulated that goesalternative beyond the boundariesof the existing politicalbased all, it is Above regime. concep on a radical elaborated on the basis the framework ascal well regime acquis communautaire uses, which Union’s of the European is an as democracy liberal its there although benchmark, ongoing discussion as to this proposal whether might suit that it could be a useful step given policy, the EU regional question by abolishing a solutiontowards of the Kurdish in Turkey. the centralism tion that aims at the dissociation of democracy — one of state nationalism by excluding from democracy and nation it and considering democracy as an unrestrictedfrom and form a than rather sovereignty people’s of unmediatedform of government. democratic au for this project As such, tonomy goes the boundaries beyond existing of the politi Erhan Üstündağ, “Possible Solution “Possible for Üstündağ, Erhan Pro Question EU Accession suits Kurdish , 1 July 2010, online at: http:// 2010, , 1 July Bianet cess,”

44 - - - - - 43 December 2010, online at: http://www. December 2010, sendika.org/2010/12/alternatif-bir-sol- proje-demokratik-ozerklik-zeynep-gam betti-birgun/. In the meantime, the Kurdish movement also tried to movement In the meantime, the Kurdish present these projects to both Turkish and global public these projects topresent both Turkish opinion, with the organization of the Mesopotamia Social together brought and organizations which 2009, in Forum coun other and several the Middle East from movements a The DTK also organized tries in the city of Diyarbakır. academics, journalists, politicians, with Turkish workshop to discuss of democratic project the and rights defenders This separateThis political of self- based is geography forms on the strong and confederalism) (democratic organization own into fate one’s own toconviction take praxis and one’s politi this “separate hand. Since election the in 2009, cal geography”of Kurdish has deepened arrest with the politicians, by a political followed counter-campaign of bilingual for demands including movement, the Kurdish demo for of the project the framework within public life Peace The Party and Democracy and cratic autonomy. by life” discussions the sparked the DTK on a “bilingual language recognitionKurdish the official demanding of the also They startedin public life. to into demands put their practice, with municipalities the signboards changing of and lo and Turkish, the municipalities into both Kurdish signboards their changing intocal Kurdish. shop-keepers the whole societyOrganizing the bottom from has been with since1999, movement of the Kurdish on the agenda the take-over number of an increasing municipalities of in of districts and towns, On the level the region. the Kurdish of structures self- different has formed movement Kurdish that produce policies local for needs.government Later of democratic autonomyon, the project aimed at enlarging these structures. and formalizing Satranç tahtasındaki yeni ham Bila,- Satranç tahtasındaki Fikret Ümit Yayıncılık, (Ankara: Hangileler: PKK? 10. p. 2004), bir sol proje: Gambetti,Zeynep “Alternatif Sendika.org, 27 özerklik,” demokratik

42 43 It can negotiate the form and boundaries of this self- Ahmet Hamdi Akkaya is a PhD student in the Faculty of Political and administration but does not abandon it. The Kurds want to Social Sciences at Ghent University, Ghent, where he is also doctoral researcher at the Middle Eastern and North Africa Research Group be included in the political body with their identity based (MENARG). Joost Jongerden is Assistant Professor of Sociology and on their inscribed political geography, which requires a Anthropology of Development at Wageningen University, Wageningen. constitutional recognition of the Kurdish identity in Turkey. This article first appeared in European Journal of Turkish Studies 14 (2012). It appears here in lightly edited form with permission of the This constitutional recognition, including the notion of au- authors. tonomy, would also mean a radical change in the existing political regime of Turkey.45 In conclusion, the Kurdish movement in Turkey, which has developed a new project for radical democracy based Bibliography on the conception of “politics beyond the state, political organization beyond the party, and political subjectivity Akinan, S. 2009. “Güzel günler yakında mı?” Akşam, 3 April 2009 (accessed beyond class,” can have the opportunity to change the 9 April 2009).

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Bila, Fikret. 2004. Satranç tahtasındaki yeni hamleler: Hangi PKK? Ankara: Ümit Yayıncılık.

Bookchin, Murray. 1982. : The Emergence and Dissolution 45 Inclusion and autonomy do not contradict and economic development. In Mexico of Hierarchy. Palo Alto: Cheshire Books. each other as a lengthy quotation from a and other Latin American countries, geographically, culturally, and politically inclusion assumed adherence to a single 1992. “Libertarian Municipalism: An Overview.” Society and Nature 1, no.1. faraway context gives some insights: “At national identity that was decidedly first glance, these twin demands for inclu- non-indigenous. However, the long-term 1993. The Meaning of Confederalism, Society and Nature 1, no. 3. sion and autonomy seem to contradict viability of indigenous autonomy may de- each other. However, the contradiction pend more on its appropriation at the local 1996. From Urbanization to Cities: Toward a New Politics of Citizenship. London: Cassell. only arises if it is assumed that the two are level rather than on the revision of legal mutually exclusive, a form of reasoning statutes. In this regard, autonomy is best Casier, Marlies. 2010. “Turkey’s Kurds and the Quest for Recognition. Transnational that continues to block the full recogni- thought of as a marker of political iden- Politics and the EU-Turkey accession negotiations.” Ethnicities 10, no. 1. tion of indigenous rights in Chiapas and tity rather than a legal concept.” In Neil

around the world. Until the 1980s, the Harvey, “Inclusion Through Autonomy: 2011. “Beyond Kurdistan? The Mesopotamia Social Forum and the appropriation political importance of cultural diversity Zapatistas and Dissent,” NACLA Report on and re-imagination of Mesopotamia by the Kurdish Movement.” Journal of Balkan tended to be subordinated to other con- the Americas (September–October 2005), and Near Eastern Studies 13, no. 4. cerns related to matters of state formation p. 16. It can negotiate the form and boundaries of this self- Ahmet Hamdi Akkaya is a PhD student in the Faculty of Political and administration but does not abandon it. The Kurds want to Social Sciences at Ghent University, Ghent, where he is also doctoral researcher at the Middle Eastern and North Africa Research Group be included in the political body with their identity based (MENARG). Joost Jongerden is Assistant Professor of Sociology and on their inscribed political geography, which requires a Anthropology of Development at Wageningen University, Wageningen. constitutional recognition of the Kurdish identity in Turkey. This article first appeared in European Journal of Turkish Studies 14 (2012). It appears here in lightly edited form with permission of the This constitutional recognition, including the notion of au- authors. tonomy, would also mean a radical change in the existing political regime of Turkey.45 In conclusion, the Kurdish movement in Turkey, which has developed a new project for radical democracy based Bibliography on the conception of “politics beyond the state, political organization beyond the party, and political subjectivity Akinan, S. 2009. “Güzel günler yakında mı?” Akşam, 3 April 2009 (accessed beyond class,” can have the opportunity to change the 9 April 2009). centralist tradition in Turkish political system as well as Akkaya, Ahmet Hamdi and Joost Jongerden. 2011. “The PKK in 2000s: Continuity the statist and class reductionist political thought of the through breaks?,” In Marlies Casier and Joost Jongerden eds., Nationalisms and Politics in Turkey: Political Islam, Kemalism and the Kurdish Issue. London: left in Turkey. Routledge.

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Bookchin, Murray. 1982. The Ecology of Freedom: The Emergence and Dissolution 45 Inclusion and autonomy do not contradict and economic development. In Mexico of Hierarchy. Palo Alto: Cheshire Books. each other as a lengthy quotation from a and other Latin American countries, geographically, culturally, and politically inclusion assumed adherence to a single 1992. “Libertarian Municipalism: An Overview.” Society and Nature 1, no.1. faraway context gives some insights: “At national identity that was decidedly first glance, these twin demands for inclu- non-indigenous. However, the long-term 1993. The Meaning of Confederalism, Society and Nature 1, no. 3. sion and autonomy seem to contradict viability of indigenous autonomy may de- each other. However, the contradiction pend more on its appropriation at the local 1996. From Urbanization to Cities: Toward a New Politics of Citizenship. London: Cassell. only arises if it is assumed that the two are level rather than on the revision of legal mutually exclusive, a form of reasoning statutes. In this regard, autonomy is best Casier, Marlies. 2010. “Turkey’s Kurds and the Quest for Recognition. Transnational that continues to block the full recogni- thought of as a marker of political iden- Politics and the EU-Turkey accession negotiations.” Ethnicities 10, no. 1. tion of indigenous rights in Chiapas and tity rather than a legal concept.” In Neil around the world. Until the 1980s, the Harvey, “Inclusion Through Autonomy: 2011. “Beyond Kurdistan? The Mesopotamia Social Forum and the appropriation political importance of cultural diversity Zapatistas and Dissent,” NACLA Report on and re-imagination of Mesopotamia by the Kurdish Movement.” Journal of Balkan tended to be subordinated to other con- the Americas (September–October 2005), and Near Eastern Studies 13, no. 4. cerns related to matters of state formation p. 16.

Casier, Marlies, Joost Jongerden, and Nic Walker. 2011. “Fruitless Attempts? Küçükaydın, Demir. 2009. Öcalan’a Mektuplar, 2nd ed., Köxüz Digital Yayınlar, online The Kurdish initiative and the containment of the Kurdish movement.” New at: http://www.akintiya-karsi.org/koxuz/node/4758 (accessed 15 January 2013). Perspectives on Turkey 44. Laclau, Ernesto and Chantal Mouffe. 1985. Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: Çıdam, Çiğdem. 2010. “’s Radical Critique of Contemporary Towards a Radical Democratic Politics. London: Verso. Capitalism: Invoking Love, Revolutionizing Politics and Theorizing Democracy.” Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of Political Science Association Lenin, Vladimir Ilyich. 1972. “The Right of Nations to Self-Determination” [1914]. Washington DC, 1–4 September. Lenin: Collected Works. Moscow: Progress Publishers, vol. 20.

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2009. Commonwealth, Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press.

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2009. Kürt Sorununda Çözüme Doğru Demokratik Özerklik. Cologne: Weşanên Serxwebûn.

Casier, Marlies, Joost Jongerden, and Nic Walker. 2011. “Fruitless Attempts? Küçükaydın, Demir. 2009. Öcalan’a Mektuplar, 2nd ed., Köxüz Digital Yayınlar, online The Kurdish initiative and the containment of the Kurdish movement.” New at: http://www.akintiya-karsi.org/koxuz/node/4758 (accessed 15 January 2013). Perspectives on Turkey 44. Laclau, Ernesto and Chantal Mouffe. 1985. Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: Çıdam, Çiğdem. 2010. “Antonio Negri’s Radical Critique of Contemporary Towards a Radical Democratic Politics. London: Verso. Capitalism: Invoking Love, Revolutionizing Politics and Theorizing Democracy.” Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of Political Science Association Lenin, Vladimir Ilyich. 1972. “The Right of Nations to Self-Determination” [1914]. Washington DC, 1–4 September. Lenin: Collected Works. Moscow: Progress Publishers, vol. 20.

Ergin, Sedat. 2009. “Politicians also subject to gravity.” Hürriyet, 31 March 2009 Newman, Saul. 2010. “The Horizon of Anarchy: Anarchism and Contemporary (accessed 9 April 2009). Radical Thought.” Theory and Event 13, no. 2.

Gambetti, Zeynep. 2009. “Politics of Place/Space: The Spatial Dynamics of the Öcalan, Abdullah. 2004. Bir halkı savunmak. Istanbul: Çetin Yayınları. Kurdish and Zapatista Movements.” New Perspectives on Turkey 41. 2008. War and Peace in Kurdistan. Cologne: International Initiative Freedom for Gellner, Ernest. 1983. Nations and Nationalism. Oxford: Basil Blackwell. Öcalan – Peace in Kurdistan.

Gellner, Ernest. 1997. “The Turkish Option in Comparative Perspective.” In Sibel Özcan, Ali Kemal. 2006. Turkey’s Kurds: A Theoretical Analysis of the PKK and Bozdoğan and Reşat Kasaba eds. Rethinking Modernity and National Identity in Abdullah Öcalan. Oxon: Routledge. Turkey. Seattle: University of Washington Press. Özkök, Ertuğrul. 2009. “Sanacaksınız ki karşı çıkacağım.” Hürriyet, 17 March Güneş, Cengiz. 2012. The Kurdish National Movement in Turkey: From Protest to 2009 (accessed 9 April 2009). Resistance. London: Routledge. Yeğen, Mesut. 1999. “The Kurdish Question in Turkish State Discourse.” Journal of Hardt, Michael and Antonio Negri. 2000. Empire. Cambridge: Harvard University Contemporary History 34, no. 4. Press. White, Damian F. 2008. Bookchin: A Critical Appraisal. London: Pluto Press. 2004. Multitude: War and Democracy in the Age of Empire, New York: Penguin Press. Žižek, Slavoj. 2007. Robespierre: Virtue and Terror. London: Verso.

2009. Commonwealth, Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press.

Harvey, Neil. 2005. “Inclusion Through Autonomy: Zapatistas and Dissent.” NACLA Report on the Americas 39.

Heper, Metin. 2007. The State and Kurds in Turkey. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.

Jongerden, Joost. 2007. The Settlement Issue in Turkey and the Kurds, Leiden: Brill.

Jongerden, Joost and Ahmet Hamdi Akkaya. 2011. “Born from the Left. The Making of the PKK.” In Marlies Casier and Joost Jongerden eds. Nationalisms and Politics in Turkey: Political Islam, Kemalism and the Kurdish Issue. London: Routledge.

Karasu, Mustafa. 2009. Radikal Demokrasi. Neuss: Mezopotamya Yayınları.

Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK). 2005. Partiya Karkerên Kurdistan PKK Yeniden Inşa Kongre Belgeleri. Istanbul: Çetin Yayınları.

2009. Kürt Sorununda Çözüme Doğru Demokratik Özerklik. Cologne: Weşanên Serxwebûn.

Classroom for ideological education of the People’s Defense Units (YPG).

