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Intra-Party Democracy in Ghana's Fourth Republic
Journal of Power, Politics & Governance December 2014, Vol. 2, No. 3 & 4, pp. 57-75 ISSN: 2372-4919 (Print), 2372-4927 (Online) Copyright © The Author(s). 2014. All Rights Reserved. Published by American Research Institute for Policy Development DOI: 10.15640/jppg.v2n3-4a4 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.15640/jppg.v2n3-4a4 Intra-Party Democracy in Ghana’s Fourth Republic: the case of the New Patriotic Party and National Democratic Congress Emmanuel Debrah1 Abstract It is argued that political parties must be internally democratic in order to promote democracy within society. This article examines the extent to which the two leading Ghanaian political parties, the New Patriotic Party (NPP) and the National Democratic Congress (NDC) that have alternated power, nurtured and promoted democratic practices within their internal affairs. While the parties have democratized channels for decision-making and choosing of leaders and candidates, the institutionalization of patron-client relationships has encouraged elite control, violence and stifled grassroots inclusion, access to information, fair competition and party cohesion. A multifaceted approach including the adoption of deliberative and decentralized decision-making, the mass-voting and vertical accountability would neutralize patronage tendencies for effective intra-party democracy. Keywords: Intra-party democracy; leadership and candidate selection; patronage politics; political parties; Ghana 1. Introduction Ghana made a successful transition from authoritarian to democratic rule in 1992. Since then, democratic governance has been firmly entrenched. Of the forces that have shaped Ghana’s democracy, political parties have been acknowledged (Debrah and Gyimah-Boadi, 2005). They have not only offered the voters choices between competing programs at elections but also provided cohesion to the legislature. -
Parallel Between Vietnam and Afghanistan Wars
Parallel Between Vietnam and Afghanistan Wars Muhammad Karim * Abstract After the announcement of new US strategy for Afghanistan by President Trump’s administration, the Afghan War now resembles that of concluding phase of the Vietnam War. At the end of the Vietnam War, the United States widened the war zone to spread it to Cambodia and Laos. Since last few months, US officials are blaming Pakistan for its failure in Afghanistan. Think Tanks are churning out new studies and reports suggesting tough conditions for Pakistan for its alleged supports for the terrorist groups. President Trump’s Afghan strategy also suggests more pressure on Pakistan and favors sphere of influence for India in Afghanistan. In totality the United States wants to shift its focus towards Pakistan and Afghanistan is largely becoming a side show. The study argues that in overall context of the ground realities, similarities exist in Afghan and Vietnam Wars that may have long term implications for diplomatic, economic and security matrixes of Pakistan. On the face of emerging US policies for the region and prevailing circumstances the research makes an endeavor to foretell next phase of the Afghan War vis-à-vis its implications on Pakistan. Keywords: US military; Afghanistan; Vietnam; Military Strategy; war zones Introduction Parallels between Vietnam and Afghan war are increasingly being drawn in the academic and scholarly debates, particularly with regards to the growing US military presence in Afghanistan. Voices, even within the President Barack Obama's and now President Trump’s own party is advising that the US is risking being drawn into Afghanistan’s quagmire which analogous to the Nixon’s Vietnam and may become Trump’s Vietnam. -
Interstate Peacekeeping: Causal Mechanisms and Empirical Effects
