La IWW. Sus Cien Primeros Años

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La IWW. Sus Cien Primeros Años Fred Thompson y Jon Bekken LOS TRABAJADORES INDUTRIALES DEL MUNDO: SUS PRIMEROS CIEN AÑOS 1905 - 2005 La historia de un esfuerzo por organizar la clase obrera Edición corregida del volumen de 1955, The IWW: Its First Fifty Years (Los IWW: sus cincuenta primeros años), de Fred Thompson, con nuevos capítulos de Jon Bekken sobre la historia de los Trabajadores Industriales del Mundo desde 1955 hasta 2005, y notas bibliográficas que proporcionan fuentes para una mayor exploración de la Historia del IWW. Publicado por los Trabajadores industriales del mundo Cincinnati, Ohio www.iww.org Fotos de la colección de los Indusrial Workers, Archivos de Historia del Trabajo y Asuntos Urbanos de la Universidad Estatal de Wayne. Acerca de la portada: El gato negro se convirtió por primera vez en un icono prominente del IWW en relación con las campañas de la cosecha, simbolizando la acción directa en el trabajo, a veces como "mala suerte para el jefe". Ha sido adoptado por el sindicalismo revolucionario de todo el mundo. Diseño de portada: Alexis Buss. Traducción y edición digital: C. Carretero. [Anotaciones del traductor se incluyen entre paréntesis cuadrados] Difunde: Confederación Sindical Solidaridad Obrera http://www.solidaridadobrera.org/ateneo_nacho/biblioteca.html ÍNDICE PREÁMBULO A LA CONSTITUCIÓN DEL IWW ADELANTE: LA LARGA MEMORIA SOBRE LOS AUTORES 1. ¿POR QUÉ SE CONSTITUYÓ LA IWW? 2. LOS INICIOS (1905-1908) 3. GRANDES LUCHAS DE UN PEQUEÑO SINDICATO (1909-1911) 4. LOS TRABAJADORES TEXTILES 5. EL CRECIMIENTO PREVIO A LA GUERRA 6. “NO QUIERO TRABAJAR PARA LOS LANZABOMBAS” 7. TIEMPOS DIFÍCILES (1914-1915) 8. EL AÑO 1916 9. LA LUCHA CON LOS BENEFICIARIOS DE LA GUERRA 10. LA REVOLUCIÓN A LA VUELTA DE LA ESQUINA 11. PICO, VALLE Y RECUPERACIÓN (1922-1929) 12. EL ESTÍMULO DE LA DEPRESIÓN (1930-1940) 13. LA GUERRA MUNDIAL Y LA GUERRA FRÍA (1941-1955) 14. RECONSTRUCCIÓN DE LA IWW (1955-1985) 15. SINDICALISMO SOLIDARIO BIBLIOGRAFÍA Y FUENTES PARA LA HISTORIA DEL IWW PREÁMBULO A LA CONSTITUCIÓN DE LOS TRABAJADORES INDUSTRIALES DEL MUNDO (Modificado en 1908 y 1999) La clase trabajadora a y la clase empleadora no tienen nada en común. No puede haber paz mientras haya hambre y necesidades entre los millones de trabajadores, y los pocos que conforman la clase empresarial tengan todas las cosas buenas de la vida. Entre estas dos clases, la lucha debe continuar hasta que los trabajadores del mundo se organicen como clase, tomen posesión de los medios de producción, eliminen el sistema salarial y vivan en armonía con la Tierra. Encontramos que centrar la gestión de las industrias en cada vez menos manos hace que los sindicatos no puedan hacer frente al creciente poder de la clase capitalista. Ciertos sindicatos fomentan un estado de cosas que permite que un grupo de trabajadores se enfrente a otro grupo de trabajadores de la misma industria, ayudando así a que los trabajadores se derroten entre sí en las guerras salariales. Además, esos sindicatos ayudan a la clase empresarial a engañar a los trabajadores en la creencia de que la clase obrera tiene intereses en común con sus empleadores. Estas condiciones se pueden cambiar y el interés de la clase trabajadora solo lo puede sostener una organización formada de tal manera que todos sus miembros en cualquier industria, o todas las industrias si es necesario, dejen de trabajar cada vez que se produzca una huelga o cierre patronal en cualquiera de sus departamentos, haciendo así que una lesión a uno sea una lesión a todos. En lugar del lema conservador, "El salario de un día justo por el trabajo de un día justo", debemos inscribir en nuestra pancarta la consigna revolucionaria, "Abolición del sistema salarial". Es la misión histórica de la clase obrera acabar con el capitalismo. El ejército de productores debe organizarse, no solo para la lucha cotidiana con los capitalistas, sino también para continuar con la producción cuando el capitalismo haya sido derrocado. Al organizarnos industrialmente, estamos formando la estructura de la nueva sociedad dentro del núcleo de la antigua. Carnet del IWW ADELANTE: LA LARGA MEMORIA Esta es la historia de los primeros 100 años de la IWW. He sido miembro de este sindicato durante más de 50 de esos años, durante los cuales la he visto crecer, desvanecerse, surgir, derivar, tocar fondo y he podido deleitarme con las victorias. He visto con consternación como una y otra vez se consumía desde dentro, discutiendo sobre lo que en última instancia no era nada. Lo he visto surgir en sorprendentes ataques de solidaridad. Pero a través de todos los altibajos, las dificultades de dirigir una organización con poco dinero, los ataques constantes de los mendicantes de un trozo del pastel y los charlatanes sindicales, y (ya que nunca rechazamos a nadie) la confusión generada por nuestra correspondiente parte de lunáticos autojustificados, sigue habiendo una cosa que nunca presencié: nunca nos vi desaparecer. ¡Simplemente no nos fuimos! Todavía estamos aquí en climas cálidos o ventosos, agitando la bandera roja de la solidaridad, pinchando la burbuja del sindicalismo reformista y afirmando la solidaridad esencial de todos los trabajadores. Este sindicato es increíblemente poderoso, no por nuestros efectivos, sino por nuestras ideas. La Idea no desaparecerá. A menudo he dicho que la larga memoria es la idea más radical del mundo. Los wobblies tenemos esa memoria larga, transmitida año tras año por los ancianos de nuestro sindicato. Ha sido mi alegría y quizás mi salvación a lo largo de los años el buscar y aprender de compañeros de trabajo como Fred Thompson, Jack Miller, Herb Edwards, Minnie Corder y muchos otros más. Cuando era un joven “tambaleante” sin una visión clara de mi propia identidad de clase, compartieron conmigo la esencia de sus vidas, y al compartir me dieron una visión de quién soy y de dónde vengo, eso es más poderoso, más emocionante y en última instancia, más útil que el mejor libro que haya leído. Nunca olvidaré al compañero Jack Miller, después de describir las condiciones de trabajo en el bosque en 1916, diciendo: "Mi sindicato era mi familia y mi religión, mi única razón para seguir viviendo y luchando". La larga memoria; el poder de las ideas; la acción directa; construir la democracia económica donde vivimos y trabajamos porque sabemos que si no podemos construirla allí, la urna más grande del mundo no nos la dará. Eso somos nosotros. Y no nos vamos. Nunca. El año pasado celebramos nuestro centenario en Chicago en un concierto de gala donde me invitaron a hablar. Pensé en los años que pasé discurseando sobre cajas de jabón con Phil Melman en San Francisco, o me sentí cautivado por la oratoria de Frank Cedervall. Estaba sosteniendo en mi interior una visión de su coraje elocuente, su cruda persistencia y la absoluta simplicidad de sus sublimes discursos cuando me levanté y dije: "¡Compañeros! Los Trabajadores Industriales del Mundo organizarán a toda la clase obrera. ¿Qué es la clase obrera, compañeros? La clase obrera es cualquiera que tiene un jefe y trabaja por un salario. Recordad siempre que la clase no se define por el nivel de ingresos, sino por su relación con los medios de producción. Si no posee las herramientas de su producción, si no es dueño de su lugar de trabajo, si todo lo que está haciendo es vender su energía laboral para obtener un cheque al mes, no importa si usted es un profesor universitario o un excavador de zanjas, está en la clase trabajadora y es mejor que esté orgulloso de ello. Porque la clase media es solo una broma hecha por los jefes para mantenernos luchando a unos contra otros. “Ahora, Industrial Workers of the World organizará a la clase trabajadora en un gran sindicato de trabajadores cualificados, semicualificados y no cualificados, organizados por industrias en lugar de por oficios. Mirad, estaba saliendo de un aeropuerto en Portland cuando corrí directamente hacia una línea de piquete. Los asistentes de vuelo de Eastern Airlines estaban en huelga. Dije: '¡Dadme un cartel para el piquete!' Mientras dábamos la vuelta a la acera, les dije a los trabajadores que me rodeaban: 'Miren hacia arriba, pueden ver a los auxiliares de vuelo en su sindicato caminando hacia el trabajo en United y allá en Northwest. ¿Qué pensáis sobre eso? ¿No es eso una unión de esquiroles? ¿Cómo sería si cada trabajador asalariado de cada aerolínea, desde los pilotos hasta los conserjes, perteneciera a un sindicato industrial de trabajadores de una aerolínea internacional? ¿Estarían ustedes en el piquete? ¡No! ¡Incluso podrían terminar compartiendo la gestión de la aerolínea! “Esa es la idea: los sindicatos industriales se unen en un gran sindicato, el OBU (One Big Union, Gran Sindicato Único), y luego, compañeros, la huelga general. Cuando suena el reloj y se escucha la señal, millones de trabajadores se meten las manos en los bolsillos y todo se detiene. Entonces descubrimos por fin quién tiene el poder real. "¿Es el Jefe? [Gritad "¡No!"] “¿Es el Congreso? [Más fuerte "¡No!"] “¿Es el Presidente? [El “¡No!” se escucha alrededor del mundo] “¿Quién tiene el poder? ["Lo tenemos!"] “¿Quién tiene el poder? [“¡¡LO TENEMOS!!”] “¡Poder a la Unión! "¡Gracias!" Así que ahí lo tiene. Lea este libro. Estudielo. Cuente la historia de donde hemos estado. Luego tome lo que ha aprendido y úselo para llevarnos a donde necesitamos estar. Tuyo para el OBU (One Big Union), Utah Phillips, X342908 Utah Phillips SOBRE LOS AUTORES Cuando la primera parte de este volumen se publicó en 1955, varios críticos expresaron su sorpresa de que una "historia oficial" fuera tan sincera. A Fred Thompson, quien lo escribió, le gustaba citar lo que escribió Lissagary en su historia como participante de la Comuna de París: que ensalzar los acontecimientos y omitir lo que puede avergonzar es como darles a los marineros un mapa que deje de mostrar los escollos y arrecifes.
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