Pinar Öğünç Pinar by Interviewed David Graeber Genuine a No. This is Revolution

Classroom for ideological education of the People’s Defense Units (YPG). Revolution Genuine a No. This is Pinar Öğünç Pinar by Interviewed David Graeber

196–197 - Mentioning his father who volunteeredMentioninghis father to in the fight the autonomous region of Rojava,According to Graeber, DecemberIn early people, of eight with a group 2014, he tellsNow his impressions of this trip with bigger ques Professor the London at Schoolof Anthropology Econom of - ics, activist, wrote Davidanarchist and Graeber article an for thein October weeks first during The Guardian ISIS of 2014, attacks on Kobanê, ignoring the world was asked and why the revolutionary Syrian Kurds. International Brigades of the in defense Spanish Republic today he asked: is a parallel “If there to Franco’s in 1937, superficially it who Falangists, would devout,be murderous to If there is a parallel the Mujeres Libres ISIS? of Spain,but who could it be thecourageous but women defending the Is the world — and this timebarricades most Kobanê? in the internationalscandalously of all, going to be left — really complicit in letting history itself?” repeat declared with a social as three contract in 2011 anti-state, anti-capitalist democratic cantons, a remarkable also was experiment of this era. activists,students, academics partsEurope different of from and the United States, ten he spent days in Cizîre — one of the three cantons of Rojava. He had the chance to observe the practice of democratic on the autonomy spot, and to ask of questions.dozens tions this experiment of the Syrian and answers why Kurds is ignored the whole world. by 196–197 - Mentioning his father who volunteeredMentioninghis father to in the fight the autonomous region of Rojava,According to Graeber, DecemberIn early people, of eight with a group 2014, he tellsNow his impressions of this trip with bigger ques tions and answers why this experiment of the Syrian Kurds tions this experiment of the Syrian and answers why Kurds is ignored the whole world. by International Brigades of the in defense Spanish Republic today he asked: is a parallel “If there to Franco’s in 1937, superficially it who Falangists, would devout,be murderous to If there is a parallel the Mujeres Libres ISIS? of Spain,but who could it be thecourageous but women defending the Is the world — and this timebarricades most Kobanê? in the internationalscandalously of all, going to be left — really complicit in letting history itself?” repeat declared with a social as three contract in 2011 anti-state, anti-capitalist democratic cantons, a remarkable also was experiment of this era. activists,students, academics partsEurope different of from and the United States, ten he spent days in Cizîre — one of the three cantons of Rojava. He had the chance to observe the practice of democratic on the autonomy spot, and to ask of questions.dozens Professor the London at Schoolof Anthropology Econom of - ics, activist, wrote Davidanarchist and Graeber article an for thein October weeks first during The Guardian ISIS of 2014, attacks on Kobanê, ignoring the world was asked and why the revolutionary Syrian Kurds. 198–199 - - You mentioned the approach of the left towards mentioned of the left towards the approach You Since October [2014] we have seen rising a have Since we October [2014] The reaction in the international anarchist communi - in the international anarchist The reaction I find it remarkable how so many people in the West West people in the so many how remarkable I find it PÖ: PÖ: chist communities? chist Rojava. How is it received in the international anar is it received How Rojava. solidarity from different political all movements different solidarity from has been often and a huge There the world. over resistanceenthusiastic of the Kobanê coverage media.by the international mainstream Political stance haschanged in the West Rojava regarding to all significant some degree. These are signs, but still, democratic think autonomydo you what’s and beingare experimented in the cantons of Rojava does much the general How discussed enough? people fighting brave against perception of “some and dominate this approval of this era, ISIS” the evil fascination? the general ties difficult it find hasI somewhat been decidedly mixed. see these armed feminist cadres, for example, and don’t and don’t example, for cadres, see these feminist armed behind They think on the ideas lie must them. that even Kurd a guess it’s “I happened it somehow. figured just ish tradition.” To some degree it’s orientalism, course, of some it’s degree tradition.” To ish occurs that to them It never racism. or to put it simply, too. Judith Butler might bepeople reading in Kurdistan trying to come up to they’re “Oh, think, best, they At rights. I and women’s standards democracy of Western It consumption.” foreign for or just real for if it’s wonder seem to might be occur taking they to doesn’t them just ever standards” than “Western further these way things in the principles believe might genuinely that they have; states profess. only that Western DG: DG: - - - - - you had you 1 http://www.theguardian.com/comment isfree/2014/oct/08/why-world-ignoring- revolutionary-kurds-syria-isis. - Well, if anyone had any doubt in their in their doubt had any if anyone Well, In your article, your In Guardian The for vid Graeber: vid ic experiment” of the Syrian Kurds. After experiencing experiencing After Kurds. ic experiment” of the Syrian a new question or maybe an have do you ten days, it for to this? answer minds about whether this was really a revolution, or just or just a revolution, this was really minds about whether put that the visit say I’d window-dressing, some kind of still people to are rest. talkingpermanently There like Party (PKK) front, that: Workers’ a Kurdistan This is just a Stalinist really authoritarian organization that’s they’re No. democracy. radical adopted to have pretending just But revolution. is a genuine This totally real. for They’re powers The major the problem. exactly that’s in a way committed rev to that real an ideologyhave that claims Da Pinar Öğünç: asked why the whole world was ignoring the “democrat the was ignoring whole world the why asked olutions can no longer happen. Meanwhile, many on the on the many olutions Meanwhile, can happen. no longer so-called the tacleft — even to left — seem have radical adopted a politics although itly the same, that assumes noises. They revolutionary superficially still make they take puritanical a kind of framework “anti-imperialist” governments are the significantthat assumes players game worth talk the only and capitalists and that that’s - mythi create ing about. war, wage you where The game - set up patron resources, seize oil and other cal villains, The people game in town. the only that’s age networks; that game. to want play don’t “We saying: are in Rojava people of find that game.” A lot a new to create want We it chooseconfusing and disturbing so to they believe deluded people or are or that such happening, really isn’t naive. or dishonest

See David Graeber, “Why is the world ig is the world “Why Graeber, See David noring the revolutionary Kurds in Syria?,” in Syria?,” Kurds noring the revolutionary online at:The Guardian, 8 October 2014,

1. 198–199 - - You mentioned the approach of the left towards mentioned of the left towards the approach You Since October [2014] we have seen rising a have Since we October [2014] The reaction in the international anarchist communi - in the international anarchist The reaction I find it remarkable how so many people in the West West people in the so many how remarkable I find it PÖ: PÖ: Rojava. How is it received in the international anar is it received How Rojava. communities? chist solidarity from different political all movements different solidarity from has been often and a huge There the world. over resistanceenthusiastic of the Kobanê coverage media.by the international mainstream Political stance haschanged in the West Rojava regarding to all significant some degree. These are signs, but still, democratic think autonomydo you what’s and beingare experimented in the cantons of Rojava does much the general How discussed enough? people fighting brave against perception of “some and dominate this approval of this era, ISIS” the evil fascination? the general ties difficult it find hasI somewhat been decidedly mixed. see these armed feminist cadres, for example, and don’t and don’t example, for cadres, see these feminist armed behind They think on the ideas lie must them. that even Kurd a guess it’s “I happened it somehow. figured just ish tradition.” To some degree it’s orientalism, course, of some it’s degree tradition.” To ish occurs that to them It never racism. or to put it simply, too. Judith Butler might bepeople reading in Kurdistan trying to come up to they’re “Oh, think, best, they At rights. I and women’s standards democracy of Western It consumption.” foreign for just or real for if it’s wonder seem to might be occur taking they to doesn’t them just ever standards” than “Western further these way things in the principles believe might genuinely that they have; states profess. only that Western DG: DG: - - - - - you had you 1 http://www.theguardian.com/comment isfree/2014/oct/08/why-world-ignoring- revolutionary-kurds-syria-isis. - Well, if anyone had any doubt in their in their doubt had any if anyone Well, In your article, your In Guardian The for vid Graeber: vid ic experiment” of the Syrian Kurds. After experiencing experiencing After Kurds. ic experiment” of the Syrian a new question or maybe an have do you ten days, it for to this? answer minds about whether this was really a revolution, or just or just a revolution, this was really minds about whether put that the visit say I’d window-dressing, some kind of still people to are rest. talkingpermanently There like Party (PKK) front, that: Workers’ a Kurdistan This is just a Stalinist really authoritarian organization that’s they’re No. democracy. radical adopted to have pretending just But revolution. is a genuine This totally real. for They’re powers The major the problem. exactly that’s in a way committed rev to that real an ideologyhave that claims Pinar Öğünç: Da asked why the whole world was ignoring the “democrat the was ignoring whole world the why asked olutions can no longer happen. Meanwhile, many on the on the many olutions Meanwhile, can happen. no longer so-called the tacleft — even to left — seem have radical adopted a politics although itly the same, that assumes noises. They revolutionary superficially still make they take puritanical a kind of framework “anti-imperialist” governments are the significantthat assumes players game worth talk the only and capitalists and that that’s - mythi create ing about. war, wage you where The game - set up patron resources, seize oil and other cal villains, The people game in town. the only that’s age networks; that game. to want play don’t “We saying: are in Rojava people of find that game.” A lot a new to create want We it chooseconfusing and disturbing so to they believe deluded people or are or that such happening, really isn’t naive. or dishonest See David Graeber, “Why is the world ig is the world “Why Graeber, See David in Syria?,” Kurds noring the revolutionary online at:The Guardian, 8 October 2014,

1. 200–201 - - - - And there is another criticism, is another is quite which And there - to say criticisms you various regard What would Well, the President of Cizîre canton Cizîre of is an Arab — the the President Well, Well, I think most movements, even when faced with faced when even most movements, I think Well, popular in pro-government circles here in Turkey. It in Turkey. here popular circles in pro-government of line the in modelKurds — those the the allegesthat the PKK and the Democratic Union Party (PYD) — are to embraced is not actually by all the promote trying that this multiethnicpeople structure there, living as symbols.on the surface exists only PÖ: PÖ: ing Rojava? For example: “They example: For done have wouldn’t ing Rojava? this in peace. It state is because of the current of war.” have the TEV-DEM [Movement for a Democratic Society], Society], Democratic a for [Movement TEV-DEM the have democratic insti directly consisting bottom-up driven, of head of a major local a major head of tribe in fact. could I suppose you entire the In a sense, a figurehead. he was just argue look at the bottom-up if you even is. But government par are who certainly the Kurds just not it’s structures, dire war conditions, would not immediately abolish capi immediately abolish not conditions,war would dire tal police, and democra the secret dissolve punishment, instance, for Military elect units in Rojava, tize the army. their officers. DG: DG: tutions. Ultimately — and this is key — the security tutions. forces Ultimately — and is key — the this to and not to the bottom-up structures answerable are the top-downwe visited placeswas the first ones. of One to had take courses Everyone (Asayiş). a police academy theory resolutionfeminist conflict and in non-violent The co- to touch a gun. allowed even were they before to ultimate us their explained was to aim give directors so police of training, in the country six weeks everyone could eliminate police. they that ultimately, ------What was the most impressive thing you wit you thing What was the most impressive There were so many impressive elements. I don’t I don’t elements. impressive so many were There nessed in Rojava in terms of this democratic au in terms nessed in Rojava tonomy practice? PÖ: think I’ve ever heard of anywhere else in the world where where else in the world anywhere of heard ever think I’ve the same situation, where power been a dual there’s practice of the sides.political both There’s created forces self-administration,” has which all the form “democratic a state — parliament, of and trappings and so ministries, so as to be carefully a way in such on — but it was created you Then power. coercive the means of separated from DG: - Obvi ever. gambit be the stupidest would That chin? or liberals — those to be Islamists pretend they’d ously, and material support. the guns get who guys the are people of the international on left, I think a lot Anyway, to want really basically included, don’t left the anarchist hap really would imagine a revolution cannot win. They it, want since it would even don’t they pen and secretly people. They with ordinary club” their “cool mean sharing rather it’s So in that way, more. be special any wouldn’t the po from revolutionaries in culling the real useful been solid. have revolutionaries seurs. the real But to understand. There’s a very substantial anar of a very group to understand. There’s chists — usually the more sectarian the more insist elements — who chists — usually is stillthe PKK that a “Stalinist” authoritarian national anarchist that has philosophy of adopted the group ist libertarian left other and ideas Bookchin to court Murray the anti-authoritarian and America. in Europe It left has and most the silliest this is one of me that struck always the premise if Even heard. ever ideas I’ve narcissistic decided to group and a Marxist-Leninist correct, were support, on earth an ideology to why win foreign fake Book by ideas developed choose anarchist they would 200–201 - - - - And there is another criticism, is another is quite which And there - to say criticisms you various regard What would Well, the President of Cizîre canton Cizîre of is an Arab — the the President Well, Well, I think most movements, even when faced with faced when even most movements, I think Well, popular in pro-government circles here in Turkey. It in Turkey. here popular circles in pro-government of line the in modelKurds — those the the allegesthat the PKK and the Democratic Union Party (PYD) — are to embraced is not actually by all the promote trying that this multiethnicpeople structure there, living as symbols.on the surface exists only PÖ: PÖ: ing Rojava? For example: “They example: For done have wouldn’t ing Rojava? this in peace. It state is because of the current of war.” have the TEV-DEM [Movement for a Democratic Society], Society], Democratic a for [Movement TEV-DEM the have democratic insti directly consisting bottom-up driven, of tize the army. Military units in Rojava, for instance, for Military elect units in Rojava, tize the army. their officers. head of a major local a major head of tribe in fact. could I suppose you entire the In a sense, a figurehead. he was just argue look at the bottom-up if you even is. But government par are who certainly the Kurds just not it’s structures, tal police, and democra the secret dissolve punishment, dire war conditions, would not immediately abolish capi immediately abolish not conditions,war would dire DG: DG: tutions. Ultimately — and this is key — the security tutions. forces Ultimately — and is key — the this to and not to the bottom-up structures answerable are the top-downwe visited placeswas the first ones. of One to had take courses Everyone (Asayiş). a police academy theory resolutionfeminist conflict and in non-violent The co- to touch a gun. allowed even were they before to ultimate us their explained was to aim give directors so police of training, in the country six weeks everyone could eliminate police. they that ultimately, ------What was the most impressive thing you wit you thing What was the most impressive There were so many impressive elements. I don’t I don’t elements. impressive so many were There nessed in Rojava in terms of this democratic of this in terms au nessed in Rojava tonomy practice? PÖ: think I’ve ever heard of anywhere else in the world where where else in the world anywhere of heard ever think I’ve the same situation, where power been a dual there’s practice of the sides.political both There’s created forces self-administration,” has which all the form “democratic a state — parliament, of and trappings and so ministries, so as to be carefully a way in such on — but it was created you Then power. coercive the means of separated from DG: to understand. There’s a very substantial anar of a very group to understand. There’s sectarian the more insist elements — who chists — usually is stillthe PKK that a “Stalinist” authoritarian national anarchist that has philosophy of adopted the group ist libertarian left other and ideas Bookchin to court Murray the anti-authoritarian and America. in Europe It left has and most the silliest this is one of me that struck always the premise if Even heard. ever ideas I’ve narcissistic decided to group and a Marxist-Leninist correct, were support, on earth an ideology to why win foreign fake Book by ideas developed choose anarchist they would - Obvi ever. gambit be the stupidest would That chin? or liberals — those to be Islamists pretend they’d ously, and material support. the guns get who guys the are people of the international on left, I think a lot Anyway, to want really basically included, don’t left the anarchist hap really would imagine a revolution cannot win. They it, want since it would even don’t they pen and secretly people. They with ordinary club” their “cool mean sharing rather it’s So in that way, more. be special any wouldn’t the po from revolutionaries in culling the real useful been solid. have revolutionaries seurs. the real But 202–203 - - - Do you have an answer to ISIS is so ob an answer why have Do you Well, they can’t be seen- to lose. can’t recruit Their entire they Well, sessed with Kobanê? PÖ: That goes without saying. The people I talked to were people The I talked goesThat saying. without to were dif a strong make it. of didn’t they But aware all well ing strategy is based on the idea that they are an unstop is baseding strategy are on the idea that they that pable juggernaut, and their continual is proof victory a bunch by be defeated God. the will of To represent they be the ultimate would humiliation. As long as feminists of media that can say they Kobanê, still fighting in they’re Who advancing. really are and that they lies are claims pull out, will have they they Should otherwise? can prove admitted defeat. DG: ferentiation between the leadership of regional powers powers regional of leadership the between ferentiation Saudi or Euro-American and Arabia, or Iran Turkey like assumed they They or the US. France say, like, powers all capitalist statist and were thus anti-revolutionary. and might be best, convinced to they put up with them, At the even there’s ultimately their side. Then on not but are what’s of complicatedmore the structure question of the global system called “the international community,” the United institutionsof Nations or the International like human and even NGOs, Monetary corporations, Fund, a all presume which that matter, rights for organizations and canthat pass laws statistgovernment a organization, those laws. over enforcement coercive has of a monopoly Syrian still under it’s and airport one Cizîre in only There’s any easily, could take it over control. They government is because: How don’t One reason they say. time, they a non-state you would an airport run anyway? Everything do in an airport to international is subject regulations, a state. presume which - - - It doesn’t have to It doesn’t have be trapped in that puritanical Oh, it is absolutely true that the US and European it is absolutely Oh, European true that the US and ally created the West? by ally PÖ: anti-imperialist framework you mentioned before, mentioned you before, anti-imperialist framework to say you the comment that the but what would Syrian ask will one day imperial and powers West their support?to pay for Kurds What does the West think exactly about this anti-statist, anti-capitalist canmodel? that be an experiment Is it just ignored during the state voluntarily while the Kurds of war actu way, acceptwas, that by the toenemy fight an powers will do what they can to subvert the revolution. the revolution. can to subvert will do what they powers DG: ticipating. I was told the only real problem is with some some with is ticipating. problem real told I was only the brought belt” people were who settlements, the “Arab of other from 1960s and in the 1950s the Ba’ahtists in by parts as part Syria marginal an intentional of of of policy izing and assimilating Kurds. Some of those Some of communi- assimilatingizing and Kurds. But to revolution. the unfriendly pretty are said, they ties, or generations, for had been whose there Arabs families and Chechens, Armenians, Khirgizians, the Assyrians, talked we to The Assyrians quite enthusiastic. so on, are regime, relationthe with difficult said that after a long, religious free being allowed were finally they felt they intractible the most Probably autonomy. and cultural and TEV- The PYD liberation. might be women’s problem DEM see it as absolutely revolu to their idea of central dealing larger of the problem tion, also have but they communitiesalliances violates this with Arab who feel instance,basic principles. while the Syriac- For religious don’t, union, the Arabs women’s their own have speakers gender around in organizing interested and Arab to on hitch have taking seminars feminist or even issues the Kurds. or even with the Assyrians 202–203 - - - Do you have an answer to ISIS is so ob an answer why have Do you Well, they can’t be seen- to lose. can’t recruit Their entire they Well, sessed with Kobanê? PÖ: That goes without saying. The people I talked to were people The I talked goesThat saying. without to were dif a strong make it. of didn’t they But aware all well ing strategy is based on the idea that they are an unstop is baseding strategy are on the idea that they pable juggernaut, and their continual victory is proof that pable juggernaut, and their continual is proof victory a bunch by be defeated God. the will of To represent they be the ultimate would humiliation. As long as feminists of media that can say they Kobanê, still fighting in they’re Who advancing. really are and that they lies are claims pull out, will have they they Should otherwise? can prove admitted defeat. DG: ferentiation between the leadership of regional powers powers regional of leadership the between ferentiation Saudi or Euro-American and Arabia, or Iran Turkey like assumed they They or the US. France say, like, powers all capitalist statist and were thus anti-revolutionary. and might be best, convinced to they put up with them, At the even there’s ultimately their side. Then on not but are what’s of complicatedmore the structure question of the global system called “the international community,” the United institutionsof Nations or the International like human and even NGOs, Monetary corporations, Fund, a all presume which that matter, rights for organizations and canthat pass laws statistgovernment a organization, those laws. over enforcement coercive has of a monopoly Syrian still under it’s and airport one Cizîre in only There’s any easily, could take it over control. They government is because: How don’t One reason they say. time, they a non-state you would an airport run anyway? Everything do in an airport to international is subject regulations, a state. presume which - - - It doesn’t have to It doesn’t have be trapped in that puritanical Oh, it is absolutely true that the US and European it is absolutely Oh, European true that the US and ally created the West? by ally PÖ: anti-imperialist framework you mentioned before, mentioned you before, anti-imperialist framework to say you the comment that the but what would Syrian ask will one day imperial and powers West their support?to pay for Kurds What does the West think exactly about this anti-statist, anti-capitalist canmodel? that be an experiment Is it just ignored during the state voluntarily while the Kurds of war actu way, acceptwas, that by the toenemy fight an powers will do what they can to subvert the revolution. the revolution. can to subvert will do what they powers DG: ticipating. I was told the only real problem is with some some with is ticipating. problem real told I was only the brought belt” people who were settlements, the “Arab of other from 1960s and in the 1950s the Ba’ahtists in by parts as part Syria marginal an intentional of of of policy those Some of communi- assimilatingizing and Kurds. But to revolution. the unfriendly pretty are said, they ties, or generations, for had been whose there Arabs families and Chechens, Armenians, Khirgizians, the Assyrians, talked we to The Assyrians quite enthusiastic. so on, are regime, relationthe with difficult said that after a long, religious free being allowed were finally they felt they intractible the most Probably autonomy. and cultural and TEV- The PYD liberation. might be women’s problem DEM see it as absolutely revolu to their idea of central dealing larger of the problem tion, also have but they communitiesalliances violates this with Arab who feel instance,basic principles. while the Syriac- For religious don’t, union, the Arabs women’s their own have speakers gender around in organizing girls interested and Arab to on hitch have taking seminars feminist or even issues the Kurds. or even with the Assyrians 204–205 - - - - Having coincided with the days that people coincided Having with the days of Although democratic autonomy clearly doesn’t democratic autonomy clearly Although I think the Kurdish struggle is quite explicitly anti- explicitly is quite struggle I think the Kurdish istan (Rojava) and North Kurdistan (Turkey), what istan and North Kurdistan (Turkey), (Rojava) of these two about say the differences you would an anti-capitaliststruggles for society — or a towards minimized capitalism — as describe they it? PÖ: PÖ: the world were chanting the slogan “I Can’t Breathe” Breathe” chanting the slogan “I Can’t were the world inspire trip to obvious reasons, did your Rojava for seem to be on the table of negotiation in Turkey, seem to be on the table of negotiation in Turkey, political has been working movement The Kurdish on it, to especially find try social on the They level. solutions possible legal in economic and for terms the class example, models. compare, for we When of capitalism Kurd and the level structure in West capitalist in both countries. It’s their starting their capitalist countries. point. both in It’s one managed to formula: come of up with a kind They’ve capitalism rid of get without eliminatingcan’t the state, the state rid of get without gettingone can’t patri rid of archy. However, the Rojavans have it quite easy in terms in terms easy it quite have the Rojavans However, archy. as it was in a such because bourgeoisie, class, of the real took with the region, col off agricultural predominantly a long-term will have They regime. lapse the Ba’ahtist of on the educational work system don’t if they problem stratum technocrat that a developmentalist to ensure but in the meantime, try to take power, eventually doesn’t imme more focusing understandable are that they it’s diately on gender issues. In Turkey, well, I don’t know know I don’t well, In Turkey, issues. diately on gender much are sense the things but I do have asnearly much, complicated.more ine how the KRG territory will be revolutionized any time any be will revolutionized territory KRG the how ine it. allow international the powers would soon. Neither DG: ------

