Identity, Narrative and Memory in the European Global Justice Movement
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"Linksruck"? Deutschlands Parteien in Der Weltwirtschaftskrise
„Linksruck“? Deutschlands Parteien in der Weltwirtschaftskrise Ansgar Graw Dreierlei Beobachtungen im Frühjahr 2009: In der CDU wird engagiert über Enteignungen debattiert. Das Stichwort „Verstaatlichung“ schreckt in Parteispitze und Bundestags- fraktion niemanden mehr. Dissonanzen gibt es allenfalls noch zwischen jenen, die ausschließlich „systemische“ Banken verstaatlichen wollen, und anderen, die auch Opel oder mittelständische Unternehmen auf diese Weise glau- ben retten zu können. Derweil sinken die Umfragewerte und die Demoskopen diagnostizieren einen Ansehens- schwund der Kanzlerin Angela Merkel. In marktliberalen wie konservativen Kreisen der Partei wird Kritik an der CDU-Vorsitzenden laut. „Mangelndes Profil“ und „Sozial- demokratisierung“ lauten die zentralen Vorwürfe. Zweite Szene: In der SPD wird zur gleichen Zeit gestrit- ten, ob in Thüringen oder im Saarland nach den Landtags- wahlen im August rot-rote Bündnisse nur unter einem SPD- Ministerpräsidenten statthaft sind – oder bei entsprechenden Mehrheitsverhältnissen auch unter einem Regierungschef der Partei Die Linke. Dass es rot-rote Koalitionen auf Lan- desebene geben darf, ist in der Sozialdemokratischen Partei Deutschlands, in deren traditionsreicher Geschichte die Hessin Andrea Ypsilanti immerhin als Fußnote vermerkt werden wird, kaum noch umstritten. Und drittens: Anfang März 2009 sagte ein Bundesvor- standsmitglied der Partei Die Linke, die gerade in Essen ihr Europa-Programm verabschiedet hatte: „Das ist mit Si- 230 „Linksruck“? Deutschlands Parteien in der Weltwirtschaftskrise -
Published As: Jackie Smith and Nicole Doerr, “Democratic Innovation in the U.S
Published as: Jackie Smith and Nicole Doerr, “Democratic Innovation in the U.S. and European Social Forums” in A Handbook of the World Social Forums. J. Smith, S. Byrd, E. Reese, and E. Smythe, Eds. Paradigm Publishers. (2012) Chapter 18 Democratic Innovation in the U.S. and European Social Forums Jackie Smith and Nicole Doerr Democratization is an ongoing, conflict-ridden process, resulting from contestation between social movements and political elites (Markoff 1996; Tilly 1984). The struggle to make elites more accountable to a larger public has produced the democratic institutions with which we are familiar, and it continues to shape and reconfigure these institutions. It also transforms the individuals and organizations involved in social change, generating social movement cultures, norms and practices that evolve over time. In this chapter, we conceptualize the World Social Forum (WSF) process as part of a larger historical struggle over people’s right to participate in decisions that affect their lives. As other contributions to this volume have shown, the WSF has emerged from and brings together a diverse array of social movements, and has become a focal point for contemporary movements struggling against the anti-democratic character of neoliberal globalization. Neoliberalism’s threats to democratic governance result from its expansion of the political and economic authority of international financial institutions like the World Bank, International Monetary Fund, and the World Trade Organization; its hollowing out of national states through privatization, the international debt regime, and international trade policies; its privileging of 1 expert and technocratic knowledge over all other sources of knowledge; and its depoliticization of economic policymaking (Brunelle 2007; Harvey 2005; Markoff 1999; McMichael 2006). -
European Strategies of the New Right - the Example of the FPÖ
European Strategies of the New Right - the example of the FPÖ The European politics of the FPÖ (Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs / Freedom Party of Austria) is not only a mirror of the entire diversity of a quite contradictory and in parts very tactical relationship of the entire New Right towards "Europe". Due to the character of the FPÖ as a populistic mass movement, the European politics of the FPÖ is often characterized by short- and medium-term concerns of realpolitik (= pragmatic politics). On the one hand, the aim is to maximize votes with populistic discourses and actions before elections, on the other to serve the economic interests of the industrialists and business circles that maintain