INTERSTATE PEACEKEEPING: CAUSAL MECHANISMS AND EMPIRICAL EFFECTS Virginia Page Fortna* Department of Political Science & Saltzman Institute of War and Peace Studies Columbia University permanent address 420 W. 118th Street New York NY 10027 w. 212 854-0021 h. 212 662-5395 f. 212 864-1686 AY 2004-2005 address Hoover Institution Stanford University Stanford CA 94305 w. 650 723-0746 c. 503 548-7429 f. 650 723-1687 email: [email protected] Version: September 14, 2004 * The author owes debts of gratitude to more people than can be listed here for help and feedback with the project of which this paper is a part. She thanks in particular, Nisha Fazal, Hein Goemans, Lise Howard, Bob Jervis, Bob Keohane, Lisa Martin, Jack Snyder, Alan Stam, Barb Walter, and Suzanne Werner. This research was made possible by grants from the Center for International Security and Cooperation at Stanford, the Carnegie Corporation of New York, and the American Academy of Arts and Sciences. INTERSTATE PEACEKEEPING: CAUSAL MECHANISMS AND EMPIRICAL EFFECTS ABSTRACT Peacekeeping is perhaps the international community’s most important tool for maintaining peace in the aftermath of war. Its practice has evolved significantly in the past ten or fifteen years as it has been used increasingly in civil wars. However, traditional peacekeeping between states is not well understood. Its operation is under-theorized and its effects under-tested. This article explores the causal mechanisms through which peacekeepers keep peace, and examines its empirical effects after interstate wars. To take the endogeneity of peacekeeping into account, it also examines where peacekeepers tend to be deployed. -
Fritts, Robert E
The Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs Oral History Project ROBERT E. FRITTS Interviewed by: Charles Stuart Kennedy Initial interview date: September 8, 1999 Copyright 200 ADST TABLE OF CONTENTS European Affairs 19 9-1962 Luxembourg 1962-1964 To(yo, Japan 196 -1968 East Asian Affairs ,EA-, Japan Des( 1968-19.1 Foreign Service 0nstitute ,FS0-, Economics 1ourse 19.1 Ja(arta, 0ndonesia2 Economic Officer 19.2-19.3 4hartoum, Sudan2 19.3-19.4 4igali, Rwanda 19.4-19.6 East Asian Affairs ,EA- 19.6-19.9 1onsular Affairs ,1A- 19.9-1982 Accra, 7hana 1983-1986 8illiamsburg, 9irginia, The 1ollege of 8illiam and Mary 1986-198. Office of 0nspector 7eneral - Team Leader 198.-1989 INTERVIEW $: Today is the 8th of September 1999. This is an interview with Robert E. Fritts. This is being done on behalf of the Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training, and 1 I'm Charles Stuart Kennedy. Bob and I are old friends. Could you tell me when, where you were born and something about your family- FR0TTS2 0 was born in 1hicago, 0llinois, in 1934. 0 had the good fortune of being raised in the 1hicago suburb of Oa( Par(, then labeled as the "largest village in the world." 0n contrast to a Foreign Service career, we didn't move. 0 went through the entire Oa( Par( public school system ,(-12-. My parents were born and grew up in St. Joseph, 0llinois, a very small town near 1hampaign-Urbana, home of the University of 0llinois. My father, the son of a railroad section trac( foreman, was poor, but wor(ed his way through the University of 0llinois to gain a mechanical engineering degree in 1922. -
Title of Thesis: ABSTRACT CLASSIFYING BIAS
ABSTRACT Title of Thesis: CLASSIFYING BIAS IN LARGE MULTILINGUAL CORPORA VIA CROWDSOURCING AND TOPIC MODELING Team BIASES: Brianna Caljean, Katherine Calvert, Ashley Chang, Elliot Frank, Rosana Garay Jáuregui, Geoffrey Palo, Ryan Rinker, Gareth Weakly, Nicolette Wolfrey, William Zhang Thesis Directed By: Dr. David Zajic, Ph.D. Our project extends previous algorithmic approaches to finding bias in large text corpora. We used multilingual topic modeling to examine language-specific bias in the English, Spanish, and Russian versions of Wikipedia. In particular, we placed Spanish articles discussing the Cold War on a Russian-English viewpoint spectrum based on similarity in topic distribution. We then crowdsourced human annotations of Spanish Wikipedia articles for comparison to the topic model. Our hypothesis was that human annotators and topic modeling algorithms would provide correlated results for bias. However, that was not the case. Our annotators indicated that humans were more perceptive of sentiment in article text than topic distribution, which suggests that our classifier provides a different perspective on a text’s bias. CLASSIFYING BIAS IN LARGE MULTILINGUAL CORPORA VIA CROWDSOURCING AND TOPIC MODELING by Team BIASES: Brianna Caljean, Katherine Calvert, Ashley Chang, Elliot Frank, Rosana Garay Jáuregui, Geoffrey Palo, Ryan Rinker, Gareth Weakly, Nicolette Wolfrey, William Zhang Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the Gemstone Honors Program, University of Maryland, 2018 Advisory Committee: Dr. David Zajic, Chair Dr. Brian Butler Dr. Marine Carpuat Dr. Melanie Kill Dr. Philip Resnik Mr. Ed Summers © Copyright by Team BIASES: Brianna Caljean, Katherine Calvert, Ashley Chang, Elliot Frank, Rosana Garay Jáuregui, Geoffrey Palo, Ryan Rinker, Gareth Weakly, Nicolette Wolfrey, William Zhang 2018 Acknowledgements We would like to express our sincerest gratitude to our mentor, Dr. -