On the one hand, there is , is Iraqi occu there On the one hand, Well, do you have an answer to what Turkish to Turkish what an answer have you do Well, I can only guess. It I can an seems only he has shifted from Who can say? At the moment things look surprisingly look things surprisingly the moment Who can say? At PÖ: PÖ: pying quite a different ideological of in terms ground pying quite a different capitalism and the notion On the of independence. of Ro example is this alternative hand, there other try who are of Turkey the Kurds are java. And there ing to sustain a peace process with the government. of Kurdistan see personally do you the future How both and long-term? in the short- Prime Minister Tayyip Erdoğan and his party and his Erdoğan are Minister Tayyip Prime more East the Middle and to do in Syria trying generally? good for the revolutionary forces. The Kurdish Regional Regional The Kurdish forces. good the revolutionary for up the giant ditch they gave even (KRG) Government after the PKK border the Rojava building across were citiesfrom other and save to effectively intervened National ISIS back in August. Congress One Kurdistan on popular effect major (KNK)a had it toldthat person me that one month had done 20 years consciousness there; par people were Young consciousness-raising. worth of anti-Kurdish, anti-Assad policy to an almost purely anti- to purely an almost policy anti-Assad anti-Kurdish, he has and again, been willing to Again strategy. Kurdish with pseudo-religiousally to fascists attack PKK- any like Clearly, democracy. in radical experiments inspired doing as an ideological are he sees they what ISIS itself, viable ideological real threat, perhaps alterna only the and he will do on the horizon, to Islamism tive right-wing anything to stamp it out. DG: DG: ticularly struck by the way their own fled the Peshmerga their own the way by ticularly struck imag to hard didn’t. it’s But soldiers women PKK but field 204–205 - - - - Having coincided with the days that people coincided Having with the days of Although democratic autonomy clearly doesn’t democratic autonomy clearly Although I think the Kurdish struggle is quite explicitly anti- explicitly is quite struggle I think the Kurdish istan (Rojava) and North Kurdistan (Turkey), what istan and North Kurdistan (Turkey), (Rojava) of these two about say the differences you would an anti-capitaliststruggles for society — or a towards minimized capitalism — as describe they it? PÖ: PÖ: the world were chanting the slogan “I Can’t Breathe” Breathe” chanting the slogan “I Can’t were the world inspire trip to obvious reasons, did your Rojava for seem to be on the table of negotiation in Turkey, seem to be on the table of negotiation in Turkey, political has been working movement The Kurdish on it, to especially find try social on the They level. solutions possible legal in economic and for terms the class example, models. compare, for we When of capitalism Kurd and the level structure in West capitalist in both countries. It’s their starting their capitalist countries. point. both in It’s one managed to formula: come of up with a kind They’ve capitalism rid of get without eliminatingcan’t the state, the state rid of get without gettingone can’t patri rid of in terms easy it quite have the Rojavans However, archy. as it was in a such because bourgeoisie, class, of the real took with the region, col off agricultural predominantly a long-term will have They regime. lapse the Ba’ahtist of on the educational work system don’t if they problem stratum technocrat that a developmentalist to ensure but in the meantime, try to take power, eventually doesn’t imme more focusing understandable are that they it’s know I don’t well, In Turkey, issues. diately on gender much are sense the things but I do have asnearly much, complicated.more DG: ine how the KRG territory will be revolutionized any time any be will revolutionized territory KRG the how ine it. allow international the powers would soon. Neither ------

Well, do you have an answer to what Turkish to Turkish what an answer have you do Well, Kurdistan, is Iraqi occu there On the one hand, I can only guess. It I can an seems only he has shifted from Who can say? At the moment things look surprisingly look things surprisingly the moment Who can say? At PÖ: PÖ: Prime Minister Tayyip Erdoğan and his party and his Erdoğan are Minister Tayyip Prime more East the Middle and to do in Syria trying generally? ideological of in terms ground pying quite a different capitalism and the notion On the of independence. of Ro example is this alternative hand, there other try who are of Turkey the Kurds are java. And there ing to sustain a peace process with the government. of Kurdistan see personally do you the future How both and long-term? in the short- good for the revolutionary forces. The Kurdish Regional Regional The Kurdish forces. good the revolutionary for up the giant ditch they gave even (KRG) Government after the PKK border the Rojava building across were citiesfrom other Erbil and save to effectively intervened National ISIS back in August. Congress One Kurdistan on popular effect major (KNK)a had it toldthat person me that one month had done 20 years consciousness there; par people were Young consciousness-raising. worth of anti-Kurdish, anti-Assad policy to an almost purely anti- to purely an almost policy anti-Assad anti-Kurdish, he has and again, been willing to Again strategy. Kurdish with pseudo-religiousally to fascists attack PKK- any like Clearly, democracy. in radical experiments inspired doing as an ideological are he sees they what ISIS itself, viable ideological real threat, perhaps alterna only the and he will do on the horizon, to Islamism tive right-wing anything to stamp it out. DG: DG: ticularly struck by the way their own Peshmerga fled the Peshmerga their own the way by ticularly struck imag to hard didn’t. it’s But soldiers women PKK but field 206–207 ------You are sometimes are criticized being for too opti- You I am by temperament an optimist; temperament I seek I am by out situa mistic and enthusiastic about what’s happening in mistic enthusiastic and about what’s thesecriticssomething? do miss Or you? Are Rojava. PÖ: tions that bear some promise. I don’t think there’s any any there’s think tions that bear some I don’t promise. it won’t that out in the end, this one will work guarantee decides in if everyone but it certainlybe crushed, won’t to give is possible refuses and that no revolution advance their efforts to attacking it devotes support,active or even some If there’s its do. isolation,or increasing many which thing I’m aware of that others aren’t, perhaps it is the fact perhaps it is the fact aren’t, that others of aware thing I’m made a mighty Capitalists have over. isn’t that history to years peopleconvince these 40 during or 30 past effort capital even economic arrangement — not that current ism, but the peculiar, financialized, semi-feudal form of form semi-feudal financialized, peculiar, but the ism, possible the only today — is capitalism to happen have we into that effort more put far They’ve economic system. a viable global creating capi into actually have than they talist system. As a result, the system is breaking down all down is breaking the system As a result, talist system. has the lost everyone when the moment us at just around I think it is pretty ability to imagine anything else. Well, would capitalism we form in any that in 50 years, obvious be will gone. Something else at all, form or any recognize, it. replaced be bet not That something might will have ter. It might be even worse. It seems to me for that very It that very seems to worse. me for It might be even ter. or just asreason that it is our responsibility intellectuals, to try toas at least think about thoughtful human beings, gized for not having been to able better bring gifts having and not for gized under severely suffering were who tohelp the Rojavans, im very isn’t that the end, said: “In she And the embargo. DG: portant. We have the one thing that no one can ever give give portant. that no one can the one thing ever have We there wish only don’t. We You freedom. our have We you. to that you.” could give we was some way - - - How will you remember your trip to your Cizîre? remember will you How There were so many striking images, so many ideas. so I many images, striking so many were There It was remarkable. I’ve spent my life thinking about thinking life my spent I’ve It remarkable. was PÖ: you about the future? What do you think is the is the think you do What aboutyou future? the the people allow would that tobreathe? “medicine” The woman who was effectively our guide wasguide a deputy our who was effectively The woman one point, apolo named Amina. minister we At foreign cline. So our ultimate plan is to reorganize the cities So our ultimatecline. to plan is to reorganize all these mad, are space.” There green percent be 70 doctor and go to the next you then brilliant schemes. But they embargo, because how the Turkish of explain they basic get medicine or equipment, all the di even can’t died. That out have smuggle patients couldn’t they alysis their ambitions between and their incredibly disjuncture circumstancesstraightened is pronounced. really liked the disparity between the way people looked, people looked, disparity the the way between liked really a meet some guy, You said. they often, and the things military scary Syrian type a slightly like he looks doctor, Then expression. austere and stern jacket in a leather the best feel we talk “Well, you to him and he explains: most disease is preventative, to public health approach reduce stress, if we feel We is made possible stress. by will de cancer, heart of disease, even diabetes, levels how we might be able to do things like this in some might be like able to do things we how people most and time think I’m in the future remote be. These people in Rojava crazy to it will ever imagine that a that it can be done, prove If they doing it now. are egalitariangenuinely society and democratic possible, is sense human of people’s transform it will completely after having younger years ten feel I myself possibility. there. 10 days just spent DG: DG: 206–207 ------You are sometimes are criticized being for too opti- You I am by temperament an optimist; temperament I seek I am by out situa mistic and enthusiastic about what’s happening in mistic enthusiastic and about what’s thesecriticssomething? do miss Or you? Are Rojava. PÖ: tions that bear some promise. I don’t think there’s any any there’s think tions that bear some I don’t promise. it won’t that out in the end, this one will work guarantee decides in if everyone but it certainlybe crushed, won’t to give is possible refuses and that no revolution advance their efforts to attacking it devotes support,active or even some If there’s its do. isolation,or increasing many which thing I’m aware of that others aren’t, perhaps it is the fact perhaps it is the fact aren’t, that others of aware thing I’m made a mighty Capitalists have over. isn’t that history to years peopleconvince these 40 during or 30 past effort capital even economic arrangement — not that current all down is breaking the system As a result, talist system. has the lost everyone when the moment us at just around I think it is pretty ability to imagine anything else. Well, would capitalism we form in any that in 50 years, obvious be will gone. Something else at all, form or any recognize, it. replaced be bet not That something might will have ism, but the peculiar, financialized, semi-feudal form of form semi-feudal financialized, peculiar, but the ism, possible the only today — is capitalism to happen have we into that effort more put far They’ve economic system. a viable global creating capi into actually have than they It that very seems to worse. me for It might be even ter. or just asreason that it is our responsibility intellectuals, to try toas at least think about thoughtful human beings, DG: gized for not having been to able better bring gifts having and not for gized under severely suffering were who tohelp the Rojavans, im very isn’t that the end, said: “In she And the embargo. portant. We have the one thing that no one can ever give give portant. that no one can the one thing ever have We there wish only don’t. We You freedom. our have We you. to that you.” could give we was some way - - - How will you remember your trip to your Cizîre? remember will you How It was remarkable. I’ve spent my life thinking about thinking life my spent I’ve It remarkable. was ideas. so I many images, striking so many were There you about the future? What do you think is the the is think you do What aboutyou future? the the people allow would that tobreathe? “medicine” PÖ: how we might be able to do things like this in some might be like able to do things we how people most and time think I’m in the future remote be. These people in Rojava crazy to it will ever imagine that a that it can be done, prove If they doing it now. are egalitariangenuinely society and democratic possible, is sense human of people’s transform it will completely after having younger years ten feel I myself possibility. there. 10 days just spent people looked, disparity the the way between liked really a meet some guy, You said. they often, and the things military scary Syrian type a slightly like he looks doctor, Then expression. austere and stern jacket in a leather the best feel we talk “Well, you to him and he explains: most disease is preventative, to public health approach reduce stress, if we feel We is made possible stress. by will de cancer, heart of disease, even diabetes, levels the cities So our ultimatecline. to plan is to reorganize all these mad, are space.” There green percent be 70 doctor and go to the next you then brilliant schemes. But they embargo, because how the Turkish of explain they basic get medicine or equipment, all the di even can’t died. That out have smuggle patients couldn’t they alysis their ambitions between and their incredibly disjuncture circumstancesstraightened is pronounced. wasguide a deputy our who was effectively The woman one point, apolo named Amina. minister we At foreign DG: DG: what something better might look like. And if there are people actually trying to create that better thing, then it’s our responsibility to help them out.