close relations to the party. This may at least give a rough idea of the reasons for the relatively jerky changes and the lack of consistency in the position of the FPÖ towards the European Union. Nevertheless, a careful reading of various FPÖ publications reveals a view of Europe that in spite of variations in the tactical and strategic reflections shows a certain degree of continuity. The position of the FPÖ has to be seen in the context of an ideological evolution of the party which needs to be presented here so that its position on Europe can be situated in an ideological context. Continuities of the "Third Camp" In Austria, the FPÖ represents the so-called "Third Camp" that has evolved in the 19th century as a quite heterogeneous camp between national liberalism and German nationalism and has largely merged, in the 30ies of the 20th century, into the Austrian sections of the NSDAP (National- Sozialistische Deutsche Arbeiter-Partei / National-Socialist German Workers' Party). -
The Social Bases of the Global Justice Movement Some Theoretical Reflections and Empirical Evidence from the First European Social Forum
The Social Bases of the Global Justice Movement Some Theoretical Reflections and Empirical Evidence from the First European Social Forum Donatella della Porta Civil Society and Social Movements United Nations Programme Paper Number 21 Research Institute December 2005 for Social Development This United Nations Research Institute for Social Development (UNRISD) Programme Paper has been produced with the support of the Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation (SDC). UNRISD also thanks the governments of Denmark, Finland, Mexico, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland and the United Kingdom for their core funding. Copyright © UNRISD. Short extracts from this publication may be reproduced unaltered without authorization on condition that the source is indicated. For rights of reproduction or translation, application should be made to UNRISD, Palais des Nations, 1211 Geneva 10, Switzerland. UNRISD welcomes such applications. The designations employed in UNRISD publications, which are in conformity with United Nations practice, and the presentation of material therein do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of UNRISD con- cerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries. The responsibility for opinions expressed rests solely with the author(s), and publication does not constitute endorse- ment by UNRISD. ISSN 1020-8178 Contents Acronyms ii Summary/Résumé/Resumen iii Summary iii Résumé iv Resumen v Introduction 1 1. Social Characteristics of Political Activists: Four Main Hypotheses 1 2. The Global Justice Movement as a “Movement of Movements”? 6 3. Generations of Activists 9 4. Gender in Movements 10 5. New Middle Class and New Social Movements 12 6. -
Considering the Creation of a Domestic Intelligence Agency in the United States
HOMELAND SECURITY PROGRAM and the INTELLIGENCE POLICY CENTER THE ARTS This PDF document was made available CHILD POLICY from www.rand.org as a public service of CIVIL JUSTICE the RAND Corporation. EDUCATION ENERGY AND ENVIRONMENT Jump down to document6 HEALTH AND HEALTH CARE INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS The RAND Corporation is a nonprofit NATIONAL SECURITY research organization providing POPULATION AND AGING PUBLIC SAFETY objective analysis and effective SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY solutions that address the challenges SUBSTANCE ABUSE facing the public and private sectors TERRORISM AND HOMELAND SECURITY around the world. TRANSPORTATION AND INFRASTRUCTURE Support RAND WORKFORCE AND WORKPLACE Purchase this document Browse Books & Publications Make a charitable contribution For More Information Visit RAND at www.rand.org Explore the RAND Homeland Security Program RAND Intelligence Policy Center View document details Limited Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law as indicated in a notice appearing later in this work. This electronic representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for non-commercial use only. Unauthorized posting of RAND PDFs to a non-RAND Web site is prohibited. RAND PDFs are protected under copyright law. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of our research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please see RAND Permissions. This product is part of the RAND Corporation monograph series. RAND monographs present major research findings that address the challenges facing the public and private sectors. All RAND mono- graphs undergo rigorous peer review to ensure high standards for research quality and objectivity. -