Haji Yusuf Iman Guled
Haji Yusuf Iman Guled Justice and Welfare Party of Somaliland ( UCID ) ⢠Haji Yusuf Iman Guled , former Defense Minister of Somalia and a Business Magnate Premierzy Somalii. 14 lutego 2009 ) ⢠premier - elekt Mohamed Mohamud Guled ( 16 grudnia - 24 grudnia 2008 ) ⢠Omar Abdirashid Circonscription d'Est Gashamo. Zone Degehabur . Son représentant actuel est Abdulkerim Ahmed Guled . Voir aussi ⢠Circonscriptions législatives ( Éthiopie )⢠Conseil Hasan Guled Aptidon. Guled Aptidon Z Wikipedia Hasan Guled Aptidon , Hassan Hasan Guled Aptidon Z Wikipedia Hasan Guled Aptidon , Has Saida Ismail is the daughter of Haji Bashir Ismail Yusuf, the first President of the Somali National Assembly during Somalia's early civilian administration. Her brother, Abdullahi Haji Bashir Ismail, is a Deputy Director-General of Somali Immigration & Naturalization, One of the high rank Senior Somali Administration Officers, as well as a writer of Politics and History. Ismail later also entered politics, serving as Vice-Minister of Finance in the Transitional National Government (TNG) between 2000 and 2004. Haji Yusuf Iman Guled (Somali: Xaaji Yuusuf Imaan Guleed, Arabic: Øاجي يوس٠إيمان جوليد) was a Somali politician. Biography. Guled was raised in Somalia. He served as the newly independent country's Minister of Defence during the 1960s, and was a key figure in the nation's early civilian administration.[1] [2]. See also. Haji Bashir Ismail Yusuf. Osman Haji. References. Europa Publications Limited, The Middle East: a survey and directory of the countries of the Middle East, (Europa Publications., 1967). Haji Yusuf Iman Guled was a Somali politician. -
War As a Constitutive Moment
Dodging a Bullet: Democracy’s Gains in Modern War* Paul Starr That war drives state-building is virtually a truism of historical sociology, summed up in the late Charles Tilly’s well-known aphorism that states make war, and war makes states. (Tilly, 1990) But if war and state-building merely reinforce each other, why have liberal democracies flourished and proliferated during the past two centuries when war reached unprecedented dimensions? Why not militaristic autocracies? What role, if any, has war played in the formation and spread of liberal democratic regimes? To raise these questions is not to suggest that war is one of democracy’s primary causes, but rather to ask how democracy and, more particularly, liberal democracy dodged a bullet--a bullet that, according to many ancient and plausible theories, might well been fatal. The belief that democracy is a liability in war has been a staple of political thought, beginning with Thucydides. If liberalism and democracy had been sources of severe military disadvantage during the past two centuries, liberal democratic regimes should have perished in wars as they were conquered and eliminated by other states, or when their own populations rose up to overthrow them in the wake of defeat, or because they were forced to abandon their institutions in order to survive. That this was not their fate suggests a range of possibilities. At a minimum, their institutions have not been a disabling handicap in war, and no consistent relationship may exist between war and democracy. Alternatively, war may have contributed to the spread of democratic regimes if democracy itself or features correlated with democracy have increased the chances of a regime’s survival in war, or if war has promoted changes favorable to democratic institutions. -
Russia's Role in the Horn of Africa