David Graeber is an anthropologist who teaches at the London School of Economics and Political Science, London. Pinar Öğünç is an Istanbul-based journalist. This interview was first published in Turkish as “David Graeber: Rojava’dan on yaş genç döndüm” [David Graeber: I returned from Rojava feeling ten years younger] in the daily newspaper Evrensel on 23 December 2014. The English translation was published in ZNet on 26 December 2014 and appears here in edited form with the permission of the authors. what something better might look like. And if there are people actually trying to create that better thing, then it’s our responsibility to help them out.

David Graeber is an anthropologist who teaches at the London School of Economics and Political Science, London. Pinar Öğünç is an Istanbul-based journalist. This interview was first published in Turkish as “David Graeber: Rojava’dan on yaş genç döndüm” [David Graeber: I returned from Rojava feeling ten years younger] in the daily newspaper Evrensel on 23 December 2014. The English translation was published in ZNet on 26 December 2014 and appears here in edited form with the permission of the authors. Moussa Dîlok leads a class of future community organizers and political representatives at the Mesopotamia Academy of Social Sciences, established in memory of the martyr Siud, in Tel Habash.

Janet Biehl Janet Education: Two Revolutionary Rojava in Academies Moussa Dîlok leads a class of future community organizers and political representatives at the Mesopotamia Academy of Social Sciences, established in memory of the martyr Siud, in Tel Habash. Rojava in Academies Education: Two Revolutionary Janet Biehl Janet 212–213 - -

November 2014 You have to educate, twenty-four hours a day, to learn a day, to hours educate,have twenty-four You You tohow to discuss, how to decide collectively. learn some to for wait have to you idea that the reject have toleader come and tell the people to what and instead do, as a collective practice. self-rule The to learn exercise put ten you When people educate themselves other. each people a solution together for to them ask and a problem or propose collectively a question, an look they them for right one. will find the they in this way I believe answer. politicized.This collective them discussion will make Co-President, Union Party Democratic (PYD) — Salih Muslim, The first issue that the revolution had to confront was revolution hadwas that the issue to confront The first As Aldar Xelîl, a member of the council of TEV-DEM council a member of the of TEV-DEM Xelîl, As Aldar gime but creating a mentality to to the bring the revolution a teacher Akîf, Dorşîn society.” for a revolution It’s society. has agreed: to “Perception be changed,” at the academy, told us, “becauseshe mentality is so important our for us.” Education for is crucial now. revolution decades four the of instruction. under the language For had had to Arabic children learn Assad Kurdish regime, banned was language The Kurdish and study in Arabic. ation rates were and are very high there, as Academic the high there, very and are ation rates were Delegation during our December visit. learned 2014 But culture education to was crucial creating the revolutionary new institutions the in which It is a matter could thrive. not adults as even alone but for well, and youths children for the elderly. a Democratic Society], for to explained us, [Movement just about the re changing political is “not project Rojava’s After the revolution of July 2012, when new self-governing new self-governing when 2012, of July the revolution After institutions came to in Rojava, the need a new power for kind of education was paramount.the people that Not of uneducated — high Kurdistan were western school gradu 212–213 - -

— Salih Muslim, Democratic Union Party (PYD) Co-President, Co-President, Union Party Democratic (PYD) — Salih Muslim, You have to educate, twenty-four hours a day, to learn a day, to hours educate,have twenty-four You You tohow to discuss, how to decide collectively. learn some to for wait have to you idea that the reject have toleader come and tell the people to what and instead do, as a collective practice. self-rule The to learn exercise put ten you When people educate themselves other. each people a solution together for to them ask and a problem or propose collectively a question, an look they them for right one. will find the they in this way I believe answer. politicized.This collective them discussion will make November 2014 The first issue that the revolution had to confront was revolution hadwas that the issue to confront The first As Aldar Xelîl, a member of the council of TEV-DEM council a member of the of TEV-DEM Xelîl, As Aldar the language of instruction. For four decades under the decades four the of instruction. under the language For had had to Arabic children learn Assad Kurdish regime, banned was language The Kurdish and study in Arabic. gime but creating a mentality to to the bring the revolution a teacher Akîf, Dorşîn society.” for a revolution It’s society. has agreed: to “Perception be changed,” at the academy, told us, “becauseshe mentality is so important our for us.” Education for is crucial now. revolution After the revolution of July 2012, when new self-governing new self-governing when 2012, of July the revolution After institutions came to in Rojava, the need a new power for kind of education was paramount.the people that Not of uneducated — high Kurdistan were western school gradu [Movement for a Democratic Society], for to explained us, [Movement just about the re changing political is “not project Rojava’s ation rates were and are very high there, as Academic the high there, very and are ation rates were Delegation during our December visit. learned 2014 But culture education to was crucial creating the revolutionary new institutions the in which It is a matter could thrive. not adults as even alone but for well, and youths children for the elderly. 214–215 ------The sociology takescurriculum a critical stance toward academy’s the approaches, Western conventional Unlike Students take measure exams, but those exams don’t fices along the way… We consider ourselves part of history, partWe ourselves consider of history, way… fices the along his instruction The seeks to “uncover subjectshistory.” of tories of peoples been to denied… have that a new create of and centuries of enslavement years the to overcome life been have imposedthought that on people.”Ultimately its purpose is “to write a new history.” twentieth-century positivism and instead seeks to develop century, social alternative the twenty-first science for a new, For of freedom.” Öcalan calls “sociology a what Abdullah choose students projects, final their a particular social prob it and write it, a thesis to on how research resolve then lem, in connection is practi So the learning with this alternative. cal as as well intellectual, intended a social to good. serve pedagogy rejects the unidirectional transmission of facts. Indeed and students. separate strictly doesn’t it teachers ideally, students and vice versa; from learn Teachers come discourse, intersubjective they tothrough shared necessarily the instructors profes conclusions. are Nor the regime, “our existence [as Kurds] was disputed. We are are disputed. was We existence[as Kurds] “our regime, the sacri made many have and exist that we to show trying them people has are given whose experience they life sors; example, for insights can impart. that they One teacher, talesrecounts folk to teachers want once a week. “We told. “We help us understand were we the meaning of life,” being and things meaning, able tofocus on giving interpret comment as as well analyze.” dialogues.” like reminders, like “more knowledge — they’re to subject by evaluation are themselves And teachers student a well,” this very did not explain students. “You A teacher who is criticized has to talkcan say. out the is sue with the student until with the understandsue both they they feel each other. ------The school consists last each year terms, of three We met with several members of the administration members and met with several We told they the academy us, is that faces, One challenge Teaching and discussions are mostly in Kurdish, al mostly in Kurdish, and discussions are Teaching On 8 December, the delegation visited Rojava’s first first the delegation visited Rojava’s On 8 December, onic forces. “We don’t want people about want don’t to inferior feel “We onic forces. is a huge amount there In the Middle East live. they where to it. uncover trying and wisdom, are and we of knowledge happened here.” happened history in have that things Many of overviews from months, progressing toing three four subjects to specialization to final projects.curriculum The those “Why sub and sociology. comprises history mainly faculty, including the rector, Rojda Firat, Ad and teachers Rojda the rector, including faculty, people to have go abroad in northeastern think they Syria to to get a good want that,” change said education. “We dismissing it as a notion instilled by hegem one instructor, though the sources are often in Arabic, since essen often in Arabic, many are though the sources tial been into texts not yet translated Kurdish. have Mehmod Murat Kalê, Doz, Medya Akîf, nan Hasan, Dorşîn Hussein. Mosis, and Xelîl Serhat Tolhildan, “They told. Under asked. we were we jects?,” crucial,” are mia Academy for Social Sciences in Qamişlo. The Assad Social in Qamişlo. for Sciences mia Academy hadregime permitted institutions no such in the Kurdish this one opened is still and in Septemberareas; 2014 very construction. under much and only institutionand only education, of higher the Mesopota tion. The first such school to open was Şehîd Fewzî’s such schooltion. Fewzî’s The first opento wasŞehîd in Kobanê by one each canton, followed School in Afrîn schools had alone Cizîre 670 2014, By August and Cizîre. language courses to Kurdish offering teachers with 3,000 students. 49,000 from public life; teaching illegal was it life; public could and be from torture. and even by imprisonment punished So when took their communities Kurds into their own the Syrian instruc language immediatelyhands, they set up Kurdish 214–215 ------The sociology takescurriculum a critical stance toward Students take measure exams, but those exams don’t Unlike conventional Western approaches, the academy’s academy’s the approaches, Western conventional Unlike sue with the student until with the understandsue both they they feel each other. twentieth-century positivism and instead seeks to develop century, social alternative the twenty-first science for a new, For of freedom.” Öcalan calls “sociology a what Abdullah choose students projects, final their a particular social prob dialogues.” like reminders, like “more knowledge — they’re to subject by evaluation are themselves And teachers student a well,” this very did not explain students. “You A teacher who is criticized has to talkcan say. out the is the regime, “our existence [as Kurds] was disputed. We are are disputed. was We existence[as Kurds] “our regime, the sacri made many have and exist that we to show trying tories of peoples been to denied… have that a new create of and centuries of enslavement years the to overcome life been have imposedthought that on people.”Ultimately its purpose is “to write a new history.” it and write it, a thesis to on how research resolve then lem, in connection is practi So the learning with this alternative. them people has are given whose experience they life sors; example, for insights can impart. that they One teacher, talesrecounts folk to teachers want once a week. “We told. “We help us understand were we the meaning of life,” being and things meaning, able tofocus on giving interpret comment as as well analyze.” pedagogy rejects the unidirectional transmission of facts. Indeed and students. separate strictly doesn’t it teachers ideally, students and vice versa; from learn Teachers come discourse, intersubjective they tothrough shared necessarily the instructors profes conclusions. are Nor fices along the way… We consider ourselves part of history, partWe ourselves consider of history, way… fices the along his instruction The seeks to “uncover subjectshistory.” of cal as as well intellectual, intended a social to good. serve ------On 8 December, the delegation visited Rojava’s first first the delegation visited Rojava’s On 8 December, al mostly in Kurdish, and discussions are Teaching of the administration members and met with several We told they the academy us, is that faces, One challenge The school consists last each year terms, of three from public life; teaching illegal was it life; public could and be from torture. and even by imprisonment punished So when took their communities Kurds into their own the Syrian instruc language immediatelyhands, they set up Kurdish such schooltion. Fewzî’s The first openwasto Şehîd in Kobanê by one each canton, followed School in Afrîn schools had alone Cizîre 670 2014, By August and Cizîre. language courses to Kurdish offering teachers with 3,000 students. 49,000 institutionand only education, of higher the Mesopota The Assad Social in Qamişlo. for Sciences mia Academy hadregime permitted institutions no such in the Kurdish this one opened is still and in Septemberareas; 2014 very construction. under much since essen often in Arabic, many are though the sources tial been into texts not yet translated Kurdish. have Firat, Ad and teachers Rojda the rector, including faculty, Mehmod Murat Kalê, Doz, Medya Akîf, nan Hasan, Dorşîn Hussein. Mosis, and Xelîl Serhat Tolhildan, people to have go abroad in northeastern think they Syria to to get a good want that,” change said education. “We dismissing it as a notion instilled by hegem one instructor, people want about don’t to inferior feel “We onic forces. is a huge amount there In the Middle East live. they where to it. uncover trying and wisdom, are and we of knowledge happened here.” happened history in have that things Many of overviews from months, progressing toing three four subjects to specialization to final projects.curriculum The those “Why sub and sociology. comprises history mainly “They told. Under asked. we were we jects?,” crucial,” are 216–217 - - - John Dewey thought the ultimate thought John Dewey purpose of education of the MesopotamiaNone mentioned teachers Academy also by a furtherI was coincidence. struck In the mid- Yekîtiya Star Academy, Rimelan Star Academy, Yekîtiya too many top students nowadays head to Wall Street for for Street too head top to many students Wall nowadays but education Rojava in bankers, as investment careers getting and career a Rather, aboutis not rich.” “building to how themselves taught academy students are to “ask society.” enrich was to create reflective who beings participate ethically as and that education citizens in the democratic community, As if echoing this social for reform. thus be a force should to our delegation,thought, remarked one of the instructors to do is trying are we what do science we of society, “When socialstruggle for freedom.” his to no reason knew think that they and I have Dewey, the But at it independently. arrived they approach — surely similarity striking. was nonetheless ex ideas influenced several Dewey’s twentieth century, perimental notable Most schools in the US. Goddard was in the 1960s and which College, located Vermont, in central education. in Deweyite a trailblazer was During most1970s an Collegewas Goddard at teachers the of one 1970s, the of who taught Bookchin, under Murray his ideas there archist did not write much Bookchin ecology.” the name of “social specifically about education, but his writings on democracy toand ecology influence Öcalan go on, in translation, would the overall and the concept of democratic confederalism, is committed.ideology to Rojava which Star Academy — in academy — Yekîtiya The women’s the educational pushes of the Meso Rimelan approach in 2012, its purpose Founded potamia further. Academy its cadres, so naturally is to educate revolutionary female ------Dewey would likely have approved the fact that the that the fact approved have likely would Dewey but The academy seeks professionalism not to develop with its regime, decades, schools the For of the Ba’ath The Mesopotamia does profes Academy not encourage coming this grim past by “helping create free individuals individuals create free coming this grim past by “helping thoughts.” Once of Dewey, and free again, I was reminded who also rejected the notion that the purpose of educa sionalism; students least to of all does how maxi it show academy, rather than requiring students to than requiring memorize, rather academy, “We separateness: or overcome, teaches to them “claim,” it instills is a subject.”emphasize that everyone Moreover, goal students is to the give “Our learning: habits of lifelong ability to educate Dewey, graduation. beyond themselves,” not whole person, the address too, should thought learning the intellect highlight our common hu it should alone; that believe humans to “We cultivate person. the well-rounded be can’t cut up into they parts, organisms, are separated into sciences,” can an instructor be told a writer us. “One understand it,or a poet and also be interested in economy, because beings part human are of all life.” nationalistic had focus, aimed to create an authoritarian The Mesopotamiamentality. is intent on over Academy structors, Dewey was critical Dewey structors, of traditional in approaches, to unidirectionally facts passive transmit teachers which students. Instead, education he regarded as an interactive social through studentsprocess, issues in which explore critical give-and-take teachers. with their man condition continue life. and should throughout workplaces. hierarchical for tion is to create docile workers he thought, education help students fulfill should Rather, of their human potentiality. range the full mize their economic self-interest. In the United States, far In many ways, the academy’s approach reminded me of of me reminded approach academy’s the ways, many In the educational ideas advanced twentieth-century by the in the Rojava Like philosopherAmerican Dewey. John 216–217 - - - John Dewey thought the ultimate thought John Dewey purpose of education of the MesopotamiaNone mentioned teachers Academy also by a furtherI was coincidence. struck In the mid- Rimelan Star Academy, Yekîtiya perimental notable Most schools in the US. Goddard was in the 1960s and which College, located Vermont, in central education. in Deweyite a trailblazer was During most1970s an Collegewas Goddard at teachers the of one 1970s, the of in 2012, its purpose Founded potamia further. Academy its cadres, so naturally is to educate revolutionary female was to create reflective who beings participate ethically as and that education citizens in the democratic community, As if echoing this social for reform. thus be a force should to our delegation,thought, remarked one of the instructors to do is trying are we what do science we of society, “When socialstruggle for freedom.” his to no reason knew think that they and I have Dewey, the But at it independently. arrived they approach — surely similarity striking. was nonetheless ex ideas influenced several Dewey’s twentieth century, Star Academy — in academy — Yekîtiya The women’s the educational pushes of the Meso Rimelan approach too many top students nowadays head to Wall Street for for Street too head top to many students Wall nowadays but education Rojava in bankers, as investment careers getting and career a Rather, aboutis not rich.” “building to how themselves taught academy students are to “ask society.” enrich who taught Bookchin, under Murray his ideas there archist did not write much Bookchin ecology.” the name of “social specifically about education, but his writings on democracy toand ecology influence Öcalan go on, in translation, would the overall and the concept of democratic confederalism, is committed.ideology to Rojava which ------Dewey would likely have approved the fact that the that the fact approved have likely would Dewey but The academy seeks professionalism not to develop with its regime, decades, schools the For of the Ba’ath The Mesopotamia does profes Academy not encourage In many ways, the academy’s approach reminded me of of me reminded approach academy’s the ways, many In the educational ideas advanced twentieth-century by the in the Rojava Like philosopherAmerican Dewey. John was critical Dewey structors, of traditional in approaches, to unidirectionally facts passive transmit teachers which students. Instead, education he regarded as an interactive social through studentsprocess, issues in which explore critical give-and-take teachers. with their students to than requiring memorize, rather academy, “We separateness: or overcome, teaches to them “claim,” it instills is a subject.”emphasize that everyone Moreover, goal students is to the give “Our learning: habits of lifelong ability to educate Dewey, graduation. beyond themselves,” not whole person, the address too, should thought learning the intellect highlight our common hu it should alone; that man condition continue life. and should throughout believe humans to “We cultivate person. the well-rounded be can’t cut up into they parts, organisms, are separated into sciences,” can an instructor be told a writer us. “One understand it,or a poet and also be interested in economy, because beings part human are of all life.” nationalistic had focus, aimed to create an authoritarian The Mesopotamiamentality. is intent on over Academy individuals create free coming this grim past by “helping thoughts.” Once of Dewey, and free again, I was reminded who also rejected the notion that the purpose of educa workplaces. hierarchical for tion is to create docile workers he thought, education help students fulfill should Rather, of their human potentiality. range the full sionalism; students least to of all does how maxi it show mize their economic self-interest. In the United States, far 218–219 ------Moreover, she explained, the woman problem isn’t isn’t problem the woman explained, she Moreover, Every program culminates program in a final session called the Every teachings on gen about the academy’s Akîf queried We At the Yekîtiya Star Academy, as at the Mesopotamia Star Academy, Yekîtiya the At ty a new kind of masculinity men, will change will emerge. biologistic — we’re aren’t and women Concepts of men against that. as masculine define gender and mascu We Of course linity in connection and hegemony. with power is sociallythat gender constructed.” believe we embedded in society, “it’s of women; solely the province to have So we problem. is society’s exclusion so women’s and society life, women, redefine all together at the same of the problem is freedom of women’s time. The problem freedom.” society’s ties, and some are illiterate. Each has knowledge, has truth hasties, knowledge, illiterate. and some Each are us. … The older for is crucial and all knowledge in their life, at eighteen has A woman is spirit,woman experience. the the future.” representing new generation, stands each student Here, will she how platform. and says organiza an join she Will democracy. participateRojava’s in or participate in a Units (YPJ), Defense tion, or the Women’s council? What kind of responsibility will take? she women’s dream,” “Our that does in Kurdish). not exist (a word der participating socie and building that women’s said, “is she mechanisms — women’s parliaments, women’s communes; communes; parliaments, women’s mechanisms — women’s communes, [mixed] parliaments, general general and the have always we neighborhood in Rojava parliaments. Here ones. In the mixed exclusive both mixed ones and women’s representationones, the is 40 percent, plus of women equality.” a co-presidency to always is ensure there taught students are to as see sub themselves Academy, jects, with “the to power discuss construct.” and “There is no teacher and student. The session is built on sharing teenagers to from with studentsexperiences,” ranging universi graduated from have “Some great-grandmothers. ------Power, for example, is present in grassroots democ in grassroots example, is present for Power, Over the past 30 years, instructor Dorşîn Akîf told us, instructor Akîf Dorşîn past the years, 30 Over to be women considers “the main said Akîf, Jineology, act, they way the affects history people way The interpret racy, which has which nothing to do with the state. And jineol racy, as quintessentially women democratic. The ogy regards Star educates Academy still students (who are Yekîtiya look at the political “We civics. in Rojavan mostly women) ing social relations, then we come up with our own un comeing social up with our own we then relations, also look the state how tion. We historically and emerged the concepthow has been constructed.” and the power But state but the state is everywhere, “Power not the same: are ways.” can operate in different Power is not everywhere. emphasis Academic The pronounced. on ideology more is Delegation visitedon 3 December it 2014. move participated freedom have women in the Kurdish and the economy as the main activity actor in the economy, capitalist modernity defines economy as Yet of women. this is not true, say we But responsibility. primary man’s actors the main are women and everywhere that always Because of this basic contradiction, it in the economy.” seems, capitalist be modernity overcome. will eventually talk so “we social about organiza pre-Sumerian said Akîf, ment, first as fighters, and then in women’s institutions. women’s in and then ment,as fighters, first produced jineology women , or Kurdish ago, years Three as culmination the of regard science,” they which “women’s academy the in Rimelan, that decades-long At experience. of jineology, overview a general given first students are and women” that was stolen from “the kind of knowledge to overcome trying are today canthat women recover: “We to understand try We nonexistence in history. women’s produced concepts within exist how and reproduced are to want establishderstanding. We a true interpretation of making women and of women by looking at the role history visiblein history.” 218–219 ------Moreover, she explained, the woman problem isn’t isn’t problem the woman explained, she Moreover, At the Yekîtiya Star Academy, as at the Mesopotamia Star Academy, Yekîtiya the At teachings on gen about the academy’s Akîf queried We Every program culminates program in a final session called the Every solely the province of women; “it’s embedded in society, embedded in society, “it’s of women; solely the province to have So we problem. is society’s exclusion so women’s and society life, women, redefine all together at the same of the problem is freedom of women’s time. The problem freedom.” society’s ty a new kind of masculinity men, will change will emerge. biologistic — we’re aren’t and women Concepts of men against that. as masculine define gender and mascu We Of course linity in connection and hegemony. with power is sociallythat gender constructed.” believe we der (a word that does not exist in Kurdish). “Our dream,” dream,” “Our that does in Kurdish). not exist (a word der participating socie and building that women’s said, “is she Academy, students are taught students are to as see sub themselves Academy, mechanisms — women’s parliaments, women’s communes; communes; parliaments, women’s mechanisms — women’s communes, [mixed] parliaments, general general and the have always we neighborhood in Rojava parliaments. Here ones. In the mixed exclusive both mixed ones and women’s representationones, the is 40 percent, plus of women equality.” a co-presidency to always is ensure there jects, with “the to power discuss construct.” and “There is no teacher and student. The session is built on sharing teenagers to from with studentsexperiences,” ranging universi graduated from have “Some great-grandmothers. or participate in a Units (YPJ), Defense tion, or the Women’s council? What kind of responsibility will take? she women’s platform. Here, each student stands each student Here, will she how platform. and says organiza an join she Will democracy. participateRojava’s in ties, and some are illiterate. Each has knowledge, has truth hasties, knowledge, illiterate. and some Each are us. … The older for is crucial and all knowledge in their life, at eighteen has A woman is spirit,woman experience. the the future.” representing new generation, ------Over the past 30 years, instructor Dorşîn Akîf told us, instructor Akîf Dorşîn past the years, 30 Over to be women considers “the main said Akîf, Jineology, act, they way the affects history people way The interpret democ in grassroots example, is present for Power, emphasis Academic The pronounced. on ideology more is Delegation visitedon 3 December it 2014. move participated freedom have women in the Kurdish institutions. women’s in and then ment,as fighters, first produced jineology women , or Kurdish ago, years Three as culmination the of regard science,” they which “women’s academy the in Rimelan, that decades-long At experience. of jineology, overview a general given first students are and women” that was stolen from “the kind of knowledge to overcome trying are todaythat women can recover: “We to understand try We nonexistence in history. women’s produced concepts within exist how and reproduced are un comeing social up with our own we then relations, to want establishderstanding. We a true interpretation of making women and of women by looking at the role history visiblein history.” and the economy as the main activity actor in the economy, capitalist modernity defines economy as Yet of women. this is not true, say we But responsibility. primary man’s actors the main are women and everywhere that always Because of this basic contradiction, it in the economy.” seems, capitalist be modernity overcome. will eventually talk so “we social about organiza pre-Sumerian said Akîf, also look the state how tion. We historically and emerged the concepthow has been constructed.” and the power But state but the state is everywhere, “Power not the same: are ways.” can operate in different Power is not everywhere. has which nothing to do with the state. And jineol racy, as quintessentially women democratic. The ogy regards Star educates Academy still students (who are Yekîtiya look at the political “We civics. in Rojavan mostly women) She went on to cite a phrase from Öcalan, “Kill the domi- nant male,” which has become a watchword meaning “the masculine man has to change.” Equally, women’s colonized subjectivity, or femininity, must be killed. The social ambi- tion embodied by the academy is to overcome domination and hegemonic power and “create an equal life together.” How much impact do these teachings have on Rojavan society as a whole? That question I cannot answer and will leave it to future researchers to determine.