Die Kooperation Der PDS Und Der WASG Zur Bundestagswahl 2005
Friedrich-Schiller-Universität Fakultät für Sozial- und Verhaltenswissenschaften Institut für Politikwissenschaft Die Kooperation der PDS und der WASG zur Bundestagswahl 2005 Magisterarbeit zur Erlangung des akademischen Grades MAGISTER ARTIUM (M.A.) Eingereicht von: Erstgutachter: Falk Heunemann PD Dr. Torsten Oppelland Matrikel-Nr.: 26765 Zweitgutachter: geb. am 25. April 1977 PD Dr. Antonius Liedhegener in Rudolstadt Jena, den 15. Januar 2006 II Inhalt I EINLEITUNG ......................................................... 1 1 VORGESCHICHTE.............................................................1 2 FORSCHUNGSSTAND UND QUELLENLAGE........................... 2 3 VORGEHEN..................................................................... 5 II DIE BEZIEHUNG VOR DEM 22. MAI 2005..................6 1 DIE GESCHEITERTE WESTAUSDEHNUNG DER PDS............... 6 2 ENTSTEHUNG DER WASG................................................11 3 GESPRÄCHE ZWISCHEN WASG UND DER PDS BIS ZUR NRW-WAHL......................................................... 18 4 VERGLEICH DER BEIDEN PARTEIEN..................................20 4.1 Programme .................................................................23 4.2 Mitgliederstruktur und Führungspersonal......................... 25 4.3 Finanzen..................................................................... 28 4.4 Anhänger.................................................................... 28 III MÖGLICHKEITEN EINER KOOPERATION.................31 1 RECHTLICHE HÜRDEN FÜR DIE PARTEIEN........................ -
The Black International in Europe from 1945 to the Late 1980S
Political models to make Europe (since modern era) The Black International in Europe from 1945 to the late 1980s Olivier DARD ABSTRACT The subject of a European “Black International” of neo-fascist or neo-Nazi inspiration was very popular among journalists during the “Years of Lead” (1970-1980). Although the European radical Right tried after 1945 to establish a neo-fascist International, known as the European Social Movement, the attempt ended in failure. The absence of a structured organization did not however diminish the important international links present especially from the 1960s to the 1980s. From doctrines with common themes and references to publications in publishing houses, along with radio and press agencies, the European radical Right expressed itself through circulations, networks and transfers. This did not take the form of a “black orchestra” so dear to its detractors during the 1970s, but rather of an informal albeit active International. The Venice conference's signatories: Jean Thiriart, Adolf von Thadden, Oswald Mosley, an unknown person, Giovanni Lanfre. During the 1970s, a series of journalistic essays proclaimed the existence of a “neo-fascist” or “neo-Nazi” International, said to have been formed in the mold of the Organisation armée secrète (OAS) [Secret Army Organization], a terrorist organization that had fought to uphold French Algeria. Its history apparently extended to Europe and Latin America, where this “OAS International” allegedly found supporters and built support bases. Rejecting this vision fuelled on sensationalism does not prevent one from exploring the long-standing relations of the European radical Right at the international level. The interwar period was characterized by an attempt to establish a fascist International (1934 Montreux fascist conference), and the Spanish Civil War saw the arrival of volunteer contingents to fight alongside the Francoists. -
Curriculum Vitae-Hank Johnston