Russia Foreign Policy Papers “E O” R’ R H A SAMUEL RAMANI FOREIGN POLICY RESEARCH INSTITUTE • RUSSIA FOREIGN POLICY PAPERS 1 All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. Author: Samuel Ramani The views expressed in this report are those of the author alone and do not necessarily reflect the position of the Foreign Policy Research Institute, a non-partisan organization that seeks to publish well-argued, policy- oriented articles on American foreign policy and national security priorities. Eurasia Program Leadership Director: Chris Miller Deputy Director: Maia Otarashvili Editing: Thomas J. Shattuck Design: Natalia Kopytnik © 2020 by the Foreign Policy Research Institute July 2020 OUR MISSION The Foreign Policy Research Institute is dedicated to producing the highest quality scholarship and nonpartisan policy analysis focused on crucial foreign policy and national security challenges facing the United States. We educate those who make and influence policy, as well as the public at large, through the lens of history, geography, and culture. Offering Ideas In an increasingly polarized world, we pride ourselves on our tradition of nonpartisan scholarship. We count among our ranks over 100 affiliated scholars located throughout the nation and the world who appear regularly in national and international media, testify on Capitol Hill, and are consulted by U.S. government agencies. Educating the American Public FPRI was founded on the premise that an informed and educated citizenry is paramount for the U.S. -
Wars Since 1945: an Introduction
Wars since 1945: An Introduction Beatrice Heuser1 While most Europeans lived through an exceptionally peaceful period of histo- ry, termed ‘The Long Peace’ by John Lewis Gaddis,2 the populations of other continents were decidedly less fortunate. What was a ‘Cold War’ for the Euro- peans was anything but ‘cold’ for the Koreans, Vietnamese, Cambodians and Laotians, for most Arab peoples, the Afghans, Pakistanis, Bangladeshis, and Indians, the populations of the Congo, Kenya, Nigeria, Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, Ethiopia, Somalia and Eritrea, and of most of Latin America. How, then, can one be so sanguine as to characterise this period as that of a ‘Cold War’ or a ‘long peace’? The reason is that the long-expected Third World War has not (yet?) taken place. It was the prospect of such a Third World War, a ‘total’ and in all probability nuclear war, that attracted the attention of con- cerned minds in Europe and North America, the cultures that over centuries produced most publications on the subjects of war, strategy, military affairs and international relations. 1. An overview Admittedly, Americans, Britons, Frenchmen, Belgians, Portuguese and the Dutch were soon reminded of the existence of a world outside the Europe- centric East-West conflict. Almost immediately after the end of the Second World War, Britain and France became involved in decolonisation wars in Asia and Africa, and America woke up to the enduring reality of lesser wars with Korea. American strategists like Robert Osgood turned to Clausewitzian con- cepts to define these: they called them ‘limited wars’, since no nuclear weapons were used, and because they did not escalate to global war.3 While many of them recognised the continuing occurrence of such non-nuclear, non-global wars, Americans (and indeed Britons and Frenchmen) tended to see them as part of the larger framework of the Cold War. -
Ngo Insecurity in High-Risk Conflict Zones: the Politicization of Aid and Its Impact on “Humanitarian Space”
NGO INSECURITY IN HIGH-RISK CONFLICT ZONES: THE POLITICIZATION OF AID AND ITS IMPACT ON “HUMANITARIAN SPACE” by JOHN “DAVID” F. MITCHELL B.A., George Mason University, 2008 M.S., George Mason University, 2010 AN ABSTRACT OF A DISSERTATION submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Security Studies College of Arts and Sciences KANSAS STATE UNIVERSITY Manhattan, Kansas 2016 Abstract Attacks against nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in high-risk conflict zones have increased exponentially over the last two decades. However, the few existing empirical studies on NGO insecurity have tended to focus on external factors influencing attacks, with little attention paid to the actions of aid workers themselves. To fill this gap, this dissertation theorizes that aid workers may have contributed to their own insecurity by engaging in greater political action. Both quantitative and qualitative methods are used to assess the impact of political activity by NGOs on the insecurity