Janet Biehl is a writer, editor, and graphic artist based in Vermont. This is a lightly edited version of the text that first appeared on www. biehlonbookchin.com on 7 February 2015. It is republished here with permission of the author. She went on to cite a phrase from Öcalan, “Kill the domi- nant male,” which has become a watchword meaning “the masculine man has to change.” Equally, women’s colonized subjectivity, or femininity, must be killed. The social ambi- tion embodied by the academy is to overcome domination and hegemonic power and “create an equal life together.” How much impact do these teachings have on Rojavan society as a whole? That question I cannot answer and will leave it to future researchers to determine.

Janet Biehl is a writer, editor, and graphic artist based in Vermont. This is a lightly edited version of the text that first appeared on www. biehlonbookchin.com on 7 February 2015. It is republished here with permission of the author. An old fountain of the Assad regime in Qamişlo has been turned into a monument of the Rojava Revolution, painted yellow, red, green — the colors of the flag of the Democratic Union Party (PYD) — and carrying several martyr portraits of deceased revolutionaries from its defense units.

Hito SteyerlHito Falling Kobanê Is Not An old fountain of the Assad regime in Qamişlo has been turned into a monument of the Rojava Revolution, painted yellow, red, green — the colors of the flag of the Democratic Union Party (PYD) — and carrying several martyr portraits of deceased revolutionaries from its defense units. Falling Kobanê Is Not Hito SteyerlHito 224–225 - - - - - Unfazed by the rumble of frequent airstrikes, female female airstrikes, of frequent by the rumble Unfazed the exact num (no one knows refugees 50,000 Around boring city of Pîrsus (Suruç) across the border in Turkey. Its boring city of Pîrsus in Turkey. the border across (Suruç) floors of its municipaladministra hall, the ground wedding forts with local authorities. a long history credits humbly He people. “MyKurdish of and flight displacement of internal I did, too. the same fate. experienced grandfather and father prepared.” are he smiles, “we yes,” So, ing out, defying predictions of its imminent fall. An unlikely An unlikely ing out, predictions fall. of its imminent defying combination urban and of coalitionguerilla airstrikes ISIS partly reversed defenders YPG and YPJ by warfare ISIS reacted days. territorialbringing in by in recent gains cities of Raqqa Deir and the Syrian from reinforcements Kobanê’s As of today, weaponry. as as heavy well ez-Zor the weapons, But still most control of the city. defenders have on the ground ammunition, and aid that defenders arrived. not yet have for asked desperately side Turkish the the fields on working keep cotton pickers collect tear gas canisters Children recently of the border. family tries to A for scrap. forces armed Turkish off by fired catch left two a glimpse days they of the home in Kobanê has since by fightingago. The area close been engulfed to gatethe Mürşitpınar border to Turkey. the neigh in and around shelter provisional found ber) have tent camps and several center, tive buildings, its cultural Displaced inhabited now seeking by hundreds are shelter. in storagespaces, private in the city, everywhere live families homes, and buildings still construction. under The care displacedAmed (Diyarbakır) in the stunning. As is for shown refugees, weeks ago during the exodus of Yezidi several basic necessities and with amazing efficiency organized are Süleymanoğlu Îhsan of Amed (Diyarbakır) Mr. hospitality. city council is on site to help coordinate ef relief regional More than three weeks after weeks start the three than More attacks ISIS of on Syria, in northwestern citythe beleaguered Kobanê is hold 224–225 - - - - - Unfazed by the rumble of frequent airstrikes, female female airstrikes, of frequent by the rumble Unfazed the exact num (no one knows refugees 50,000 Around boring city of Pîrsus (Suruç) across the border in Turkey. Its boring city of Pîrsus in Turkey. the border across (Suruç) floors of its municipaladministra hall, the ground wedding tent camps and several center, tive buildings, its cultural Displaced inhabited now seeking by hundreds are shelter. in storage spaces, private in the city, everywhere live families homes, and buildings still construction. under The care displacedAmed (Diyarbakır) in the stunning. As is for shown refugees, weeks ago during the exodus of Yezidi several basic necessities and with amazing efficiency organized are Süleymanoğlu Îhsan of Amed (Diyarbakır) Mr. hospitality. city council is on site to help coordinate ef relief regional forts with local authorities. a long history credits humbly He people. “MyKurdish of and flight displacement of internal I did, too. the same fate. experienced grandfather and father prepared.” are he smiles, “we yes,” So, ber) have found provisional shelter in and around the neigh in and around shelter provisional found ber) have More than three weeks after weeks start the three than More attacks ISIS of on Syria, in northwestern citythe beleaguered Kobanê is hold cotton pickers keep working the fields on the Turkish side Turkish the the fields on working keep cotton pickers collect tear gas canisters Children recently of the border. family tries to A for scrap. forces armed Turkish off by fired catch left two a glimpse days they of the home in Kobanê has since by fightingago. The area close been engulfed to gatethe Mürşitpınar border to Turkey. ing out, defying predictions of its imminent fall. An unlikely An unlikely ing out, predictions fall. of its imminent defying combination urban and of coalitionguerilla airstrikes ISIS partly reversed defenders YPG and YPJ by warfare ISIS reacted days. territorialbringing in by in recent gains cities of Raqqa Deir and the Syrian from reinforcements Kobanê’s As of today, weaponry. as as heavy well ez-Zor the weapons, But still most control of the city. defenders have on the ground ammunition, and aid that defenders arrived. not yet have for asked desperately The felt pen used by the gravedigger in Pîrsus (Suruç) to frame resident refugees observing F-16 jets circling above. mark the names of the dead on tombstones is running What is the task of art in times of emergency? empty. The names of nine YPJ and YPG fighters buried — Pîrsus (Suruç), on the morning of 10 October, 2014 today are barely legible. Three female fighters are among (with Savaş Boyraz, Leyla Toprak, Salih Șahin) today’s dead, their coffins carried by women during an emotional ceremony attended by hundreds. Dust rises as Hito Steyerl is a visual artist, documentary filmmaker, and writer. This an excavator pushes dry earth into new graves. Meanwhile, text was first published as an announcement on e-flux on 10 October 2014. It appears here with the permission of the author and e-flux. the aluminum coffins are taken back to the hospital for the next transport. Starting Tuesday, violent and in some cases armed clashes between protesters, sectarian paramilitaries, and police have flared up throughout Turkey. Mass arrests and several disappearances spark fears of a permanent return to the violently polarized situation of the 1990s. Curfews were declared in several southeastern provinces, lead- ing to — apart from dozens of dead and wounded — the postponement of the Biennial. Three days ago, my admired colleague Șener Özmen joined our discussion in Istanbul via Skype. He was unable to fly out as Diyarbakır Airport was closed and live gunshots and explosions were ringing through the city. “Don’t worry,” he smiled at the end of his beautiful contribution emphasizing the need to keep talking about art and literature in the face of difficulty: “Kobanê will not fall.” As the full moon shines down on the embattled city, the hills close to Kobanê are filled with an incongruent mix of onlookers, including foreign press in full Kevlar body ar- mor, people holding out for their relatives fighting close by, tired children, and myself, still wearing a Moving Museum tote bag. fire flares to add to the confusing scene of giant smoke plumes, ambulance horns, and faces illuminated by mobile phone screens. At the cultural center, a brilliant, all-female group of culture workers and munici- pality officials discusses the role of art with me. I pan to The felt pen used by the gravedigger in Pîrsus (Suruç) to frame resident refugees observing F-16 jets circling above. mark the names of the dead on tombstones is running What is the task of art in times of emergency? empty. The names of nine YPJ and YPG fighters buried — Pîrsus (Suruç), on the morning of 10 October, 2014 today are barely legible. Three female fighters are among (with Savaş Boyraz, Leyla Toprak, Salih Șahin) today’s dead, their coffins carried by women during an emotional ceremony attended by hundreds. Dust rises as Hito Steyerl is a visual artist, documentary filmmaker, and writer. This an excavator pushes dry earth into new graves. Meanwhile, text was first published as an announcement on e-flux on 10 October 2014. It appears here with the permission of the author and e-flux. the aluminum coffins are taken back to the hospital for the next transport. Starting Tuesday, violent and in some cases armed clashes between protesters, sectarian paramilitaries, and police have flared up throughout Turkey. Mass arrests and several disappearances spark fears of a permanent return to the violently polarized situation of the 1990s. Curfews were declared in several southeastern provinces, lead- ing to — apart from dozens of dead and wounded — the postponement of the Mardin Biennial. Three days ago, my admired colleague Șener Özmen joined our discussion in Istanbul via Skype. He was unable to fly out as Diyarbakır Airport was closed and live gunshots and explosions were ringing through the city. “Don’t worry,” he smiled at the end of his beautiful contribution emphasizing the need to keep talking about art and literature in the face of difficulty: “Kobanê will not fall.” As the full moon shines down on the embattled city, the hills close to Kobanê are filled with an incongruent mix of onlookers, including foreign press in full Kevlar body ar- mor, people holding out for their relatives fighting close by, tired children, and myself, still wearing a Moving Museum tote bag. Turkish armed forces fire flares to add to the confusing scene of giant smoke plumes, ambulance horns, and faces illuminated by mobile phone screens. At the cultural center, a brilliant, all-female group of culture workers and munici- pality officials discusses the role of art with me. I pan to