CURRICULUM VITAE HANK JOHNSTON Professor of Sociology Hansen Chair of Peace and Nonviolence Studies Publisher and managing editor, Mobilization: An International Quarterly Department of Sociology 220 Nasatir Hall San Diego State University San Diego, CA 92182-4423 Phone: 619.594.1323, Fax: 619.594.2835 [email protected] EDUCATION Ph.D., Sociology. University of California, San Diego M.B.A., New York University. AREAS OF SPECIALIZATION Social movements and nonviolent protest, with emphasis on civil resistance, peaceful transitions from repressive state regimes, and the violence-nonviolence spiral in ethnonationalist movements. Also, the cultural analysis of mobilization processes. Social change, with emphasis on state building, peaceful democratic transitions, world- systems and globalization theory. Social psychology, with emphasis on symbolic interaction, framing perspectives, discourse analysis, and ethnic conflict/conflict resolution. Comparative ethnic relations, with concentration in minority nationalism, ethnonationalist movements, ethnic relations and state building, both in the U.S. and internationally. ACADEMIC EMPLOYMENT Professor of Sociology, San Diego State University, San Diego, CA 92182-4423. Hansen Chair of Peace and Nonviolence Studies. Courses regularly taught: Social Psychology, Social Movements, Political Sociology, Social Change, Social Theory, Minority Group and Ethnic Relations. New Course: Nonviolence, Peace, and Social Change. Founding Editor and Publisher. Mobilization: An International Quarterly, Department of Sociology, San Diego State University, San Diego, CA. 92182-4423. Mobilization is a highly ranked sociology journal based on citation indices. It has been published contin- uously at the Center for the Study of Social Movements, Department of Sociology, San Diego State University, since 1996. Hank Johnston 2 Series Editor, Mobilization Series on Protest, Social Movements and Culture. -
Another Europe: Conceptions and Practices of Democracy in the European Social Forums/Edited by Donatella Della Porta
Another Europe Given the recent focus on the challenges to representative democracy, and the search for new institutions and procedures that can help to channel increasing participation, this book offers empirical insights on alternative conceptions of democracy and the actors that promote them. With a focus on the conceptions and practices of democracy within contempo- rary social movements in Europe, this volume contributes to the debate on the dif- ferent dimensions of democracy, especially on representation and participation. The book explores the transnational dimension of democracy and addresses a relevant, and little analysed aspect of Europeanization: the Europeanization of social move- ments. From a methodological point of view, the research innovates by covering a group of individuals traditionally neglected in previous studies: social movement activists. The various chapters combine analysis of the individuals’ attitudes and behaviour with that of the organizational characteristics, procedures and practices of democracy. Providing a cross-national comparison on the global justice movement, the theoretical challenges of the new wave of protest and the rich empirical data this book will appeal to students and scholars of sociology, political sociology, social movement studies, and transnational as well as comparative politics. Donatella della Porta is professor of sociology in the Department of Political and Social Sciences at the European University Institute, Italy. Routledge/ECPR studies in European political science Edited by Thomas Poguntke, Ruhr University Bochum, Germany on behalf of the European Consortium for Political Research The Routledge/ECPR Studies in European Political Science series is published in association with the European Consortium for Political Research – the leading organization concerned with the growth and development of political science in Europe. -
Martin Reeh: Linkspartei Nach Leipzig: Auf Zum Letzten Gefecht?
Kommentare und Berichte 9 Martin Reeh Linkspartei nach Leipzig: Auf zum letzten Gefecht? Am Ende lief in Leipzig wieder die In- Grenzen geben sollte und wenn ja, wo ternationale vom Band: „Völker hört sie liegen. Aber warum können wir das die Signale, auf zum letzten Gefecht!“ nicht sachlich tun, ohne Diffamierun- Ein paar Delegierte reckten die Faust, gen?“, fragte Wagenknecht. „Wenn mir während viele schon Richtung Haupt- und anderen Genossinnen und Genos- bahnhof unterwegs waren. Leipzig sen aus den eigenen Reihen Nationa- hatte zwar nicht das letzte Gefecht der lismus, Rassismus und AfD-Nähe vor- Linkspartei gebracht. Aber nach dem geworfen wird, ist das das Gegenteil Göttinger Parteitag von 2012, bei dem einer solidarischen Debatte!