of aid workers. The quantitative analyses test the theory at two levels. The first is a large-N country-level analysis of 117 nations from 1999 to 2015 using panel corrected standard errors. The second is a subnational-level statistical analysis of four case studies: Afghanistan, Iraq, Somalia, and Colombia from 2000 to 2014. Both the country- and provincial- level analyses show that the magnitude of aid tends to be a significant determinant of aid worker security. The qualitative methods of “structured-focused comparison” and “process tracing” are used to analyze the four cases. Results show that aid workers are most likely to be victims of politically-motivated attacks while in-transit. -
Research Collection
Research Collection Journal Issue Edouard Brunner ou la diplomatie du possible Actes du colloque en son souvenir Genève, 24 juin 2008 Publication Date: 2011 Permanent Link: https://doi.org/10.3929/ethz-a-006329167 Rights / License: In Copyright - Non-Commercial Use Permitted This page was generated automatically upon download from the ETH Zurich Research Collection. For more information please consult the Terms of use. ETH Library ZÜRCHER BEITRÄGE ZUR SICHERHEITSPOLITIK NR. 82 82 ZB NR. CSS ETH Zurich Das Center for Security Studies (CSS) der ETH Zürich wurde 1986 gegründet und befasst sich in Lehre, Forschung und Dienstleistung mit Fragen der schweizeri- EDOUARD BRUNNER schen und internationalen Sicherheitspolitik. Zu den Forschungsschwerpunkten gehören neue Risiken, europäische und transatlantische Sicherheitspolitik, Strategie OU LA DIPLOMATIE DU POSSIBLE und Doktrin, Staatenzerfall und Staatenaufbau sowie schweizerische Aussen- und Sicherheitspolitik. Das CSS leitet das International Relations and Security Network ACTES DU COLLOQUE EN SON SOUVENIR (ISN). Es verfügt über ein breites Netzwerk aus nationalen und internationalen Partnerorganisationen und ist Mitglied des Center for Comparative and International GENÈVE, 24 JUIN 2008 Studies (CIS) der ETH und der Universität Zürich. Zürcher Beiträge zur Sicherheitspolitik. Diese Publikationsreihe umfasst Beiträge zu Fragen der schweizerischen Aussen- und Sicherheitspolitik und der internationalen Sicherheitspolitik sowie der Konfliktforschung. Die Arbeiten beruhen auf einem zeit- gemässen -
Refugee Exodus from Somalia: Revisiting the Causes Hassan A
Refugee Exodus from Somalia: Revisiting the Causes Hassan A. Mohamed Rhmc? needed to be rescued from themselves Cet article se propose d'exarniner les causes du conflit Somalien qui a (Rakia 1992). provoque l'exode de plus de deux millions de rkfugies. Par une approche It is unfortunate that the discourse historique du developpement de la tra@die, l'auteur offre une perspective on the crisis in Somalia has so far ig- plus complexe et tres differente de celle offerte par les medias qui se nored the complex historical develop- cantonnent dans des discussions simplistes et superficielles des symptbmes ment of the tragedy. Abdi Samatar actuels. Pour Hassan Mohammed, les causes de la crise Somalienne sont liees (1992, 626) aptly described the prob- Bun processus de desintegration de la societe civile et de ses valeurs sociales, lem: culturelleset politiques, une desintegration qui resulte de quatre evhements One of the casualties of the gruesome historiques: le decoupage de la nation et du territoire Somalien en plusieurs nightmare that is gripping Somalia entites; l'impact de la guerre froide; l'imposition de systemes politique, has been the capacity to thinkhistori- culture1 et educatif &rangers B la culture Somalienne; et enfin, la manipula- cally and systematically about the nature of the malady, and to find tion et l'exploitation des divisions claniques par l'elite politique afin de practical ways of controlling the demeurer au pouvoir. present in order to build a more sus- tainable future. Introduction stream explanations. The severity of the crisis in Somalia was largely un- The failure of "Operation Restore The most recent and probably the larg- known to the outside world prior to Hope" is an apt illustration of this est refugee exodus in the history of the the televised images of starving multi- point; the good intentionsof the opera- Horn of Africa started in Somalia in tudes and marauding armed young- tion made many innocent Somalis vic- 1988.