Printing house Algad in Qamişlo produces images of recently martyred members of the autonomous regions of Rojava.

Jonas Staal Jonas Stateless Theater of the Printing house Algad in Qamişlo produces images of recently martyred members of the autonomous regions of Rojava. Stateless Theater of the Jonas Staal Jonas 232–233

1 - - - - - Celebrated as the looks heroes, of these martyrs defy 1. posters the and from I recognize some of the imagery the international concerns of forgetfulness This danger ed by logos of their militia, portrayed each of them before battlefields joined on one of the many they their comrades look into They occasionally straight of the region. the lens, fist,smiling or with a raised oftenwith a defiant but more I observe look, calm, in their controlled determined anger. into each other. gazes merging of silent the feed glorification. They belong to a collective resistance:body of And against the losses Revolution. of this revo the Rojava In one of the many streets of Qamişlo, full of seemingly of seemingly full streets of Qamişlo, of the many In one guided down concrete, unfinished buildings, I’m tarnished of stairsa small flight intoa basement. The printing house is remi some of which is stackedAlgad with machinery, political used for niscent time were of a post they when stenciledhand. In the neon-lit by spaceers I meet Yahiyu data feeding who is busy Abdullah, into a five-meter-wide boy A young is computer. plotter built-in a small through sitting up with the feed of im to of it, keep trying in front cutting out the pictures the printer, from ages emerging plasticized printed the large, surface. from surround and women, men young on the streets: banners beinglution, it is a feed of history made the printer runs: moment. kilometers a few at the very line is only The front basement, in the and here, the printer against runs away, time; against forgetfulness. community more in the Middle East and its adventures in 2012 was mainly than anything the world else. Whereas al-Assad, toppling with concerned of Bashar the regime focusedtoday on the rise have of the so-called its eyes State holds large which Islamic (ISIS), and Syria of Iraq and Iraq. its under control in bothpieces Syria of territory 232–233

1 - - - - - This danger of forgetfulness concerns the international concerns of forgetfulness This danger Celebrated as the looks heroes, of these martyrs defy 1. posters the and from I recognize some of the imagery community and its adventures in the Middle East more community more in the Middle East and its adventures in 2012 was mainly than anything the world else. Whereas al-Assad, toppling with concerned of Bashar the regime focusedtoday on the rise have of the so-called its eyes State holds large which Islamic (ISIS), and Syria of Iraq and Iraq. its under control in bothpieces Syria of territory lution, the printer runs: it is a feed of history beinglution, it is a feed of history made the printer runs: moment. kilometers a few at the very line is only The front basement, in the and here, the printer against runs away, time; against forgetfulness. glorification. They belong to a collective resistance:body of And against the losses Revolution. of this revo the Rojava ed by logos of their militia, portrayed each of them before battlefields joined on one of the many they their comrades look into They occasionally straight of the region. the lens, fist,smiling or with a raised oftenwith a defiant but more I observe look, calm, in their controlled determined anger. into each other. gazes merging of silent the feed In one of the many streets of Qamişlo, full of seemingly of seemingly full streets of Qamişlo, of the many In one guided down concrete, unfinished buildings, I’m tarnished of stairsa small flight intoa basement. The printing house is remi some of which is stackedAlgad with machinery, surround and women, men young on the streets: banners niscent of a time when they were used for political used for niscent time were of a post they when stenciledhand. In the neon-lit by spaceers I meet Yahiyu data feeding who is busy Abdullah, into a five-meter-wide boy A young is computer. plotter built-in a small through sitting up with the feed of im to of it, keep trying in front cutting out the pictures the printer, from ages emerging plasticized printed the large, surface. from 234–235 ------3 at an alternative historical exploration historical exploration at an alternative in Vijay can be found Worldism Third of Nations: A People’s The Darker Prashad’s The York: (New of theHistory Thirld World 2007). Press, New - Despite the fact that the Rojava Revolution is led by Revolution that the Rojava Despite fact the The first is that of a radical is that of a secular The first politics, meaning that Kurds, the political institutionsKurds, developed have that they independent three their an ethnic monopoly over resist cantons. autonomous The three are cantons of Rojava an was officially 2014 on what on 29 January founded slavement of women. Such ambitions have made ambitions Such ISIS into have women. of slavement image of the total mirror dark bizarre, the statesecu of the never-ending rity of the coalition apparatus willing’s of the other for its and disregard radical and violent on Terror War the state Against states’ terror sovereignty. peoples’ and of both coalition ISIS and the the Rojava of the willing, that it has its termed alternative an “third forms Revolution not as Worldism, of Third project in an echo of the way,” oil, toa source of tragedy be by governments’ scavenged and state-buildingmineral, as “develop masked projects ment,” but as new political an actual, radically interna and tionalist — transnationalist — paradigm. policies assimilation, of cultural subjection,en the and nounced as The Social Contract — in reference tonounced Jean- as The Social reference Contract — in 1762 — co-written text from famous Jacques Rousseau’s Assyrians, Arabs, by all peoples Kurds, in the region: living and Chech Armenians, Turkmen, Arameans, Chaldeans, a series of ideologicalens. The document features princi fundamentalples that are to understanding the politics of the contract autonomousthe three cantons From of Rojava. textsand related Öcalan, of its main inspiration, Abdullah Party (PKK), dis I have of the Kurdistan Workers’ founder sixtilled defining points: the following affairs. governance separated from fully are interests religious ist — narratives that laid the foundation for for that laid the foundation ist — narratives colonization attempt One such as such. Curator Vivian Ziherl speaks of the term the term of speaks Ziherl Vivian Curator that as a history “Thirldof Worldism” has thus to be rewritten, continuously questioning dominant linear — modern

3. - - - 2 - — char , 11 December 2014, online at:, 11 December 2014, For a relevant article the reconstructing a relevant For with a interviews ISIS consistsrise of of militant — nomsenior official guerre de was imprisoned Ahmed — who in theAbu US-led the current Camp Bucca, where al-Baghdadi, was Bakr Abu ISIS, of leader the main and where as well, incarcerated took see his cadre place, of recruitment The The Inside Story,” “Isis: Martin Chulov, Guardian http://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/ dec/11/-sp-isis-the-inside-story.

2. -

The difference and betweenRojava the ambitions of The difference The Islamic StateThe Islamic stands in stark opposition to the only acterized by terrifying conquest and brutalacterized by terrifying patriarchal ISIS could not be pronounced, with the latter vying more caliphate — a expanding total an endlessly for state alism, or “stateless democracy.” They refer to it as “Rojava,” refer They democracy.” alism, or “stateless indicating as constituting the region “West,” means which partthe western of Kurdistan. three-year-old Rojava Revolution. The Revolution of Rojava, The Revolution Revolution. Rojava three-year-old made use of of the turmoil revolutionaries, led by Kurdish in the northern part regions to three war of the civil claim and into cantons — Cizîre, their independent Afrîn, Syria togetherKobanê, consisting about two-thirds of a territory million inhabitants — where the sizewith 4.6 of Belgium, new political a declared they model: democratic confeder tional community to how maintain is clueless This control. situation is symptomatic tied of political of the lack memory of colonialismto and military history the the intervention: its instrumentalizationBritish mandate of the in Iraq, history the dis the 2003 of Iraq, US invasion War, in the Iran-Iraq the of in favor Sunni-led government of Hussein’s mantling citizens were Iraqi the CIA blacksites where majority, Shia tortured State Islamic and militants recruited, and so on. The rise of ISIS has allowed Assad to rebrand himself riseThe as Assad has ISIS of ato allowed rebrand the interna which over in a region evil” supposed “lesser

Exactly how much territory and how and how territory much how Exactly of monopolized this in terms to define “state” — is the term violence — implied by Times contested.highly York The New created a “visual guide to the crisis in Iraq to guide the crisis in Iraq a “visual created data to provide in an attempt and Syria” State Islamic on the origins of fighters their under as currently as the areas well control: http://www.nytimes.com/inter active/2014/06/12/world/middleeast/ the-iraq-isis-conflict-in-maps-photos- and-video.html?_r=1.

1. 234–235 ------3 at an alternative historical exploration historical exploration at an alternative in Vijay can be found Worldism Third of Nations: A People’s The Darker Prashad’s The York: (New of theHistory Thirld World 2007). Press, New - Despite the fact that the Rojava Revolution is led by Revolution that the Rojava Despite fact the The first is that of a radical is that of a secular The first politics, meaning that Kurds, the political institutionsKurds, developed have that they independent three their an ethnic monopoly over resist cantons. autonomous The three are cantons of Rojava an was officially 2014 on what on 29 January founded slavement of women. Such ambitions have made ambitions Such ISIS into have women. of slavement image of the total mirror dark bizarre, the statesecu of the policies assimilation, of cultural subjection,en the and rity apparatus of the coalition of the willing’s never-ending never-ending rity of the coalition apparatus willing’s of the other for its and disregard radical and violent on Terror War the state Against states’ terror sovereignty. peoples’ and of both coalition ISIS and the the Rojava of the willing, that it has its termed alternative an “third forms Revolution not as Worldism, of Third project in an echo of the way,” oil, toa source of tragedy be by governments’ scavenged and state-buildingmineral, as “develop masked projects ment,” but as new political an actual, radically interna and tionalist — transnationalist — paradigm. religious interests are fully separated from governance affairs. governance separated from fully are interests religious nounced as The Social Contract — in reference tonounced Jean- as The Social reference Contract — in 1762 — co-written text from famous Jacques Rousseau’s Assyrians, Arabs, by all peoples Kurds, in the region: living and Chech Armenians, Turkmen, Arameans, Chaldeans, a series of ideologicalens. The document features princi fundamentalples that are to understanding the politics of the contract autonomousthe three cantons From of Rojava. textsand related Öcalan, of its main inspiration, Abdullah Party (PKK), dis I have of the Kurdistan Workers’ founder sixtilled defining points: the following Curator Vivian Ziherl speaks of the term the term of speaks Ziherl Vivian Curator that as a history “Thirldof Worldism” has thus to be rewritten, continuously questioning dominant linear — modern for that laid the foundation ist — narratives colonization attempt One such as such.

3. - - - 2 - — char , 11 December 2014, online at:, 11 December 2014, For a relevant article the reconstructing a relevant For with a interviews ISIS consistsrise of of militant — nomsenior official guerre de was imprisoned Ahmed — who in theAbu US-led the current Camp Bucca, where al-Baghdadi, was Bakr Abu ISIS, of leader the main and where as well, incarcerated took see his cadre place, of recruitment The The Inside Story,” “Isis: Martin Chulov, Guardian http://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/ dec/11/-sp-isis-the-inside-story.

2. -

The Islamic StateThe Islamic stands in stark opposition to the only and betweenRojava the ambitions of The difference three-year-old Rojava Revolution. The Revolution of Rojava, The Revolution Revolution. Rojava three-year-old made use of of the turmoil revolutionaries, led by Kurdish in the northern part regions to three war of the civil claim and into cantons — Cizîre, their independent Afrîn, Syria togetherKobanê, consisting about two-thirds of a territory million inhabitants — where the sizewith 4.6 of Belgium, new political a declared they model: democratic confeder to it as “Rojava,” refer They democracy.” alism, or “stateless indicating as constituting the region “West,” means which partthe western of Kurdistan. ISIS could not be pronounced, with the latter vying more caliphate — a expanding total an endlessly for state conquest and brutalacterized by terrifying patriarchal The rise of ISIS has allowed Assad to rebrand himself riseThe as Assad has ISIS of ato allowed rebrand the interna which over in a region evil” supposed “lesser tional community to how maintain is clueless This control. situation is symptomatic tied of political of the lack memory of colonialismto and military history the the intervention: its instrumentalizationBritish mandate of the in Iraq, history the dis the 2003 of Iraq, US invasion War, in the Iran-Iraq the of in favor Sunni-led government of Hussein’s mantling citizens were Iraqi the CIA blacksites where majority, Shia tortured State Islamic and militants recruited, and so on. Exactly how much territory and how and how territory much how Exactly of monopolized this in terms to define “state” — is the term violence — implied by Times contested.highly York The New to guide the crisis in Iraq a “visual created data to provide in an attempt and Syria” State Islamic on the origins of fighters their under as currently as the areas well control: http://www.nytimes.com/inter active/2014/06/12/world/middleeast/ the-iraq-isis-conflict-in-maps-photos- and-video.html?_r=1.