“ Gregor Gysi vom „Hass in der Frak- Etwas mehr als die Hälfte des Saa- tion“ gesprochen hatte, wurde in der les klatschte am Ende der Rede, Kip- Messestadt wieder sehr deutlich, dass ping und Riexinger in der ersten Reihe die Linke immer noch nicht gelernt notgedrungen auch. Das Tagungsprä- hat, mit inhaltlichen Unterschieden sidium hatte zu dieser Zeit die Berliner produktiv umzugehen. Landesvorsitzende Katina Schubert in- Fraktionschefin Wagenknecht ge- ne, eine erklärte Gegnerin von Wagen- gen Parteichefin Kipping: So laute- knechts Positionen. Ans Mikrofon trat te schon in den Monaten vor dem Par- Berlins Sozialsenatorin Elke Breiten- teitag die Schlachtanordnung. Für of- bach. Nachfragen zu einer Parteitags- fene Grenzen, gegen offene Gren- rede – ein Novum. „Du ignorierst die zen, für eine Sammlungsbewegung Position der Mehrheit dieser Partei und oder dagegen. Kippings Ko-Parteichef du hast jetzt wieder nachgelegt“, sag- Bernd Riexinger stand etwas weniger te Breitenbach mit aller Schärfe und im Rampenlicht, aber an Kippings Sei- traf damit auf begeisterte Reaktionen te, Ko-Fraktionschef Dietmar Bartsch in der anderen Hälfte der Delegierten. -
The Global Justice and Solidarity Movement and the World Social Forum : a Backgrounder
THE GLOBAL JUSTICE AND SOLIDARITY MOVEMENT AND THE WORLD SOCIAL FORUM : A BACKGROUNDER Peter Waterman he WSF is probably best identified with the recent international wave of protest T known as the 'anti-globalisation movement'. While intimately interrelated with the latter, the WSF is just one emanation of this much more general phenomenon and process. How can these and their inter-relationship be best understood ? It is possible to make a 19th-20th century comparison, with the relationship between trade unions or labour parties on the one hand and 'the labour movement' on the other. But the labour movement, whilst obviously broader and looser than any particular institution, and having international expression, consisted largely of other, primarily national, institutions (co-operatives, women's organisations, publications). The WSF is an essentially international event (or an expanding series of such). And on the other hand, we have an essentially international movement that might not even (yet ?) recognise itself as such. So we are confronted with two new social phenomena — of the period of globalisation, that are both international and global, and that have a novel relationship with each other. The WSF — promoted by an identifiable group of Brazilian, French and other non-governmental organisations, trade unions and individuals — is itself linked organically to the more general movement. This is through an informal Forum event, known as the ‘Call of Social Movements’, which has been attended, and its regular declarations signed, by -
The Autonomy of Struggles and the Self-Management of Squats: Legacies of Intertwined Movements Miguel A
Interface: a journal for and about social movements Article Volume 11 (1): 178 – 199 (July 2019) Martínez, The Autonomy of Struggles The autonomy of struggles and the self-management of squats: legacies of intertwined movements Miguel A. Martínez Abstract How do squatters’ movements make a difference in urban politics? Their singularity in European cities has often been interpreted according to the major notion of ‘autonomy’. However, despite the recent upsurge of studies about squatting (Cattaneo et al. 2014, Katsiaficas 2006, Martínez et al. 2018, Van der Steen et al. 2014), there has not been much clarification of its theoretical, historical and political significance. Autonomism has also been identified as one of the main ideological sources of the recent global justice and anti-austerity movements (Flesher 2014) after being widely diffused among European squatters for more than four decades, which prompts a question about the meaning of its legacy. In this article, I first examine the political background of autonomism as a distinct identity among radical movements in Europe in general (Flesher et al. 2013, Wennerhag et al. 2018), and the squatters in particular—though not often explicitly defined. Secondly, I stress the social, feminist and anti-capitalist dimensions of autonomy that stem from the multiple and specific struggles in which squatters were involved over different historical periods. These aspects have been overlooked or not sufficiently examined by the literature on squatting movements. By revisiting relevant events and discourses of the autonomist tradition linked to squatting in Italy, Germany and Spain, its main traits and some contradictions are presented. Although political contexts indicate different emphases in each case, some common origins and transnational exchanges justify an underlying convergence and its legacies over time.