1. 236–237 - - - - - 2. In the lecture of the teacher, Dorşin Akîf, I recognize the Akîf, Dorşin In the lecture of the teacher, The Yekîtiya Starcould be in Rimelan Academy consid Yekîtiya The ered as the ideologicalered Revolution, heart of the Rojava these six defining where points of the model of stateless theorized and taught. are democracy evening already It’s to the chance visit I have institution. the when acad The or the umbrella Star, Yekîtiya by the is organized emy ganization of the women’s movement in Rojava. I observe I observe in Rojava. movement ganization of the women’s and soldiers women young filled with a silent classroom maps with covered are The walls community organizers. of Mesopotamia and Kurdistan, and images of past and martyrs,present Arîn Mîrxan, who became including a detonatedshe after her figure to herself cover famous by ISIS militants. capture and avoid comrades retreating a small wooden shelf, around organized The images are rare placed — one is very of the a Maria figure on which objects secular of iconography the radically religious in Revolution. the Rojava democraticbasic the revolution: that drives terminology communalism, democratic autonomy, confederalism, liberation, cooperatives, councils. the These are women’s been that have repeated terms to organ by student me key judges, and politicians, soldiers, teachers, farmers, izers, the canton. throughout artists travelling days during my speech by the a brief moment interrupted is only for Akîf’s sound and an explosion. Later of shots on I am told that of the school, kilometers ISIS has but within three moved for a moment. flinch the students don’t revolution Their takes place both ideological in educationstrug and armed of ideological of many at least days 30 training, gle. After but not will join the fight against ISIS, women these young what political fightingfor. know model are they they before says: she after class, I speakWhen with Akîf ------The sixth is the principle of social ecology: that the idea The fifth is the principle of confederalism: the can of The fifth is the principle confederalism: The third is the principle of gender equality, enforcing a enforcing equality, principle of gender is the The third The fourth of a communalist is that self-government, tion and centralist administration, the Rojava Revolution re Revolution administration, Rojava tionthe centralist and out a dictatorship minorities majorities of or the other over notion This last of social around. way ecology attempts to define an understanding of basedpower principles of on instead of unification co-existence diversity, and radical of the politics the fundament of and assimilation — it forms Revolution. the Rojava the organization of power basedthe organization of power on secularism, gender and confederalism communalist self-government, equality, an egalitarianrepresents with model capable of self-rule tons are defined as “autonomous” because “autonomous” self- are they tons defined as are communities. Most diverse by their radically governed attitude taking than stunning is that rather a “reformist” the nation-statetowards and its politics unifica of cultural jects The model the model of the nation-state all together. and its aim of establishing confederalism” of “democratic autonomy” — two concepts to central the Ro “democratic to practice Revolution — strive java without the democracy construct of the nation-state. mum political agency. The second is the requirement that presidencies over pub over presidencies that secondThe requirement the is participation of 40 percent minimum and of both women co-presidencies in politicalmen of for and the demand life, institutions. man in all public and one one woman administration of structures that centralized meaning are reduced to the absolute local minimum, whereas councils maxi given are self-governed and cooperatives that are lic institutions are always occupiedlic institutions always by representatives are of hegemony. cultural avoid ethnicitiesto order in different 236–237 - - - - - In the lecture of the teacher, Dorşin Akîf, I recognize the Akîf, Dorşin In the lecture of the teacher, 2. ered as the ideologicalered Revolution, heart of the Rojava these six defining where points of the model of stateless theorized and taught. are democracy evening already It’s to the chance visit I have institution. the when acad The basic terminology that drives the revolution: democraticbasic the revolution: that drives terminology communalism, democratic autonomy, confederalism, liberation, cooperatives, councils. the These are women’s been that have repeated terms to organ by student me key The Yekîtiya Starcould be in Rimelan Academy consid Yekîtiya The or the umbrella Star, Yekîtiya by the is organized emy I observe in Rojava. movement ganization of the women’s and soldiers women young filled with a silent classroom maps with covered are The walls community organizers. of Mesopotamia and Kurdistan, and images of past and martyrs,present Arîn Mîrxan, who became including a detonatedshe after her figure to herself cover famous by ISIS militants. capture and avoid comrades retreating a small wooden shelf, around organized The images are rare placed — one is very of the a Maria figure on which objects secular of iconography the radically religious in Revolution. the Rojava judges, and politicians, soldiers, teachers, farmers, izers, the canton. throughout artists travelling days during my speech by the a brief moment interrupted is only for Akîf’s sound and an explosion. Later of shots on I am told that of the school, kilometers ISIS has but within three moved for a moment. flinch the students don’t revolution Their takes place both ideological in educationstrug and armed of ideological of many at least days 30 training, gle. After but not will join the fight against ISIS, women these young what political fightingfor. know model are they they before says: she after class, I speakWhen with Akîf ------The third is the principle of gender equality, enforcing a enforcing equality, principle of gender is the The third The fourth of a communalist is that self-government, the can of The fifth is the principle confederalism: The sixth is the principle of social ecology: that the idea The second is the requirement that presidencies over pub over presidencies that secondThe requirement the is occupiedlic institutions always by representatives are of hegemony. cultural avoid ethnicitiesto order in different participation of 40 percent minimum and of both women co-presidencies in politicalmen of for and the demand life, institutions. man in all public and one one woman administration of structures that centralized meaning are reduced to the absolute local minimum, whereas councils maxi given are self-governed and cooperatives that are mum political agency. because “autonomous” self- are they tons defined as are communities. Most diverse by their radically governed attitude taking than stunning is that rather a “reformist” the nation-statetowards and its politics unifica of cultural re Revolution administration, Rojava tionthe centralist and jects The model the model of the nation-state all together. and its aim of establishing confederalism” of “democratic autonomy” — two concepts to central the Ro “democratic to practice Revolution — strive java without the democracy construct of the nation-state. basedthe organization of power on secularism, gender and confederalism communalist self-government, equality, an egalitarianrepresents with model capable of self-rule out a dictatorshipof minorities majorities or the other over notion This last of social around. way ecology attempts to define an understanding of basedpower principles of on instead of unification co-existence diversity, and radical of the politics the fundament of and assimilation — it forms Revolution. the Rojava 238–239 ------Dilar Dirik Dirik Dilar 6 tionalist statements to exploit the audience’s astonish tionalist statements to the audience’s exploit that “the poor the fact in the Middle over ment women East” could somehow be militants. instead Hence, of that the actions revolution the cultural acknowledging constituteof these women conserva in an otherwise the for reporters fall many society, tive, patriarchal same used-up categories: while state media, especial fighters guerrilla portray and Iran, female in Turkey ly brain prostitutes,” terrorist family-hating, as “evil media Western toys sex washed of the male fighters, victims to as “oppressed these women often refers culture,” escape an looking their backward for from Zîlan Diyar, a female guerrilla fighter, ironically com ironically fighter, guerrilla female a Diyar, Zîlan Rather than trying to understand than trying Rather in the phenomenon these articles often resort to sensa all its complexity, construct articulates that in the context of differences colonized feminine, Jineology explores society. patriarchal can that sustain science and as knowledge history Rojava’s as Murray adaptedof freedom,” Öcalan anarchist “ecology On the curriculum ecology.” concept of “social Bookchin’s but also Bookchin, of Öcalan and the works not only are to forming Butler, and Judith those Foucault of Michel gether the philosophical pillars of this political the philosophicalgether pillars and scien tificstruggle. media outlets than ex that, rather on Western ments ploring the ideological “are the struggle, dimension of wearing, are that the women by the clothes so inspired to want startthat they trend!” a new fashion considers this side-steppingconsiders of ideological the for struggle benefit of the orientalist, as the sensationalist imaginary found was Movement Women’s the Kurdish problem very ed to against: struggle Zîlan Diyar, “The Whole World is Talking is Talking “The Whole World Zîlan Diyar, republished Women,” Kurdish Us, About this publication. of 73 on p. 6 - - - - referring referring Gönül Kaya, “Why Jineology? “Why Gönül Kaya, Re-Con a Com- structing the Sciences towards 83 on p. republished Life,” munal and Free this publication.of 5 Based on this analysis, Kaya Based analysis, on this Kaya 5 4

Jineology rejects these “natures” as social constructs, Jineology these rejects “natures” Women have progressed much. For example, during during example, For much. progressed have Women had a commune, women of the French the revolution the but in led revolution, that Women role. prominent The nation- Women. without rights? who remains end: state rights are itself has women that organized as such not recognized. Journalist and representative of the women’s move and representativeJournalist of the women’s

tertwined has had science in turn with modern and which impact on social nurture with a severe life, or domestic consid as part “nature” — not work — framed of feminine but without rejecting the difference between the male and but without rejecting the difference of the social subjects. What it rejects is the premise female ered “labor,” but instead articulated in terms of “service” but instead articulated of “service” in terms “labor,” ered to the masculine master. ment Gönül Kaya writes that “in history, rulers and power and power rulers writes history, “in that Gönül Kaya ment established have holders thought. in their systems first system, a field of As an extensionsocial of the patriarchal sciences hasbeen created, is male, class-specific, which and sexist in character.” referring to the and jin referring to logos the Greek [knowledge] “woman.” for word Kurdish In an extensionof the rejection nation-state of the and task the main foundations, its patriarchal academy of the the tiesis to break between the state and science, not in a rejection but of the specific of science as such, power it. underlying structure takes of The alternative the form science,” with logy jineology, meaning “women’s calls for a “women’s paradigm,” described as a rejection a “women’s calls for betweenof the relation and the the woman-object (slave) in inherently male-subject considers (master), she which

Interview with Dorşin Akîf conducted Akîf in with Dorşin Interview in Rimelan on Star Academy the Yekîtiya 23 December 2014. 4 238–239 ------Dilar Dirik Dirik Dilar 6 washed sex toys of the male fighters, Western media media Western toys sex washed of the male fighters, victims to as “oppressed these women often refers culture,” escape an looking their backward for from tionalist statements to exploit the audience’s astonish tionalist statements to the audience’s exploit that “the poor the fact in the Middle over ment women East” could somehow be militants. instead Hence, of that the actions revolution the cultural acknowledging constituteof these women conserva in an otherwise fighters guerrilla portray and Iran, female in Turkey ly brain prostitutes,” terrorist family-hating, as “evil tive, patriarchal society, many reporters fall for the the for reporters fall many society, tive, patriarchal same used-up categories: while state media, especial Zîlan Diyar, a female guerrilla fighter, ironically com ironically fighter, guerrilla female a Diyar, Zîlan Rather than trying to understand than trying Rather in the phenomenon these articles often resort to sensa all its complexity, gether the philosophical pillars of this political the philosophicalgether pillars and scien media outlets than ex that, rather on Western ments ploring the ideological “are the struggle, dimension of wearing, are that the women by the clothes so inspired to want startthat they trend!” a new fashion construct articulates that in the context of differences colonized feminine, Jineology explores society. patriarchal can that sustain science and as knowledge history Rojava’s as Murray adaptedof freedom,” Öcalan anarchist “ecology On the curriculum ecology.” concept of “social Bookchin’s but also Bookchin, of Öcalan and the works not only are to forming Butler, and Judith those Foucault of Michel tificstruggle. considers this side-steppingconsiders of ideological the for struggle benefit of the orientalist, as the sensationalist imaginary found was Movement Women’s the Kurdish problem very ed to against: struggle Zîlan Diyar, “The Whole World is Talking is Talking “The Whole World Zîlan Diyar, republished Women,” Kurdish Us, About this publication. of 73 on p. 6 - - - - referring referring Gönül Kaya, “Why Jineology? “Why Gönül Kaya, Re-Con a Com- structing the Sciences towards 83 on p. republished Life,” munal and Free this publication.of 5 Based on this analysis, Kaya Based analysis, on this Kaya 5 4 Jineology rejects these “natures” as social constructs, Jineology these rejects “natures” Women have progressed much. For example, during during example, For much. progressed have Women hada commune, women of the French the revolution the but in led revolution, that Women role. prominent The nation- Women. without rights? who remains end: state rights are itself has women that organized as such not recognized. Journalist and representative of the women’s move and representativeJournalist of the women’s tertwined has had science in turn with modern and which impact on social nurture with a severe life, or domestic consid as part “nature” — not work — framed of feminine but instead articulated of “service” in terms “labor,” ered to the masculine master. between the male and but without rejecting the difference of the social subjects. What it rejects is the premise female ment Gönül Kaya writes that “in history, rulers and power and power rulers writes history, “in that Gönül Kaya ment established have holders thought. in their systems first system, a field of As an extensionsocial of the patriarchal sciences hasbeen created, is male, class-specific, which and sexist in character.” In an extensionof the rejection nation-state of the and task the main foundations, its patriarchal academy of the the tiesis to break between the state and science, not in a rejection but of the specific of science as such, power it. underlying structure takes of The alternative the form science,” with logy jineology, meaning “women’s to the and jin referring to logos the Greek [knowledge] “woman.” for word Kurdish calls for a “women’s paradigm,” described as a rejection a “women’s calls for betweenof the relation and the the woman-object (slave) in inherently male-subject considers (master), she which Interview with Dorşin Akîf conducted Akîf in with Dorşin Interview in Rimelan on Star Academy the Yekîtiya 23 December 2014. 4 240–241 ------2008), online at:2008), http://www.afterall.org/ journal/issue.19/populist.cinema.hito. steyerls.november.and.lovely. Stateless is based democracy on the 9 — writes on the battles waged by the Rojava 10 ing scene of giant smoke plumes, ambulance horns, plumes, ambulance horns, ing scene of giant smoke What is clear in the Rojava Revolution is that the redefini Revolution in the Rojava What is clear 3. Turkish armed forces fire flares to add fire to theconfus forces armed Turkish ades of struggle and sacrifice, with women in front.ades in and sacrifice, of struggle women with This has madestruggle only it possible not to power operate for itself it has madepossible. difference ways; in different tion of political representation goesthat hand in hand with representation.of cultural autonomy is one for The struggle as of a change to relates what is referred that profoundly and of that is, a redefinition of the nature power “mentality,” the representation A new constellation as of power such. means a new structuring of a new social ecology, of power, practicescultural that it can sustain This and acknowledge. between relation brings us to political the necessary and practice. cultural — artistic — transformationin revolutionary artist HitoIn October Steyerl — whose Novem works 2014, (2007) situated Andrea are ber Lovely and around (2004) a human rights activist and soci Wolf, Andrea friend her ologist who became a PKK fighter, martyredwasshe after ologist who became a PKK fighter, killed in 1998 understanding of power through a history that the Yekîtiya the Yekîtiya that understanding history a through of power Star is every writing is Academy speak: as we “Power where, but the state is not everywhere. Power can operate the state but Power where, everywhere. is not ways.” in different revolutionaries and the US air force against ISIS in the and the US air force revolutionaries autonomous canton of Kobanê: profound processes behind the Kurdish movement’s dec movement’s processes behind the Kurdish profound Janet Biehl, “Revolutionary Education: Biehl, “Revolutionary Janet on republished in Rojava,” Academies Two 211p. this publication. of Cinema: a Populist “For Lafuente, Pablo and Lovely November On Hito Steyerl’s (Autumn/Winter 19 ,” Afterall Andrea 9 10 - - 8 tation-of-kurdish-women-fighters-in-the- media.html. Sakine Cansız, “The in PKK Foundation November [25 words” Sakine Cansız’s online at: http://rojhelat.info/ 1978], en/?p=6832. 8 - - 7 This is why the pillars of the autonomous cantons the pillars This is why of who would otherwise face a life full of honor killings killings of honor full a life face otherwise would who marriage. child and

Rojava enforce secular politics, equality enforce gender through Rojava quotas, to and the reduction of centralized structures a the model from not derived are minimum. These pillars of the nation-state; a new political of the pillars are they that has to yet beimaginary a political developed in full, practice and our very aimed at transforming imaginary cause their chances for a peaceful, “regular” household life household life a peaceful,cause their chances for “regular” de really this is what they impossibleare (andsupposedly, In other words, the patriarchal, mediatized patriarchal, the gaze claims words, In other a fightingfor not truly are guerrillas women that Kurdish new definition alike and men of women for political power liberationentails albeitliberation the of men, women’s (i.e., to be as behave such “forced” but are themselves), from sire). When considered from this perspective, patriarchy is this perspective, patriarchy considered from When sire). thus essentially a mechanism of the status when even quo: them to allows it that things can bebe different, show we This brings to mind Sakine interpreted to the contrary. dead shot who was founders, PKK early Cansız — one of the female along with two other 2013 on 9 January in Paris who activists, Doğan Fidan Şaylemez — and Leyla Kurdish described violence as the necessity self- of revolutionary self- struggle. This protection of the Kurdish in the history protection out to as turns it is be about as much survival the possibilityabout a political safeguarding for imaginary be historically, otherwise would which to become reality, negated. and culturally politically,

Dilar Dirik, “TheDilar Dirik, Representation of in the Media,” Fighters Women Kurdish Question, online at:Kurdish http://kurd ishquestion.com/index.php/woman/ the-representation-of-kurdish-women- fighters-in-the-media/115-the-represen 7 240–241 ------2008), online at:2008), http://www.afterall.org/ journal/issue.19/populist.cinema.hito. steyerls.november.and.lovely. Stateless is based democracy on the 9 — writes on the battles waged by the Rojava 10 ing scene of giant smoke plumes, ambulance horns, plumes, ambulance horns, ing scene of giant smoke What is clear in the Rojava Revolution is that the redefini Revolution in the Rojava What is clear 3. Turkish armed forces fire flares to add fire to theconfus forces armed Turkish ades of struggle and sacrifice, with women in front.ades in and sacrifice, of struggle women with This has madestruggle only it possible not to power operate for itself it has madepossible. difference ways; in different (2007) situated Andrea are ber Lovely and around (2004) a human rights activist and soci Wolf, Andrea friend her In October 2014, artist HitoIn October Steyerl — whose Novem works 2014, tion of political representation goesthat hand in hand with representation.of cultural autonomy is one for The struggle as of a change to relates what is referred that profoundly and of that is, a redefinition of the nature power “mentality,” the representation A new constellation as of power such. means a new structuring of a new social ecology, of power, practicescultural that it can sustain This and acknowledge. between relation brings us to political the necessary and practice. cultural — artistic — transformationin revolutionary martyredwasshe after ologist who became a PKK fighter, killed in 1998 where, but the state is not everywhere. Power can operate the state but Power where, everywhere. is not ways.” in different understanding of power through a history that the Yekîtiya the Yekîtiya that understanding history a through of power Star is every writing is Academy speak: as we “Power revolutionaries and the US air force against ISIS in the and the US air force revolutionaries autonomous canton of Kobanê: profound processes behind the Kurdish movement’s dec movement’s processes behind the Kurdish profound Janet Biehl, “Revolutionary Education: Biehl, “Revolutionary Janet on republished in Rojava,” Academies Two 211p. this publication. of Cinema: a Populist “For Lafuente, Pablo and Lovely November On Hito Steyerl’s (Autumn/Winter 19 ,” Afterall Andrea 9 10 - - 8 tation-of-kurdish-women-fighters-in-the- media.html. Sakine Cansız, “The in PKK Foundation November [25 words” Sakine Cansız’s online at: http://rojhelat.info/ 1978], en/?p=6832. 8 - - 7 who would otherwise face a life full of honor killings killings of honor full a life face otherwise would who marriage. child and of the autonomous cantons the pillars This is why of Rojava enforce secular politics, equality enforce gender through Rojava quotas, to and the reduction of centralized structures a the model from not derived are minimum. These pillars of the nation-state; a new political of the pillars are they that has to yet beimaginary a political developed in full, practice and our very aimed at transforming imaginary In other words, the patriarchal, mediatized patriarchal, the gaze claims words, In other a fightingfor not truly are guerrillas women that Kurdish new definition alike and men of women for political power liberationentails albeitliberation the of men, women’s (i.e., to be as behave such “forced” but are themselves), from household life a peaceful,cause their chances for “regular” de really this is what they impossibleare (andsupposedly, is this perspective, patriarchy considered from When sire). thus essentially a mechanism of the status when even quo: them to allows it that things can bebe different, show we This brings to mind Sakine interpreted to the contrary. dead shot who was founders, PKK early Cansız — one of the female along with two other 2013 on 9 January in Paris who activists, Doğan Fidan Şaylemez — and Leyla Kurdish described violence as the necessity self- of revolutionary self- struggle. This protection of the Kurdish in the history protection out to as turns it is be about as much survival the possibilityabout a political safeguarding for imaginary be historically, otherwise would which to become reality, negated. and culturally politically, Dilar Dirik, “TheDilar Dirik, Representation of in the Media,” Fighters Women Kurdish Question, online at:Kurdish http://kurd ishquestion.com/index.php/woman/ the-representation-of-kurdish-women- fighters-in-the-media/115-the-represen 7 242–243 - - - - - 13 the art of fighting in the People’s Defense Units (YPG). Defense artthe fighting of People’s in the on performance a teacher art, of Like show our warriors the battlefield. The small citiesconcrete and villages of and brick Later house of the Democratic on, in the guest Party Union Revolu behind Rojava the forces one of the driving (PYD), estals. been of Rojava, have repainted in the colors They women’s and forces of its by flags defense surrounded with martyrorganizations, covered photos — all printed in a revo monuments of the These first basement in Qamişlo. into the public domain: of thoselution new memory bring a tion,I see Botan appear in a music video TV on the Ronahi forms which the media of the revolution outlet channel, those common in the residing for backdrop the permanent video consistsfootage of a collage of film room. Botan’s of Units (YPG) Defense well People’s as the PKK fighters as by surrounded of Rojava Units (YPJ) Defense and Women’s both singer and this is where traditionally dressed singers; media of early reminded I’m performance.” soldier “show reports sing that repeatedlywere mentioned that fighters ing these sober those landscapes either of the yellow, are Party flag of the Democratic Union or and green (PYD), red, those of the martyr photos, the names also display which we go. memorialized in the songs that fill the air wherever monuments, fountains,Old and statues of Hafiz al-Assad, off their beenped have thrown al-Assad, Bashar of father ing in between battles their at the front. of swaths buildings in the canton separated by large are gone silent largely oil fields, the jack pumps and farmland of Assad, since who took the retreat most of the crucial disrupt with him. The colors them running for machinery Interview with Nesrin Botan with Nesrin Interview conducted 20 Center, Cultural Hasake in the Mitra December 2014.

13 - - - - Similar to Similar 12 ber 2014. Interview with Abdullah Abdul conducted Abdul with Abdullah Interview Decem 18 in Amûdê, studio in the artist’s 12 11 lution us the opportunity gives our culture, to express now are art, that used to be and folklore We suppressed. a musi Like identity… and our culture for hard working education school, learn cian receives fighters our from and faces illuminated by mobile phone screens. At the the illuminated faces and At screens. phone mobile by culture of group a brilliant, all-female Center, Cultural municipality and of role discusses officials the workers observing art refugees I pan with me. resident to frame above. What is the task jets circling of art in timesF-16 of emergency? In the Mitra Hasake Cultural Center in Qamişlo, among in Qamişlo, Center Cultural Hasake In the Mitra an important have This revo We in the revolution… role Interestingly enough, Abdullah Abdul, an artist Abdul, Abdullah enough, Interestingly whom I to this question the by returning meet answers in Amûdê, His small studiolocated of the region. is history to next his on and off climbing are children his young house, where of objects and sculptures lining the archive an enormous and floors.An unsuspectingwalls visitor think he might into an archeologicalhad exhibit. walked Instead, is Abdul a lost history: “Mesopotamiacreating a museum for has a many in which peoples years thousand five of over history advanced civilization a highly was there here; lived have civilization.” of world the source was which students practicing musical instruments and paintings the chance hall, I have mounted central in the scarcely-lit to speak to Botan, Nesrin vocalist the musical for group a musician who Botan — namedKoma after its founder, became a martyr struggle: in the armed the work that jineologythe work does a colonized in recuperating of a colo the remnants to retrieve is trying science, Abdul of artnized history and culture.

Hito Steyerl, “Kobanê Is Not Falling,” Falling,” Is Not “Kobanê Hito Steyerl, this publication. 223 of on p. republished

11 242–243 - - - - - 13 the art of fighting in the People’s Defense Units (YPG). Defense artthe fighting of People’s in the on performance a teacher art, of Like show our warriors the battlefield. The small citiesconcrete and villages of and brick estals. been of Rojava, have repainted in the colors They women’s and forces of its by flags defense surrounded with martyrorganizations, covered photos — all printed in a revo monuments of the These first basement in Qamişlo. into the public domain: of thoselution new memory bring a ing these sober landscapes are either those of the yellow, ing these sober those landscapes either of the yellow, are Party flag of the Democratic Union or and green (PYD), red, those of the martyr photos, the names also display which we go. memorialized in the songs that fill the air wherever monuments, fountains,Old and statues of Hafiz al-Assad, off their beenped have thrown al-Assad, Bashar of father Later house of the Democratic on, in the guest Party Union Revolu behind Rojava the forces one of the driving (PYD), buildings in the canton are separated by large swaths of swaths buildings in the canton separated by large are gone silent largely oil fields, the jack pumps and farmland of Assad, since who took the retreat most of the crucial disrupt with him. The colors them running for machinery tion,I see Botan appear in a music video TV on the Ronahi forms which the media of the revolution outlet channel, those common in the residing for backdrop the permanent video consistsfootage of a collage of film room. Botan’s of Units (YPG) Defense well People’s as the PKK fighters as by surrounded of Rojava Units (YPJ) Defense and Women’s both singer and this is where traditionally dressed singers; media of early reminded I’m performance.” soldier “show reports sing that repeatedlywere mentioned that fighters ing in between battles their at the front. Interview with Nesrin Botan with Nesrin Interview conducted 20 Center, Cultural Hasake in the Mitra December 2014.

13 - - - - Similar to Similar 12 Interview with Abdullah Abdul conducted Abdul with Abdullah Interview Decem 18 in Amûdê, studio in the artist’s ber 2014. 12 11 lution us the opportunity gives our culture, to express now are art, that used to be and folklore We suppressed. a musi Like identity… and our culture for hard working education school, learn cian receives fighters our from and faces illuminated by mobile phone screens. At the the illuminated faces and At screens. phone mobile by culture of group a brilliant, all-female Center, Cultural municipality and of role discusses officials the workers observing art refugees I pan with me. resident to frame above. What is the task jets circling of art in timesF-16 of emergency? In the Mitra Hasake Cultural Center in Qamişlo, among in Qamişlo, Center Cultural Hasake In the Mitra an important have This revo We in the revolution… role Interestingly enough, Abdullah Abdul, an artist Abdul, Abdullah enough, Interestingly whom I to the this question by returning meet answers in Amûdê, His small studiolocated of the region. is history to next his on and off climbing are children his young house, where of objects and sculptures lining the archive an enormous and floors.An unsuspectingwalls visitor think he might into an archeologicalhad exhibit. walked Instead, is Abdul a lost history: “Mesopotamiacreating a museum for has a many in which peoples years thousand five of over history advanced civilization a highly was there here; lived have civilization.” of world the source was which the work that jineologythe work does a colonized in recuperating of a colo the remnants to retrieve is trying science, Abdul of artnized history and culture. students practicing musical instruments and paintings the chance hall, I have mounted central in the scarcely-lit to speak to Botan, Nesrin vocalist the musical for group a musician who Botan — namedKoma after its founder, became a martyr struggle: in the armed Hito Steyerl, “Kobanê Is Not Falling,” Falling,” Is Not “Kobanê Hito Steyerl, this publication. 223 of on p. republished 11 “performing” on the battlefield, the part of the collective revolutionary body that is reinscribing its history — blood- ily erased, repressed, blacklisted — into the imaginary of a radically new and different present. When I attend the people’s council of Qamişlo, candi- dates are presenting themselves to obtain the position of new co-chair. Each of the city’s neighborhood councils and cooperatives have brought their candidates forward. A long strip of yellow-red-green cloth serves as backdrop upon which is written: “Everything for a Free Life and the Foundation of a Democratic Society.” In the front, the candidates enter and leave the stage, next to two tables with the elected selection committee keeping track of procedure. To the right of the stage is a photo of Öcalan on a modest, draped pedestal. But most importantly — as I realize while observing the packed space — the people’s council is a theater. It is a theater of the stateless, where the Rojava Revolution and it’s script, The Social Contract, is condensed down to its ultimate performance: the practice of self-governance, of self-determination, of performing life without approval. 14 In the face of our global crises in poli- tics, the economy, and ecology, Rojava’s stateless democ- racy proposes a political horizon that concerns us all. What is the task of art in times of emergency? The artists and educators of Rojava seem to provide an an- swer. To write, imagine, and enact history according to the stateless — not only peoples forced into statelessness, but in the case of Rojava, those who have decided to live without the state.

This is an edited excerpt of the essay that originally appeared as “To Make a World, Part III: Stateless Democracy,” e-flux journal 63 (2015). It is republished here with permission of e-flux journal.

14 Dilar Dirik Interviewed by Jonas Staal, “Living Without Approval,” see p. 27 of this publication. “performing” on the battlefield, the part of the collective revolutionary body that is reinscribing its history — blood- ily erased, repressed, blacklisted — into the imaginary of a radically new and different present. When I attend the people’s council of Qamişlo, candi- dates are presenting themselves to obtain the position of new co-chair. Each of the city’s neighborhood councils and cooperatives have brought their candidates forward. A long strip of yellow-red-green cloth serves as backdrop upon which is written: “Everything for a Free Life and the Foundation of a Democratic Society.” In the front, the candidates enter and leave the stage, next to two tables with the elected selection committee keeping track of procedure. To the right of the stage is a photo of Öcalan on a modest, draped pedestal. But most importantly — as I realize while observing the packed space — the people’s council is a theater. It is a theater of the stateless, where the Rojava Revolution and it’s script, The Social Contract, is condensed down to its ultimate performance: the practice of self-governance, of self-determination, of performing life without approval. 14 In the face of our global crises in poli- tics, the economy, and ecology, Rojava’s stateless democ- racy proposes a political horizon that concerns us all. What is the task of art in times of emergency? The artists and educators of Rojava seem to provide an an- swer. To write, imagine, and enact history according to the stateless — not only peoples forced into statelessness, but in the case of Rojava, those who have decided to live without the state.

This is an edited excerpt of the essay that originally appeared as “To Make a World, Part III: Stateless Democracy,” e-flux journal 63 (2015). It is republished here with permission of e-flux journal.

14 Dilar Dirik Interviewed by Jonas Staal, “Living Without Approval,” see p. 27 of this publication. A sculpture of the Assad regime in Dirbêsiyê has been repainted in yellow, red, green — the colors of the flag of the Democratic Union Party (PYD) — and thus declared a monument for the Rojava Revolution. (excerpt) Bird Kajal Ahmed Kajal A sculpture of the Assad regime in Dirbêsiyê has been repainted in yellow, red, green — the colors of the flag of the Democratic Union Party (PYD) — and thus declared a monument for the Rojava Revolution. Kajal Ahmed Kajal (excerpt) Bird 248–249

Ballinde Bird is a poet and journalist. Ahmed Kajal appeared in This poem first collectionher Benderî Bermûda (1999). Bepey tazetirîn polîn, Kurdekan Ser be regazî ballinden leserzard mejû parey û drawî Awetane Koçer û be in da enesreynawe sefer karwanî to classificationAccording recent belong to the species of birds Kurds disappearing On the slowly are! they Look Here at them. and torn pagesand torn of history recognized the only over that are the migrants are They long distances travel. their caravans 248–249

her collectionher Benderî Bermûda (1999). Kajal Ahmed is a poet and journalist. Ahmed Kajal appeared in This poem first Bird Bird Ballinde Look at them. Here they are! On the slowly disappearing On the slowly are! they Look Here at them. Kurds belong to the species of birds Kurds According to classificationAccording recent Koçer û be in da enesreynawe sefer karwanî Awetane leserzard mejû parey û drawî Awetane Ser be regazî ballinden Bepey tazetirîn polîn, Kurdekan They are the migrants that are only recognized the only over that are the migrants are They and torn pagesand torn of history long distances travel. their caravans